Pub Date : 2022-12-02DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.107.5
Dovydas Rogulis
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{"title":"Edström Håkan, Dennis Gyllensporre, Jacob Westberg. Military strategy of small states: responding to external shocks of the 21st century. Routledge, 2019, 197 p.","authors":"Dovydas Rogulis","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.107.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.107.5","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>-</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42406652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.107.4
Rolandas Tučas, Giedrius Kanapka
This article discusses the problems of the mixed parallel voting electoral system applied in the Seimas elections, paying more attention to its geographical aspect – the problems caused by the frequent redrawing of single-member constituencies due to demographic processes. The article presents the principles and methods of electoral constituency delimitation in other countries, the experience gained during the redrawing of the boundaries of single-member constituencies for the 2016 and 2020 Seimas elections, and highlights the problems encountered. The problems of the Lithuanian electoral system discussed in the article are recommended to be solved in the future by using only proportional representation for the election of the Seimas, dividing the state into 6 multi-member constituencies (the 7th constituency is for citizens of our country living abroad), which would be formed on the basis of counties, merging smaller counties together. A similar procedure for the election of the Seimas in Lithuania was applied in the third decade of the 20th century, therefore, this reform should be called the restitution of the interwar parliamentary elections.
{"title":"Maybe It’s Time to change the Order of the Seimas Elections?","authors":"Rolandas Tučas, Giedrius Kanapka","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.107.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.107.4","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the problems of the mixed parallel voting electoral system applied in the Seimas elections, paying more attention to its geographical aspect – the problems caused by the frequent redrawing of single-member constituencies due to demographic processes. The article presents the principles and methods of electoral constituency delimitation in other countries, the experience gained during the redrawing of the boundaries of single-member constituencies for the 2016 and 2020 Seimas elections, and highlights the problems encountered. The problems of the Lithuanian electoral system discussed in the article are recommended to be solved in the future by using only proportional representation for the election of the Seimas, dividing the state into 6 multi-member constituencies (the 7th constituency is for citizens of our country living abroad), which would be formed on the basis of counties, merging smaller counties together. A similar procedure for the election of the Seimas in Lithuania was applied in the third decade of the 20th century, therefore, this reform should be called the restitution of the interwar parliamentary elections.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48389466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-11DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.107.3
N. Karpchuk, B. Yuskiv, O. Pelekh
This article focuses at the issue of strategic communications of Ukraine during the Russian-Ukrainian war, which began on February 24, 2022. The authors consider strategic communications as a system consisting of invariant and variable components that can be projected in media reports. The authors proceed from the fact that, on the one hand, the media are an instrument of strategic communications, and on the other, strategic communications are transformed, reflected in media reports. The study is aimed to reveal the structure of strategic communications, which is characteristic of the period of armed conflict. Reports of the Insider Ukraine Telegram channel during the first 100 days of the war were analyzed. On the basis of a reflexive thematic analysis, using a one-way dispersion analysis, it has been found out that the strategic communications of Ukraine during the war period consist of the following invariant components: interactive communications of Ukraine, operational communications of Ukraine, extraoperational communications of Ukraine, operational and extraoperational communications concerning the RF. These generalized components have their own sub-components, the intensity or total absence of which in media reports can be related to specific events of the war period. This study contributes to the understanding of the structure of strategic communications in general and during the war in particular.
