Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.15388/polit.2023.110.1
Marius Kalanta
The paper contributes to further advancing research on the middle-income trap in the Baltic States. It argues, first, that while the Baltic States have already surpassed income levels associated with the middle-income trap and continue converging with advanced economies, they still might face risks of the middle-income trap defined as a difficulty to move into higher value-added positions of the value chain. Second, the paper demonstrates that over the course of recent transformations, growth models of the Baltic States have become increasingly divergent with differences between Estonia and Lithuania being most pronounced. Third, it is argued, that growth model differences also imply different risks associated with the middle-income trap. Estonia faces a risk that its leapfrogging into specialisation of ICT-based services remains premature and incapable to deliver productivity levels comparable to those of advanced economies. Yet, Lithuania faces a risk of being incapable to upgrade its large manufacturing sector. Instead, it risks continuously sustaining labour-intensive export-led growth and further taking advantage of cost-competitiveness by diversifying into new industries while still performing lower value-added activities in them.
{"title":"Middle-Income Trap and the Baltic States: Common Challenges, Different Strategies*","authors":"Marius Kalanta","doi":"10.15388/polit.2023.110.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2023.110.1","url":null,"abstract":"The paper contributes to further advancing research on the middle-income trap in the Baltic States. It argues, first, that while the Baltic States have already surpassed income levels associated with the middle-income trap and continue converging with advanced economies, they still might face risks of the middle-income trap defined as a difficulty to move into higher value-added positions of the value chain. Second, the paper demonstrates that over the course of recent transformations, growth models of the Baltic States have become increasingly divergent with differences between Estonia and Lithuania being most pronounced. Third, it is argued, that growth model differences also imply different risks associated with the middle-income trap. Estonia faces a risk that its leapfrogging into specialisation of ICT-based services remains premature and incapable to deliver productivity levels comparable to those of advanced economies. Yet, Lithuania faces a risk of being incapable to upgrade its large manufacturing sector. Instead, it risks continuously sustaining labour-intensive export-led growth and further taking advantage of cost-competitiveness by diversifying into new industries while still performing lower value-added activities in them.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48026666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.109.5
Dovydas Rogulis
-
-
{"title":"Loo, Bernard F.W., ed. Strategy and Defence Policy for Small States: Problems and Prospects. World Scientific, 2021.","authors":"Dovydas Rogulis","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.109.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.109.5","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>-</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42023497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-29DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.109.4
Valda Budreckaitė
This article explores what is told about the supposed “collapse” of the collective farms in Lithuania, how is the negative connotation explained, and how is it attuned to the negative understanding of collectivization and collective farms in general. Relying on the theoretical literature dedicated to narrative and trauma, a scheme of cultural trauma narrative is formulated as a conceptual tool. Through narrative analysis of qualitative interviews collected in Panevėžys, Jonava, and their vicinities in 2021, it is demonstrated that the collective farm of early Soviet times is seen negatively, but the collective farm of late Soviet times is defined as a consistent unit. During transformation, this unit is suddenly disintegrated. Ordinary people are defined as the main victims. The named perpetrators can be divided into two groups. The first one is local people: the former chairs of the collective farms and other local leaders are mostly mentioned, as well as the “smarter ones” (“gudresnieji”). The second group is comprised of National government and Vytautas Landsbergis (personally); they are assigned a fatal role. A group of “critics” has been analytically distinguished. These informants have been harshly critical of collective farms regardless of times and distanced themselves from parlance regarding the “collapse” of collective farms. However, some of the “critics” repeated some elements of the cultural trauma narrative.
{"title":"Behind the Saying “Landsbergis Destroyed the Collective Farms”: Transformation of Agriculture from the Perspective of Cultural Trauma Narrative","authors":"Valda Budreckaitė","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.109.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.109.4","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores what is told about the supposed “collapse” of the collective farms in Lithuania, how is the negative connotation explained, and how is it attuned to the negative understanding of collectivization and collective farms in general. Relying on the theoretical literature dedicated to narrative and trauma, a scheme of cultural trauma narrative is formulated as a conceptual tool. Through narrative analysis of qualitative interviews collected in Panevėžys, Jonava, and their vicinities in 2021, it is demonstrated that the collective farm of early Soviet times is seen negatively, but the collective farm of late Soviet times is defined as a consistent unit. During transformation, this unit is suddenly disintegrated. Ordinary people are defined as the main victims. The named perpetrators can be divided into two groups. The first one is local people: the former chairs of the collective farms and other local leaders are mostly mentioned, as well as the “smarter ones” (“gudresnieji”). The second group is comprised of National government and Vytautas Landsbergis (personally); they are assigned a fatal role. A group of “critics” has been analytically distinguished. These informants have been harshly critical of collective farms regardless of times and distanced themselves from parlance regarding the “collapse” of collective farms. However, some of the “critics” repeated some elements of the cultural trauma narrative.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45527732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-23DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.109.3
Karolis Jonutis, Algirdas Davidavičius
Although it is often argued that left/right distinction in modern politics doesn’t matter anymore, yet public discourse is still full of references addressed to ideologically named opponents. The aim of this paper is to analyze how conception of left-wing ideology (its characteristics and contextualization) in Lithuanian public right-wing discourse is constructed to form coherent discourse of imaginary left. Ervin Goffman’s and Marvin Minsky’s frame analysis theoretical perspective is used to analyze framing of left-wing discourse in three levels: meta-, mezzo- and micro-. Discourse analysis method is used in research.
