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Motives for Women’s Participation in Military Conflicts: The Ukrainian Case 妇女参与军事冲突的动机:乌克兰案例
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.15388/polit.2021.103.3
Miglė Lapėnaitė
This article analyzes the motives for direct (in military actions) and non-direct (in administrative or military support actions) participation of Ukrainian women in the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian military conflict that began in 2014. It aims to reveal the motives that have led pro-Ukrainian women to take part in defending their country by allowing the participants of the study to speak for themselves. The article draws on twenty (20) e-interviews with women who were involved in the war in Ukraine and five (5) semi-structured interviews with people who due to their professional activities were able to observe the conflict from the inside (journalists, NGO workers, and war photographers), as well as secondary sources available. Content analysis of the interview data was implemented. The article identifies four main motives for participation in war: patriotism, grievances, personal loss and suffering, and women’s empowerment. This information corresponds with similar studies conducted elsewhere in the region.
本文分析了乌克兰妇女直接(在军事行动中)和非直接(在行政或军事支持行动中)参与2014年开始的俄乌军事冲突的动机。它旨在通过让研究参与者为自己说话来揭示导致亲乌克兰女性参与保卫国家的动机。这篇文章借鉴了对参与乌克兰战争的妇女的二十(20)次电子采访,以及对因其专业活动而能够从内部观察冲突的人(记者、非政府组织工作人员和战地摄影师)的五(5)次半结构化采访,以及现有的次要来源。对访谈数据进行了内容分析。文章确定了参与战争的四个主要动机:爱国主义、不满、个人损失和痛苦以及赋予妇女权力。这一信息与该区域其他地方进行的类似研究一致。
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引用次数: 0
The Process of Deterioration of Liberal Democracy in the Visegrad Group Countries: Institutional Perspective 维谢格拉德集团国家自由民主恶化的过程:制度视角
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-10 DOI: 10.15388/polit.2021.103.2
S. Kubas
Contemporary changes of liberal democracy affect different countries of the world. The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, known as the Visegrad Group countries (V4), are among them. Although the countries seemed to be on a good way to consolidated democracy, about a decade ago the first symptoms of deterioration of liberal democracy became apparent. In the text, attention is focused on the institutional level, which should resist certain challenges in mature democracies. The institutions in V4 were weak and liable to be subordinated by strong political leaders and populist parties, and not strong enough to fight off illiberal tendencies. The analysis reveals that Poland and Hungary were more prone to compromise liberal democratic achievements, while the Czech Republic and Slovakia less so. This paper answers the questions of the institutional causes behind the deterioration of liberal democracy and the effects it brings.
自由民主的当代变化影响着世界上不同的国家。被称为维谢格拉德集团国家(V4)的捷克共和国、匈牙利、波兰和斯洛伐克也在其中。尽管这些国家似乎正走在巩固民主的良好道路上,但大约十年前,自由民主恶化的最初症状变得明显。在案文中,注意力集中在制度层面,这一层面应能抵御成熟民主国家的某些挑战。V4中的机构很弱,容易被强大的政治领导人和民粹主义政党所服从,而且不够强大,无法抵御非自由倾向。分析表明,波兰和匈牙利更倾向于妥协自由民主的成就,而捷克和斯洛伐克则不那么倾向于妥协。本文回答了自由民主恶化背后的制度原因及其带来的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Dominating Concepts of Russian Federation Propaganda Against Ukraine (Content and Collocation Analyses of Russia Today) 俄罗斯反乌克兰宣传的主导观念(《今日俄罗斯》内容与搭配分析)
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-12 DOI: 10.15388/polit.2021.102.4
N. Karpchuk, B. Yuskiv
The Russian Federation has been carrying out long-term and successful disinformation and propaganda activities against Ukraine. Due to its powerful, state-supported media structures, it is able to impose its vision of reality on its respective audiences. The purpose of this article is to determine the lexemes and topics of the “landscape” of analytical reports produced by Russia Today (RT) in 2018–2020. Lexemes and topics lay the groundwork for the RT propaganda discourse aimed at interfering and disbalancing Ukraine’s media space. This paper, based on quantitative and qualitative analysis, focuses on (1) the vocabulary structure of analytical materials, which may indicate Russian priorities, and (2) the thematic content (hidden topics) of RT messages. The RT analytical reports titles and relevant metadata were analyzed. The body of data was subdivided into periods of presidencies of P. Poroshenko and V. Zelensky. The authors argue that personalities do not play a significant role in the Kremlin’s attitude toward Ukraine; only the Ukraine-Russia opposition is decisive, in which the RF assigns Ukraine the only acceptable role as Russia’s “puppet.”