{"title":"The Structure of Strategic Communications during the War: the Case-Study of the Telegram Channel Insider Ukraine","authors":"N. Karpchuk, B. Yuskiv, O. Pelekh","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.107.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.107.3","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses at the issue of strategic communications of Ukraine during the Russian-Ukrainian war, which began on February 24, 2022. The authors consider strategic communications as a system consisting of invariant and variable components that can be projected in media reports. The authors proceed from the fact that, on the one hand, the media are an instrument of strategic communications, and on the other, strategic communications are transformed, reflected in media reports. The study is aimed to reveal the structure of strategic communications, which is characteristic of the period of armed conflict. Reports of the Insider Ukraine Telegram channel during the first 100 days of the war were analyzed. On the basis of a reflexive thematic analysis, using a one-way dispersion analysis, it has been found out that the strategic communications of Ukraine during the war period consist of the following invariant components: interactive communications of Ukraine, operational communications of Ukraine, extraoperational communications of Ukraine, operational and extraoperational communications concerning the RF. These generalized components have their own sub-components, the intensity or total absence of which in media reports can be related to specific events of the war period. This study contributes to the understanding of the structure of strategic communications in general and during the war in particular.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46364757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-18DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.107.2
Paulius Skirkevičius
Concerming the success of new/renewed political parties in Lithuania, quite often they are labelled as populist ones .This article seeks to answer the question – do populist attitudes of individuals could be variables that explains voting for new political parties? Firstly, we analyze the structure of populist attitudes in Lithunia. The analysis using attitudes measures suggested by CSES revealed that these attitudes fits theorectical expectations quite well. Two dimensions of populist attitudes can be distinguished – anti-elitism and the one concerning peoples role in politics. Futher analysis of electoral behavior, that populist attitudes does not explain voting for the new political party, other variables such as political support/trust does explain it better. However the analysis is limited to one elections and one political party, so the conclusions should be considered with caution and further analysis is needed.
{"title":"Populist Attitudes and Voting: Does Populist Voters vote for New Political Parties? (The Case of 2016 Seimas Elections?)","authors":"Paulius Skirkevičius","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.107.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.107.2","url":null,"abstract":"Concerming the success of new/renewed political parties in Lithuania, quite often they are labelled as populist ones .This article seeks to answer the question – do populist attitudes of individuals could be variables that explains voting for new political parties? Firstly, we analyze the structure of populist attitudes in Lithunia. The analysis using attitudes measures suggested by CSES revealed that these attitudes fits theorectical expectations quite well. Two dimensions of populist attitudes can be distinguished – anti-elitism and the one concerning peoples role in politics. Futher analysis of electoral behavior, that populist attitudes does not explain voting for the new political party, other variables such as political support/trust does explain it better. However the analysis is limited to one elections and one political party, so the conclusions should be considered with caution and further analysis is needed.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47689733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-10DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.107.1
Liucija Vervečkienė
Difficult state-level questions of how to remember previous regimes are particularly linked with the „consumer“ side – specific areas of mnemonic socialization, such as families. A new generation raised during post-soviet transformations makes meaning of the recent past they have no direct or very limited experience of. This once again actualizes the questions of memory transmission within specific groups such as families initially analyzed in the case of memory of the crimes against humanity, mainly Holocaust. This article presents a theoretical overview of the factors to be kept mind in order to understand the remembering process within families: identification with the family memories, mnemonic socialization, loyalty relations, memory media and relation with the collective memory. Theoretical insights are supplemented by the empirical date of Lithuanian case (16 family conversations conducted in 2018–2020). Oldest members of the family still recall the begining of the previous regime, parents were raised in it whereas the third family generation was educated with a strong state emphasis on the previous regime as occupation and repressions-based period of the past. Those family experiences failing to fall into the category of a victim become uncomfortable. A shadow of collaboration imposed by the collective memory level leads to silencing or justification of those family memories.
{"title":"Memory in Family: Theoretical Aspects and Insights from the Study on Past Regime’s Memory Transmission","authors":"Liucija Vervečkienė","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.107.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.107.1","url":null,"abstract":"Difficult state-level questions of how to remember previous regimes are particularly linked with the „consumer“ side – specific areas of mnemonic socialization, such as families. A new generation raised during post-soviet transformations makes meaning of the recent past they have no direct or very limited experience of. This once again actualizes the questions of memory transmission within specific groups such as families initially analyzed in the case of memory of the crimes against humanity, mainly Holocaust. This article presents a theoretical overview of the factors to be kept mind in order to understand the remembering process within families: identification with the family memories, mnemonic socialization, loyalty relations, memory media and relation with the collective memory. Theoretical insights are supplemented by the empirical date of Lithuanian case (16 family conversations conducted in 2018–2020). Oldest members of the family still recall the begining of the previous regime, parents were raised in it whereas the third family generation was educated with a strong state emphasis on the previous regime as occupation and repressions-based period of the past. Those family experiences failing to fall into the category of a victim become uncomfortable. A shadow of collaboration imposed by the collective memory level leads to silencing or justification of those family memories.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48848468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.106.1
Viktorija Rimaitė-Beržiūnienė
In 2008 and 2014 the Russian-Georgian war, the military conflict in Ukraine, and the annexation of Crimea have had an impact on Lithuanian foreign and security policy. In the context of these events, Lithuania was concerned about the mobilization of conventional security measures, i.e., strengthening its national defense sector. However, the role as well as the impact of “soft” (unconventional) response devices and strategies in the Lithuanian case has still received little academic interest. This paper, using the analysis of visual collective memory practices (monuments), aims to show the links between collective memory as well as its visually tangible forms and the formation of foreign and security policy in Lithuania. By examining the visual practices reminiscent of guerrilla warfare built in Lithuanian public spaces after 2014, it is revealed how the use of collective memory contributed to the perceived threat from Russia, which had a significant impact on the formation and implementation of foreign and security policy.