{"title":"“Apostles of the Liberalmarxism”: Framing of the “Left” in the Right-wing Lithuanian Discourse","authors":"Karolis Jonutis, Algirdas Davidavičius","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.109.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.109.3","url":null,"abstract":"Although it is often argued that left/right distinction in modern politics doesn’t matter anymore, yet public discourse is still full of references addressed to ideologically named opponents. The aim of this paper is to analyze how conception of left-wing ideology (its characteristics and contextualization) in Lithuanian public right-wing discourse is constructed to form coherent discourse of imaginary left. Ervin Goffman’s and Marvin Minsky’s frame analysis theoretical perspective is used to analyze framing of left-wing discourse in three levels: meta-, mezzo- and micro-. Discourse analysis method is used in research.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41462495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-20DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.109.2
Ainė Ramonaitė, Paulius Vijeikis
The article analyses how Lithuanian inhabitants remember and assess the post-communist transformation and searches for the narratives that can be interpreted through the lens of modernization theories. The paper draws on a dataset of 43 biographical interviews collected in 2021 in Panevėžys city and Panevėžys district. Employing the method of thematic narrative analysis, four dominant narratives of post-soviet transformation were identified: “demodernization”, “real modernization”, “continuation of neo-traditionalism” and“continuation of modernity”. In the narrative of “demodernization”, the Soviet regime is seen as the true modernity, and the post-Soviet transformation is perceived as a process of demodernization, when progress is replaced by stagnation or regression, manifested in the decline of industry and the disappearance of other attributes of modernity. In the narrative of “true modernity”, on the contrary, the Soviet era is seen as a false or failed modernity characterized by inefficiency and backwardness, and the features of modernity are attributed to the new order emerging after the restoration of independence. The narratives of “continuity of neo-traditionalism” and “continuity of modernity” observe similar features in both the Soviet era and the period of transformation, but the former emphasizes the neo-traditionalist or “anti-modern” features of both periods, such as inefficiency, corruption, and privilege, while the latter sees both periods as progressive in their own ways.
{"title":"The Collapse of Communism as the End of the Modernity Project? Post-Soviet Transformation Narratives of the Lithuanian Population","authors":"Ainė Ramonaitė, Paulius Vijeikis","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.109.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.109.2","url":null,"abstract":" The article analyses how Lithuanian inhabitants remember and assess the post-communist transformation and searches for the narratives that can be interpreted through the lens of modernization theories. The paper draws on a dataset of 43 biographical interviews collected in 2021 in Panevėžys city and Panevėžys district. Employing the method of thematic narrative analysis, four dominant narratives of post-soviet transformation were identified: “demodernization”, “real modernization”, “continuation of neo-traditionalism” and“continuation of modernity”. In the narrative of “demodernization”, the Soviet regime is seen as the true modernity, and the post-Soviet transformation is perceived as a process of demodernization, when progress is replaced by stagnation or regression, manifested in the decline of industry and the disappearance of other attributes of modernity. In the narrative of “true modernity”, on the contrary, the Soviet era is seen as a false or failed modernity characterized by inefficiency and backwardness, and the features of modernity are attributed to the new order emerging after the restoration of independence. The narratives of “continuity of neo-traditionalism” and “continuity of modernity” observe similar features in both the Soviet era and the period of transformation, but the former emphasizes the neo-traditionalist or “anti-modern” features of both periods, such as inefficiency, corruption, and privilege, while the latter sees both periods as progressive in their own ways.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44209541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-13DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.109.1
A. Jokūbaitis
Kant’s political philosophy is usually seen as a coherent part of his philosophical system. However, politics is not an integral part of his conception of pure reason. The aim of the article is to find the place of politics in Kant’s structure of pure reason. The paper attempts to provide an answer to the question why Kant did not undertake an investigation of politics as a part of his analysis of the structure of pure reason. It is argued that the central place of the problem of metaphysics was the cause behind this neglect. Transcendental dialectic in Critique of Pure Reason is the place where for the first time principles of the analysis of political ideas are presented. However, Kant did not see that with his transcendental dialectics he entered the realm of politics, he did not put forward an analysis of the nature of political ideas. The place of politics in Kant’s structure of pure reason can be determined by paying close attention to three main factors – conception of transcendental ideas, the primacy of practical reason and aesthetic ideas. Kant did not provide a unified account of these three elements, which are necessary to understand the place of politics in the structure of pure reason.
