This paper explores the theme of the homecoming (nostos) by examining the homecomings of the Scythians in Book Four of The Histories of Herodotus from two different approaches, the philological and historical. As Herodotus makes clear, for Scythians, such as the famous traveler Anacharsis and the Scythian king Scyles, returning home could be deadly. From the philological approach, which emphasizes the literary nature of the Scythian logos, this pattern of thematic repetitions of denied homecomings serves to emphasize the hostile nature of Scythia for outsiders and thus to increase the tension surrounding the outcome of the larger narrative of Book Four, which describes the disastrous military campaign of the Persian king Darius I in Scythia. However, from the historical approach, which regards the account of Herodotus as a historical source that provides valuable testimony when combined with other sources of evidence, it becomes clear that these stories of impossible homecomings also reflect the conditions at the Greek frontier of the Scythian world and for Scythians like Anacharsis and Scyles who adopted foreign customs, especially Greek religious practices, namely that in this region marked by competition and conflict, including religious conflict, adopting foreign customs meant it was not possible to return home again.
{"title":"Impossible homecomings in the Scythian logos of Herodotus","authors":"Daniel Sarefield","doi":"10.1556/068.2024.00132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2024.00132","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the theme of the homecoming (nostos) by examining the homecomings of the Scythians in Book Four of The Histories of Herodotus from two different approaches, the philological and historical. As Herodotus makes clear, for Scythians, such as the famous traveler Anacharsis and the Scythian king Scyles, returning home could be deadly. From the philological approach, which emphasizes the literary nature of the Scythian logos, this pattern of thematic repetitions of denied homecomings serves to emphasize the hostile nature of Scythia for outsiders and thus to increase the tension surrounding the outcome of the larger narrative of Book Four, which describes the disastrous military campaign of the Persian king Darius I in Scythia. However, from the historical approach, which regards the account of Herodotus as a historical source that provides valuable testimony when combined with other sources of evidence, it becomes clear that these stories of impossible homecomings also reflect the conditions at the Greek frontier of the Scythian world and for Scythians like Anacharsis and Scyles who adopted foreign customs, especially Greek religious practices, namely that in this region marked by competition and conflict, including religious conflict, adopting foreign customs meant it was not possible to return home again.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":"328 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140719655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this essay is to compare the story of Er in Plato's Republic's tenth book with the concept of antarābhava in the Vedic World and the ancient schools of Buddhism. First, the story of Er, a warrior who was believed to have died in battle and returned to life shortly before his body was burnt on the pyre, will be told. Er describes the vision he had before returning to life: he saw the actions and fate of the disembodied souls in the state and stage before their reincarnation. Next, the Indian doctrine of antarābhava, the intermediate state between death and rebirth, according to the Vedic religion and ancient schools of Buddhism, will be discussed. Finally, we will say a few concluding words to make a historical-religious comparison between the two in order to better understand both these doctrines and visions of the afterlife.
{"title":"The return to life of Er and the antarābhava: A historical-religious comparison","authors":"Antonio Salvati","doi":"10.1556/068.2023.00130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2023.00130","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this essay is to compare the story of Er in Plato's Republic's tenth book with the concept of antarābhava in the Vedic World and the ancient schools of Buddhism. First, the story of Er, a warrior who was believed to have died in battle and returned to life shortly before his body was burnt on the pyre, will be told. Er describes the vision he had before returning to life: he saw the actions and fate of the disembodied souls in the state and stage before their reincarnation. Next, the Indian doctrine of antarābhava, the intermediate state between death and rebirth, according to the Vedic religion and ancient schools of Buddhism, will be discussed. Finally, we will say a few concluding words to make a historical-religious comparison between the two in order to better understand both these doctrines and visions of the afterlife.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":"16 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140716300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The lake of Avernus and the lake of Nemi have played a very important role in Roman religion and mythology. Both lay on collapsed volcanic craters along the Tyrrhenian coastline, and the peculiar nature of the landscape surrounding the two lakes is suggestive enough to feel a divine presence in these places. But connections between the two lakes are less superficial than it appears.In his Commentary on the Aeneid (VI 136), Servius establishes a strong parallelism between the lakes of Avernus and of Nemi. According to this author, Aeneas has to pluck a golden bough to enter the Underworld, whose gate is near the Avernus Lake, following the instruction of the Sybil: it was this very same sacred bough that played a central role in the life-or-death fight between the rex nemorensis (the “king of the wood” in charge) and the pretender in the cult founded by Orestes in Nemi, once he returned from Tauris. The centrality of a bough to be torn off to go below the lake in both myths seems to imply that the lake of Nemi itself can be linked to the Underworld.The Avernus in particular is known for being a gateway to the Underworld: Virgil presents the lake in this way, and he locates here Aeneas's katabasis, while Homer places here the Odysseus' necromancy. It appears therefore logic to explore the hypothesis that the lake of Nemi could have had similar relation to the Underworld. Finally, the paper also examines the possibility that the presence of a passage to the Underworld is also connected to divination activities.1