{"title":"Visual Securitization: Commemorating the Partisan War in Lithuanian Foreign and Security Policy","authors":"Viktorija Rimaitė-Beržiūnienė","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.106.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.1","url":null,"abstract":"In 2008 and 2014 the Russian-Georgian war, the military conflict in Ukraine, and the annexation of Crimea have had an impact on Lithuanian foreign and security policy. In the context of these events, Lithuania was concerned about the mobilization of conventional security measures, i.e., strengthening its national defense sector. However, the role as well as the impact of “soft” (unconventional) response devices and strategies in the Lithuanian case has still received little academic interest. This paper, using the analysis of visual collective memory practices (monuments), aims to show the links between collective memory as well as its visually tangible forms and the formation of foreign and security policy in Lithuania. By examining the visual practices reminiscent of guerrilla warfare built in Lithuanian public spaces after 2014, it is revealed how the use of collective memory contributed to the perceived threat from Russia, which had a significant impact on the formation and implementation of foreign and security policy.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47981969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-23DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.106.2
Rūta Statulevičiūtė-Kaučikienė
Efforts to build a memorial to Lithuanian freedom fighters in Lukiškės Square in Vilnius have been fruitless for the third decade. During this period, as many as four competitions for artistic ideas were organized, but due to the dissatisfaction of various groups in society, no project was implemented in the square. The article analyzes the 2012-2020 period, which is framed by two state-organized competitions. Applying Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse theory, it is aimed to open the very core of the conflict and to explain how and what historical memories of the Lithuanian freedom fighters are articulated by competing discourses consisting of linguistic and non-linguistic practices. Statements of politicians, cultural professionals, and the public in the national media and their modus operandi allow to identify opposite concepts of freedom, state, freedom fighters, monument, and its functions, and to single out the essential trophy of the competing discourses, an idea on which the public sharply disagrees.
{"title":"What Kind of Lithuania are We Fighting for When We Fight for the Lithuanian Freedom Fighters’ Memorial?","authors":"Rūta Statulevičiūtė-Kaučikienė","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.106.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.2","url":null,"abstract":"Efforts to build a memorial to Lithuanian freedom fighters in Lukiškės Square in Vilnius have been fruitless for the third decade. During this period, as many as four competitions for artistic ideas were organized, but due to the dissatisfaction of various groups in society, no project was implemented in the square. The article analyzes the 2012-2020 period, which is framed by two state-organized competitions. Applying Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse theory, it is aimed to open the very core of the conflict and to explain how and what historical memories of the Lithuanian freedom fighters are articulated by competing discourses consisting of linguistic and non-linguistic practices. Statements of politicians, cultural professionals, and the public in the national media and their modus operandi allow to identify opposite concepts of freedom, state, freedom fighters, monument, and its functions, and to single out the essential trophy of the competing discourses, an idea on which the public sharply disagrees.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43639828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-22DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.106.4
Skaidra Trilupaitytė
By using a theoretical approach to the critique of surveillance capitalism, and by drawing on public discourse sources on facial recognition (FR) technology, this paper analyzes visual surveillance in contemporary societies. Currently, there are both numerous instances of a sudden development of FR capabilities on a global scale as well as efforts to prevent the development of what is called the “most dangerous technology.” This paper also questions the techno-solutionism that enables “perfect” mathematical human cognition. Overall, the paper sheds light on the global disagreement on the regulatory environment for FR technology, with different countries, states, or big cities treating biometric data protection differently. There is also a confluence of predicaments and legal concerns in the public sphere regarding FR. Nevertheless, it is possible to outline the typical narratives that emerge in media discourses, highlighted in this paper using three different examples. These are (1) concerns about human rights and privacy (the US case), (2) a “soft” indecisiveness about promoting unfettered innovation on the one hand, and preventing human rights abuses on the other (the EU case), and (3) the fear of digital data being collected by a hostile authoritarian state, namely China (the Lithuanian case).