{"title":"The Place of Politics in I. Kant’s Structure of Pure Reason","authors":"A. Jokūbaitis","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.109.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.109.1","url":null,"abstract":"Kant’s political philosophy is usually seen as a coherent part of his philosophical system. However, politics is not an integral part of his conception of pure reason. The aim of the article is to find the place of politics in Kant’s structure of pure reason. The paper attempts to provide an answer to the question why Kant did not undertake an investigation of politics as a part of his analysis of the structure of pure reason. It is argued that the central place of the problem of metaphysics was the cause behind this neglect. Transcendental dialectic in Critique of Pure Reason is the place where for the first time principles of the analysis of political ideas are presented. However, Kant did not see that with his transcendental dialectics he entered the realm of politics, he did not put forward an analysis of the nature of political ideas. The place of politics in Kant’s structure of pure reason can be determined by paying close attention to three main factors – conception of transcendental ideas, the primacy of practical reason and aesthetic ideas. Kant did not provide a unified account of these three elements, which are necessary to understand the place of politics in the structure of pure reason.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45513029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.108.3
Agniete Zotkeviciute Baneviciene
Despite the historically perceived importance of the cultural element in warfare, after the end of the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, and other culturally distant countries, it is believed that the cultural element has lost its importance. According to some experts, the beginning of Russia's invasion of Ukraine marks a return to conventional warfare, in which a state's material military capabilities play the most significant role in determining its power. But in fact, in this war, soft interoperability, the most essential aspect of which is the cultural element, gained considerable prominence by demonstrating once again that understanding one's own culture and values comes before understanding others. This study aims to look at the cultural element more broadly through the prism of interoperability and, specifically, through soft interoperability and answer the question of how the cultural element, specifically the cultural competences of military personnel manifests in NATO military doctrines, given that NATO is an international security organization with obligations that extend beyond simple defence.
{"title":"The Cultural Element in NATO Military Doctrines: Important, but a Declarative Issue?","authors":"Agniete Zotkeviciute Baneviciene","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.108.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.108.3","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the historically perceived importance of the cultural element in warfare, after the end of the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, and other culturally distant countries, it is believed that the cultural element has lost its importance. According to some experts, the beginning of Russia's invasion of Ukraine marks a return to conventional warfare, in which a state's material military capabilities play the most significant role in determining its power. But in fact, in this war, soft interoperability, the most essential aspect of which is the cultural element, gained considerable prominence by demonstrating once again that understanding one's own culture and values comes before understanding others. This study aims to look at the cultural element more broadly through the prism of interoperability and, specifically, through soft interoperability and answer the question of how the cultural element, specifically the cultural competences of military personnel manifests in NATO military doctrines, given that NATO is an international security organization with obligations that extend beyond simple defence.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42443324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.108.4
V. Kuokštis, Ramūnas Vilpišauskas
Viewed in light of democratic corporatism literature, Lithuania is a deviant case. Although it lacks essential institutional prerequisites deemed important for export success and flexible adaptation to external shocks, the small Baltic country has been among the best performers in the European Union on these dimensions. Lithuania has become very internationally integrated and has managed to quickly adjust to numerous shocks, such as the Russian financial crisis of 1998–99, the Global Financial Crisis of 2008–2009, and the COVID-19 pandemic. In this article, we analyse Lithuania’s export specialization and show how particular institutional elements have supported flexible adaptation and competitiveness improvements: we cover the labour market, state’s involvement in terms of domestic compensation and public goods provision, education and skills, and the role of political legitimacy. Lithuania’s case has implications for the literature on the political economy of small states and the debate regarding the middle-income trap.