{"title":"Going through a lake of Darkness","authors":"Loredana Lancini, F. Diosono","doi":"10.1556/068.2023.00114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2023.00114","url":null,"abstract":"The lake of Avernus and the lake of Nemi have played a very important role in Roman religion and mythology. Both lay on collapsed volcanic craters along the Tyrrhenian coastline, and the peculiar nature of the landscape surrounding the two lakes is suggestive enough to feel a divine presence in these places. But connections between the two lakes are less superficial than it appears.In his Commentary on the Aeneid (VI 136), Servius establishes a strong parallelism between the lakes of Avernus and of Nemi. According to this author, Aeneas has to pluck a golden bough to enter the Underworld, whose gate is near the Avernus Lake, following the instruction of the Sybil: it was this very same sacred bough that played a central role in the life-or-death fight between the rex nemorensis (the “king of the wood” in charge) and the pretender in the cult founded by Orestes in Nemi, once he returned from Tauris. The centrality of a bough to be torn off to go below the lake in both myths seems to imply that the lake of Nemi itself can be linked to the Underworld.The Avernus in particular is known for being a gateway to the Underworld: Virgil presents the lake in this way, and he locates here Aeneas's katabasis, while Homer places here the Odysseus' necromancy. It appears therefore logic to explore the hypothesis that the lake of Nemi could have had similar relation to the Underworld. Finally, the paper also examines the possibility that the presence of a passage to the Underworld is also connected to divination activities.1","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140371991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In August 216 BC, Hannibal offered Rome a chance to ransom 10,000 POWs (prisoners of war), but the Senate, even though it was desperate for manpower, rejected his offer and instead purchased and freed 8,000 slaves to enlist in the army. The message was that Rome preferred newly freedmen who would fight for Rome over the men who had not fought their way out of the enemy's grasp. Hannibal sold the POWs into slavery. Thereafter, disdain for prisoners became a permanent feature of the Roman war machine. Diodorus, Livy, Plutarch, and Dio acknowledge that the Romans used to ransom and exchange POWs just like everyone else, but after Cannae they stopped. Cannae revived traumatic memories of how Rome had surrendered to Brennus and ransomed the city in 387 BC and surrendered to the Samnites in 321 BC at Caudine Forks and signed an unfavorable peace. Although Romans invented stories of salvation and exacting revenge in both cases, these humiliating events left deep scars in the Roman psyche, which never completely healed.The defeat and capture of Atilius Regulus in Africa in 255 directly relates to the above-mentioned disasters. Although Romans transformed Regulus into a hero and martyr for integrity, claiming that he returned to Rome in 250 BC (five years after his death!) and denounced a prisoner exchange he had promised to endorse, the legend obscured the fact that Rome did exchange prisoners out of necessity in 249.
{"title":"Regulus, Hannibal, and why Roman POWs can't go home again","authors":"Gaius Stern","doi":"10.1556/068.2024.00131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2024.00131","url":null,"abstract":"In August 216 BC, Hannibal offered Rome a chance to ransom 10,000 POWs (prisoners of war), but the Senate, even though it was desperate for manpower, rejected his offer and instead purchased and freed 8,000 slaves to enlist in the army. The message was that Rome preferred newly freedmen who would fight for Rome over the men who had not fought their way out of the enemy's grasp. Hannibal sold the POWs into slavery. Thereafter, disdain for prisoners became a permanent feature of the Roman war machine. Diodorus, Livy, Plutarch, and Dio acknowledge that the Romans used to ransom and exchange POWs just like everyone else, but after Cannae they stopped. Cannae revived traumatic memories of how Rome had surrendered to Brennus and ransomed the city in 387 BC and surrendered to the Samnites in 321 BC at Caudine Forks and signed an unfavorable peace. Although Romans invented stories of salvation and exacting revenge in both cases, these humiliating events left deep scars in the Roman psyche, which never completely healed.The defeat and capture of Atilius Regulus in Africa in 255 directly relates to the above-mentioned disasters. Although Romans transformed Regulus into a hero and martyr for integrity, claiming that he returned to Rome in 250 BC (five years after his death!) and denounced a prisoner exchange he had promised to endorse, the legend obscured the fact that Rome did exchange prisoners out of necessity in 249.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" 22","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140382077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As mythological figures, Demeter and Kore stand together as timeless symbols of this moment of transition between maidenhood, wifehood, and then motherhood. While contemplating these goddesses, historically situated and embodied women surely remembered — or learned soon enough — that pregnancies and babies would follow their marriage. The mythological narrative, however, focuses on this crucial transition rather than on the effective beginning of motherhood through pregnancy and childbirth. Kore is the maiden, the new bride, and the mother-to-be. She never becomes a mother.The absence of offspring can be explained by the functional reading we just mentioned: she is a mother-to-be, not a mother. Demeter, in the Eleusinian myth, plays the role of the mother. There is, however, another way that can be explored in this regard and that is not necessarily in contrast with the first one: Kore/Persephone's marriage is sterile since it takes place in the underworld. There is no life in the afterworld; therefore, she can not give birth to a child. This paper will explore if the journey of Kore/Persephone to the Hades can be seen as a path to infertility.