{"title":"Visual Control in Today’s Societies: (Non)Recognition of Faces and Emotions","authors":"Skaidra Trilupaitytė","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.106.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.4","url":null,"abstract":"By using a theoretical approach to the critique of surveillance capitalism, and by drawing on public discourse sources on facial recognition (FR) technology, this paper analyzes visual surveillance in contemporary societies. Currently, there are both numerous instances of a sudden development of FR capabilities on a global scale as well as efforts to prevent the development of what is called the “most dangerous technology.” This paper also questions the techno-solutionism that enables “perfect” mathematical human cognition. Overall, the paper sheds light on the global disagreement on the regulatory environment for FR technology, with different countries, states, or big cities treating biometric data protection differently. There is also a confluence of predicaments and legal concerns in the public sphere regarding FR. Nevertheless, it is possible to outline the typical narratives that emerge in media discourses, highlighted in this paper using three different examples. These are (1) concerns about human rights and privacy (the US case), (2) a “soft” indecisiveness about promoting unfettered innovation on the one hand, and preventing human rights abuses on the other (the EU case), and (3) the fear of digital data being collected by a hostile authoritarian state, namely China (the Lithuanian case).","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47528304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-22DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.106.3
Monika Gimbutaitė
The Vytis (Coat of Arms of Lithuania) is a national symbol of Lithuania that typically functions within an official state frame. This paper examines how the use and functions of the Vytis had changed from the year 2013 to 2019. While presenting an analysis of the new forms of Vytis expression, a question arises: how does the intensified and atypical use of the symbol correlate with the temperature of nationalism in our society? The research, which is based on discourse theory and includes visual and textual information found in media, social media, and other non-academic platforms, allows distinguishing four new directions of the symbol’s expression: (1) commercialization, (2) transformation into a political tool, (3) transfer to everyday culture, and (4) individual practices as well as creative practices. This paper concludes that the changing use of Vytis shows elements of both cooling and heating nationalisms. We face a cooling nationalism when the symbol becomes a part of a routine that we no longer reflect. We can also detect attributes of heating nationalism in our society. They are triggered by a sense of internal or external threats and are inseparable from the temperature of our public space.
{"title":"The Vytis in New Contexts: How does the Changing Use of the Symbol Relate to the Temperature of Nationalism?","authors":"Monika Gimbutaitė","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.106.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.3","url":null,"abstract":"The Vytis (Coat of Arms of Lithuania) is a national symbol of Lithuania that typically functions within an official state frame. This paper examines how the use and functions of the Vytis had changed from the year 2013 to 2019. While presenting an analysis of the new forms of Vytis expression, a question arises: how does the intensified and atypical use of the symbol correlate with the temperature of nationalism in our society? The research, which is based on discourse theory and includes visual and textual information found in media, social media, and other non-academic platforms, allows distinguishing four new directions of the symbol’s expression: (1) commercialization, (2) transformation into a political tool, (3) transfer to everyday culture, and (4) individual practices as well as creative practices. This paper concludes that the changing use of Vytis shows elements of both cooling and heating nationalisms. We face a cooling nationalism when the symbol becomes a part of a routine that we no longer reflect. We can also detect attributes of heating nationalism in our society. They are triggered by a sense of internal or external threats and are inseparable from the temperature of our public space.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47669517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-22DOI: 10.15388/polit.2022.106.5
Justinas Lingevicius
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{"title":"What These Walls Saw and Heard? Reconstructing the Traces of Oppressive Structures","authors":"Justinas Lingevicius","doi":"10.15388/polit.2022.106.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.5","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>-</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47359587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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