俄罗斯联邦一直在对乌克兰进行长期和成功的造谣和宣传活动。由于其强大的、国家支持的媒体结构,它能够将自己对现实的看法强加给各自的受众。本文的目的是确定今日俄罗斯(RT)在2018-2020年制作的分析报告的“景观”的词汇和主题。词汇和话题为旨在干预和破坏乌克兰媒体空间平衡的RT宣传话语奠定了基础。本文在定量和定性分析的基础上,重点研究(1)分析材料的词汇结构,这可能表明俄语的优先级;(2)RT消息的主题内容(隐藏话题)。分析RT分析报告标题和相关元数据。这些数据被细分为波罗申科和泽伦斯基的总统任期。作者认为,性格在克里姆林宫对乌克兰的态度中并不起重要作用;只有乌克兰和俄罗斯的反对派是决定性的,在这个反对派中,俄罗斯联邦把乌克兰作为俄罗斯的“傀儡”,这是唯一可以接受的角色。
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引用次数: 2
All Different, Yet All the Same? The Place of New Parties in Lithuanian Party System 完全不同,但都一样?新党在立陶宛政党体系中的地位
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-12 DOI: 10.15388/polit.2021.102.3
Paulius Skirkevičius
One of the prominent feature of the Lithuanian party system is constant success of new parties. Based on political parties’ programmatic stances, this article investigates the place of these new parties in the Lithuanian party system. Using three different metrics (place in two-dimensional political spectrum, programmatic differences, nicheness), article aims at locating new parties in the party system as well as finding common denominators in party programmatic stances, which could let to assign new parties to the specific type of political parties. Analysis reveals that even though one cannot say, that all new parties are totally the same, there are common features that defines these parties (central position in the political spectrum, lack of clear programmatic niche, stressing common political issue, which separates them from traditional parties).
立陶宛政党制度的一个突出特点是新政党不断取得成功。基于政党的纲领立场,本文考察了这些新政党在立陶宛政党体系中的地位。文章使用三种不同的衡量标准(在二维政治光谱中的位置、纲领性差异、微小性),旨在定位政党系统中的新政党,并找到政党纲领性立场的共同点,从而将新政党分配给特定类型的政党。分析表明,尽管不能说所有新政党都是完全相同的,但这些政党都有共同的特点(在政治光谱中的中心地位,缺乏明确的纲领定位,强调共同的政治问题,这将它们与传统政党区分开来)。
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引用次数: 0
Politologai apie „Politologiją“ ir jos politologiją. Diskusija išėjus 100-ajam numeriui 政治学家对政治学和政治学的思考:100周年后的辩论
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-12 DOI: 10.15388/polit.2021.102.5
Justinas Dementavičius
Pažymint 100-ąjį „Politologijos“ numerį, nuotoliniu būdu įvyko pasikalbėjimas apie „Politologijos“ praeitį, dabartį ir galimas ateitis. Diskusijoje dalyvavo pirmasis „Politologijos“ vyriausiasis redaktorius prof. Lauras Bielinis, pastaraisiais metais ją redagavęs prof. Tomas Janeliūnas ir prof. Ainė Ramonaitė, neseniai dalyvavusi tyrime, kuriame buvo lyginami Vakarų ir Vidurio Rytų Europos politikos mokslų žurnalai. Diskusiją vedė naujasis „Politologijos“ vyriausiasis redaktorius Justinas Dementavičius.