{"title":"Was Kore/Persephone's journey to the afterworld as a path to infertility?","authors":"Giulia Pedrucci","doi":"10.1556/068.2023.00113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2023.00113","url":null,"abstract":"As mythological figures, Demeter and Kore stand together as timeless symbols of this moment of transition between maidenhood, wifehood, and then motherhood. While contemplating these goddesses, historically situated and embodied women surely remembered — or learned soon enough — that pregnancies and babies would follow their marriage. The mythological narrative, however, focuses on this crucial transition rather than on the effective beginning of motherhood through pregnancy and childbirth. Kore is the maiden, the new bride, and the mother-to-be. She never becomes a mother.The absence of offspring can be explained by the functional reading we just mentioned: she is a mother-to-be, not a mother. Demeter, in the Eleusinian myth, plays the role of the mother. There is, however, another way that can be explored in this regard and that is not necessarily in contrast with the first one: Kore/Persephone's marriage is sterile since it takes place in the underworld. There is no life in the afterworld; therefore, she can not give birth to a child. This paper will explore if the journey of Kore/Persephone to the Hades can be seen as a path to infertility.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" 17","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140213257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
From ancient sources, we learn that typically, a politician condemned to exile would withdraw to private life, waiting for the period of interdiction to end. For Pisistratus, on the contrary, sources tell us that during his exiles, he distinguished himself by conducting intense activity, both politically and economically.My contribution aims to demonstrate, in particular, how the periods of exile were exploited by the future tyrant of Athens to intensify his expansionist activity. The fruits of this activity, detached from the actions of the city and configured as a ‘private' initiative, were made available to the entire citizenry upon ‘return' to the city and proved to be particularly valuable for the growth of the city of Athen.
{"title":"Peisistratus' exiles and the strategic international network","authors":"Elena Santagati","doi":"10.1556/068.2024.00136","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2024.00136","url":null,"abstract":"From ancient sources, we learn that typically, a politician condemned to exile would withdraw to private life, waiting for the period of interdiction to end. For Pisistratus, on the contrary, sources tell us that during his exiles, he distinguished himself by conducting intense activity, both politically and economically.My contribution aims to demonstrate, in particular, how the periods of exile were exploited by the future tyrant of Athens to intensify his expansionist activity. The fruits of this activity, detached from the actions of the city and configured as a ‘private' initiative, were made available to the entire citizenry upon ‘return' to the city and proved to be particularly valuable for the growth of the city of Athen.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" 22","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140215136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By presenting Penelope's experiences and traits as parallel to those of Odysseus, the text of the Odyssey depicts her as heroic in her own right. This detailed analysis of Penelope's life in the palace on Ithaca – depicted as an Underworld-like realm of suspension – shows how similar her experiences, traits, actions and reactions are to her husband's; the text furnishes multiple similes and epithets that demonstrate these parallels. The suspension of progress on Ithaca during the suitors' presence, in addition to Penelope's and others' declarations that Odysseus is dead, instills the palace with an atmosphere of death; in effect, this represents Penelope's katabasis. When she converses with her “dead” husband, she learns in this nekyia – as Odysseus learns during his – what she needs to know to move forward. This article offers an in-depth look at the language, similes, and epithets that portray Penelope's life and experiences in the palace as well as her crucial encounter with Odysseus in book 19, where the suspension and liminality reach their peak.