{"title":"Economic Adaptability in the Absence of Democratic Corporatism: Explaining Lithuania’s Export Performance*","authors":"V. Kuokštis, Ramūnas Vilpišauskas","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.108.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.108.4","url":null,"abstract":"Viewed in light of democratic corporatism literature, Lithuania is a deviant case. Although it lacks essential institutional prerequisites deemed important for export success and flexible adaptation to external shocks, the small Baltic country has been among the best performers in the European Union on these dimensions. Lithuania has become very internationally integrated and has managed to quickly adjust to numerous shocks, such as the Russian financial crisis of 1998–99, the Global Financial Crisis of 2008–2009, and the COVID-19 pandemic. In this article, we analyse Lithuania’s export specialization and show how particular institutional elements have supported flexible adaptation and competitiveness improvements: we cover the labour market, state’s involvement in terms of domestic compensation and public goods provision, education and skills, and the role of political legitimacy. Lithuania’s case has implications for the literature on the political economy of small states and the debate regarding the middle-income trap.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43973071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-29DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.108.2
A. Grišinas, A. Lašas, Ignas Kalpokas
This article analyses the statistical validity of popular explanations for peoples‘s tendency to rely on conspiracy theories in Lithuanian public discourse. The paper discovers that out of four most popular explanations, belief in paranormal phenomena and determinist thinking have the strongest correlation. The evaluation of one‘s own perceived financial wellbeing also proves significance. Meanwhile, education, political knowledge and actual income level either correlate with tendency to rely on conspiratorial thinking sporadically or does not correlate at all. The study is based on a representative survey, conducted in Lithuania, in late 2021, and seeks to delineate the initial outlines for further research on the case of Lithuania, which has been only scarcely explored.
{"title":"Reliance on Conspiracy Theories Among Lithuanian Population","authors":"A. Grišinas, A. Lašas, Ignas Kalpokas","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.108.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.108.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the statistical validity of popular explanations for peoples‘s tendency to rely on conspiracy theories in Lithuanian public discourse. The paper discovers that out of four most popular explanations, belief in paranormal phenomena and determinist thinking have the strongest correlation. The evaluation of one‘s own perceived financial wellbeing also proves significance. Meanwhile, education, political knowledge and actual income level either correlate with tendency to rely on conspiratorial thinking sporadically or does not correlate at all. The study is based on a representative survey, conducted in Lithuania, in late 2021, and seeks to delineate the initial outlines for further research on the case of Lithuania, which has been only scarcely explored.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48584093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-19DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.108.1
Lina Strupinskienė, Indrė Jankauskaitė-Činčė
Of the 92 persons convicted at the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), 60 have already served their sentences and were released. Even though perpetrators’ rehabilitation and their public behaviour in post-conflict environments are essential for countering denial, establishing an authoritative version of the truth, and sustainable reconciliation, we still know little about what happens after they return to their communities. This article attempts to examine ICTY convicts’ rehabilitation by assessing the quality and the result of existing rehabilitation programs (e.g., how much the public behaviour of those released matches the expectations of the victim’s community, what their relationship is with their guilt and crimes committed). Aside from secondary sources, it draws on 23 semi-structured interviews with victims of war, representatives from victims’ associations, and human rights advocates from the region. It finds that in the context of the absence of specialized rehabilitation programs and lack of oversight of the post-conviction stage at the ICTY, the convicted perpetrators return to communities that support and enable them. Hailed by specific enthusiastic audiences back home, ICTY convicts often fulfil their expectations, closing a vicious circle that dramatically curbs the individual or collective transformative potential of their punishment regarding reckoning with the past and moving towards reconciliation.
{"title":"Rehabilitation of Perpetrators of International Crimes – Myth or Reality? Case Study of the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia","authors":"Lina Strupinskienė, Indrė Jankauskaitė-Činčė","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.108.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.108.1","url":null,"abstract":"Of the 92 persons convicted at the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), 60 have already served their sentences and were released. Even though perpetrators’ rehabilitation and their public behaviour in post-conflict environments are essential for countering denial, establishing an authoritative version of the truth, and sustainable reconciliation, we still know little about what happens after they return to their communities. This article attempts to examine ICTY convicts’ rehabilitation by assessing the quality and the result of existing rehabilitation programs (e.g., how much the public behaviour of those released matches the expectations of the victim’s community, what their relationship is with their guilt and crimes committed). Aside from secondary sources, it draws on 23 semi-structured interviews with victims of war, representatives from victims’ associations, and human rights advocates from the region. It finds that in the context of the absence of specialized rehabilitation programs and lack of oversight of the post-conviction stage at the ICTY, the convicted perpetrators return to communities that support and enable them. Hailed by specific enthusiastic audiences back home, ICTY convicts often fulfil their expectations, closing a vicious circle that dramatically curbs the individual or collective transformative potential of their punishment regarding reckoning with the past and moving towards reconciliation.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48005374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：