《政治学》的第一任主编是Lauras Bielinis教授,他近年来由Tom Janeliún教授和Tom Janeliiún先生出版了这本书。AinïRamonaitï女士最近参与了一项比较西欧和中东欧政策科学期刊的研究。这次讨论由新任政治学总编辑Dementavičius先生主持。
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引用次数: 0
The Phenomenon of the Freedom Party: the Effect of Newness or the Beginning of a New Value Cleavage? 自由党现象:新颖性的影响还是新价值分裂的开始?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-18 DOI: 10.15388/polit.2021.102.1
Ainė Ramonaitė
The article analyzes the reasons of success of the Freedom Party in the 2020 Seimas elections. The case of Freedom Party is particularly interesting as it did not appeal to the median voter like previous new parties, but took a clearly liberal stance on such vulnerable issues (in rather conservative Lithuanian society) as LGBT rights. The article examines several probable accounts of the success story of the party: the newness of the party, the value shift in the society and the realignment of the voters. The article employs the data of the 2020 post-election survey and other relevant data sets. The analysis revealed that the effect of novelty contributed somewhat to the success of the Freedom Party, but the main reason for its good performance was the ability to mobilize liberal-minded voters, the number of which increased significantly compared to the 2016 Seimas elections. The party was able not only to take advantage of the changing values of the new generation, but also to consolidate liberal-minded voters who were previously dispersed. The results of the analysis suggest that attitudes on the conservatism–liberalism dimension have become an important factor determining party preferences in Lithuania, while so far, the only significant cleavage in Lithuania was based on different attitudes towards Russia and the Soviet past.
本文分析了自由党在2020年议会选举中获胜的原因。自由党的情况特别有趣,因为它不像以前的新政党那样吸引中间选民,但在LGBT权利等脆弱问题上(在相当保守的立陶宛社会)采取了明显的自由立场。这篇文章探讨了几个可能解释该党成功故事的原因:该党的新颖性、社会价值观的转变和选民的重新定位。本文采用了2020年大选后调查数据和其他相关数据集。分析结果显示,虽然“新颖性”对自由党的成功起到了一定的作用,但与2016年议会选举相比,具有明显增加倾向的自由派选民的动员能力是自由党取得成功的主要原因。该党不仅能够利用新一代价值观的变化,而且还能够巩固以前分散的自由派选民。分析结果表明,对保守主义-自由主义维度的态度已成为决定立陶宛政党偏好的重要因素,而到目前为止,立陶宛唯一的重大分歧是基于对俄罗斯和苏联历史的不同态度。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of Emotions in Mobilization of Society to Fight Climate Change: Constructing Emotional State to Inspire Mass Movement 情绪在动员社会应对气候变化中的作用:构建情绪状态以激发群众运动
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.15388/POLIT.2021.101.3
Neringa Mataitytė
How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg’s case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed’s theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper’s theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg’s climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg’s speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.
情绪如何有助于动员国际社会加入反对气候变化的大规模抗议活动?尽管表面上说抗议活动充满了各种情绪是很常见的,但目前尚不清楚情绪是如何在国际层面上成为集体的,以及它们如何确保大规模动员的传播。这篇研究论文考察了情绪集体化的过程,以及它如何解释国际气候变化罢工情况下的大规模动员。本文提出了一个问题,即在格蕾塔·桑伯格的案例中,如何有利地构建情感环境,以动员国际社会加入气候变化罢工,并旨在揭示群体情感如何在成功的国际动员中发挥重要作用。基于Sarah Ahmed的情感文化政治理论和James M.Jasper将情感与社会运动联系起来的理论,假设特定的情感被传播是为了创造一个独特的情感环境,从而激励国际社会加入桑伯格的气候罢工。情感话语分析显示,桑伯格的演讲充满了情感潜力,在全球社会中引发了恐惧、愤怒和希望等反应性情绪,并建立了一个基于不公正的问题框架,以及政治精英和全球社会之间的二分法。本研究通过更深入地探索情感的集体化,为国际关系中的情感研究领域做出了贡献,并将情感的文化政治理论扩展到对大众动员等国际政治现象的解释。
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引用次数: 0
Transitional Justice in Rwanda: Analysis of Reconciliation Initiatives in Musha Village 卢旺达过渡时期司法:对穆沙村和解倡议的分析
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.15388/POLIT.2021.101.4
Urtė Jakubėnaitė
The article examines how reconciliation is perceived at the individual level. This particular case study analyses what types of reconciliation practices exist in Musha village and whether or not the inhabitants see it as effective ones. In an attempt to investigate the reconciliation definition from the local people’s perspective and to observe their community-level experiences, ethnographic fieldwork in Rwanda has been conducted. This study reveals that locals understand reconciliation in the same way as the government authorities proclaim. Data gathered during this field trip indicate the significance of reconciliation as controlled by the national government. As a consequence, the people are not able, and at the same time, are not really concerned about rethinking reconciliation in other possible ways. Furthermore, this concludes the fact that the central authorities have become able to peacefully construct the narrative of forced reconciliation, while social exclusion in the country still robustly prevails.
这篇文章探讨了如何在个人层面上看待和解。这一具体案例研究分析了Musha村存在哪些类型的和解做法,以及居民是否认为这种做法有效。为了从当地人民的角度调查和解的定义,并观察他们在社区一级的经历,在卢旺达进行了民族志实地调查。这项研究表明,当地人对和解的理解与政府当局宣称的一样。这次实地考察期间收集的数据表明,和解在国家政府的控制下具有重要意义。因此,人民无法,同时也不真正关心以其他可能的方式重新思考和解。此外,这就得出结论,即中央当局已经能够和平构建强迫和解的叙事,而该国的社会排斥仍然盛行。
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引用次数: 0
The (De)Legitimisation of Lithuanian Opposition to Ostrovets Nuclear Power Plant Through International Atomic Energy Agency 通过国际原子能机构使立陶宛反对奥斯特罗韦茨核电站合法化
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-28 DOI: 10.15388/POLIT.2020.100.4
J. Juozaitis
Lithuanian foreign policy perceives International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as an organization with the most significant authority in nuclear safety, capable of assessing Ostrovets NPP's compliance with international nuclear safety standards objectively. Simultaneously, the IAEA is one of the most important international institutions through which Lithuania sought to reveal the shortcomings of the Ostrovets NPP while attempting to legitimize its critical position towards the power plant. Given the relevance of IAEA in Lithuanian foreign policy, the article examines IAEA's public discourse on nuclear energy in Belarus. It aims to assess its role in the process of legitimizing Lithuania's opposition to Ostrovets NPP. After analyzing the IAEA’s leadership statements, the official press releases and the reports published by the peer-review missions during 2007 – 2020, the paper concludes that the IAEA formed a public discourse that exclusively favoured Belarus and significantly contradicted to Lithuania's official position. In this way, the IAEA did not legitimize Lithuania's foreign policy towards Ostrovets NPP. On the contrary, the organization supported nuclear energy development in Belarus. In relation with the findings, the paper provides three suggestions for reshaping the role of IAEA in Lithuanian foreign policy.
立陶宛外交政策认为,国际原子能机构(IAEA)是一个在核安全方面拥有最重要权威的组织,能够客观评估奥斯特罗韦茨核电站遵守国际核安全标准的情况。与此同时,原子能机构是立陶宛试图揭露奥斯特罗韦茨核电站缺点的最重要的国际机构之一,同时试图使其对该发电厂的关键地位合法化。鉴于原子能机构在立陶宛外交政策中的相关性,本文审查了原子能机构关于白俄罗斯核能的公开讨论。它旨在评估其在使立陶宛反对奥斯特罗韦茨核电站合法化过程中的作用。在分析了原子能机构的领导声明、官方新闻稿和同行评审团在2007-2020年期间发表的报告后,该文件得出结论,原子能机构形成了一种完全偏袒白俄罗斯的公开言论,与立陶宛的官方立场极为矛盾。通过这种方式,国际原子能机构没有使立陶宛对奥斯特罗韦茨核电站的外交政策合法化。相反,该组织支持白俄罗斯的核能发展。关于调查结果,该文件为重塑原子能机构在立陶宛外交政策中的作用提出了三点建议。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Constitutional Replacements on the Quality of Democracy in Latin America 拉丁美洲宪法更替对民主质量的影响
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-28 DOI: 10.15388/polit.2020.99.4
Orestas Strauka
The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.  
本文旨在评估宪法更替是否以及如何影响拉丁美洲国家的民主质量。运用模糊集定性比较分析法对18个拉美国家进行了分析。新宪法第九条的目的即是将新宪政时期划入新宪政时期。结果表明,宪法替代既不是民主质量的充分条件,也不是必要条件。相反,简约的解决方案表明,民主的质量可以用高教育水平和宪法替代倒置、宪法替代倒置、制度化的政党制度和非同质社会来解释。对民主质量反转的分析表明,宪法更替与其他条件一起构成民主质量反转的充分条件。
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引用次数: 0
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Politologija
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