{"title":"Hell on earth: Penelope's underworld journey and Nekyia","authors":"Lorina Quartarone","doi":"10.1556/068.2023.00124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2023.00124","url":null,"abstract":"By presenting Penelope's experiences and traits as parallel to those of Odysseus, the text of the Odyssey depicts her as heroic in her own right. This detailed analysis of Penelope's life in the palace on Ithaca – depicted as an Underworld-like realm of suspension – shows how similar her experiences, traits, actions and reactions are to her husband's; the text furnishes multiple similes and epithets that demonstrate these parallels. The suspension of progress on Ithaca during the suitors' presence, in addition to Penelope's and others' declarations that Odysseus is dead, instills the palace with an atmosphere of death; in effect, this represents Penelope's katabasis. When she converses with her “dead” husband, she learns in this nekyia – as Odysseus learns during his – what she needs to know to move forward. This article offers an in-depth look at the language, similes, and epithets that portray Penelope's life and experiences in the palace as well as her crucial encounter with Odysseus in book 19, where the suspension and liminality reach their peak.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" 14","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140217007","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jason's coming back to Iolcus embodies the return from exile after an unjustified usurpation. Pelias overthrew his half-brother Aeson, and he forced the latter's new-born Jason into exile. In the Fourth Pythian Ode for Arcesilaus IV of Cyrene, Pindar's mythical digression focuses on the perspective of the exile Jason coming back to Iolcus. Pindar focuses on this story in fuller detail because he favors the recall of the exile Damophilus, a disgraced member of the aristocracy from Cyrene. The mythical conflict of the Aeolid family corresponds to the historical internal strife among the Battiads. The opposition to this dynasty should shortly put an end to their power after the overthrow of Arcesilaus IV. Given his authority as initiated into poetry, Pindar has the right to advise the king to reconcile with his opponents. Finally, this Ode is written to support the right of Damophilus, who was a close friend of Pindar, to be allowed to return to his homeland.
{"title":"The return of Jason and the recall of the exile Damophilus in Pindar's Fourth Pythian Ode: Mythical tale and politics quarrels","authors":"Salvatore Costanza","doi":"10.1556/068.2023.00103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2023.00103","url":null,"abstract":"Jason's coming back to Iolcus embodies the return from exile after an unjustified usurpation. Pelias overthrew his half-brother Aeson, and he forced the latter's new-born Jason into exile. In the Fourth Pythian Ode for Arcesilaus IV of Cyrene, Pindar's mythical digression focuses on the perspective of the exile Jason coming back to Iolcus. Pindar focuses on this story in fuller detail because he favors the recall of the exile Damophilus, a disgraced member of the aristocracy from Cyrene. The mythical conflict of the Aeolid family corresponds to the historical internal strife among the Battiads. The opposition to this dynasty should shortly put an end to their power after the overthrow of Arcesilaus IV. Given his authority as initiated into poetry, Pindar has the right to advise the king to reconcile with his opponents. Finally, this Ode is written to support the right of Damophilus, who was a close friend of Pindar, to be allowed to return to his homeland.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140219686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After reflecting on the many dimensions that homecoming involves both in the present and in antiquity, the ceremonial enhancement of various returns of Caesar Augustus from military campaigns are briefly rehearsed through the Res Gestae Divi Augusti (4. 1–2) and other sources. These include the triumph following the battle of Actium (31/29 BC) and the celebration after the re-establishment of peace with the Parthians, which resulted in the cult of Fortuna Redux (19 BC). The Ara Pacis Augustae was decreed after Augustus' victories in Gaul (Res Gestae 12; Cassius Dio 54. 25. 1–4). The famous procession friezes have often been regarded as depicting the emperor's arrival celebrated as a ‘thanksgiving’ (supplicatio) in July 13 BC, but are better understood as memorializing the day on which the sacred space for the Ara Pacis was inaugurated in September. The friezes depict the emperor's family members as well as divine and mythical figures; while presented as naturalistic or historical, they are open to symbolic readings. In a certain sense, the senators enshrined the motif of Augustus' homecoming into the cult of Roman Peace (and Prosperity) and eternalized the ritualized blessing that this should bring to the Roman people. Cassius Dio's highly conflated account of the Senate's decrees in honour of the returning emperor was composed as criticism against servile flattering, but indirectly confirms the ideas underlying the Senate's decrees on the Actian Triumph, the cult for Fortuna Redux, and the sanctuary of the Ara Pacis: the salutary effect of Augustus' victorious return(s) to Rome should become a permanent blessing irrespective of the singular historical events.
在反思了返乡在当代和古代所涉及的多个层面之后，我们通过《Res Gestae Divi Augusti》（4.1-2）和其他资料，简要回顾了凯撒-奥古斯都从军事行动中归来时的各种庆祝活动。这些活动包括阿克提姆战役（公元前 31/29 年）后的凯旋，以及与帕提亚人重建和平后的庆祝活动，这促成了对 Fortuna Redux 的崇拜（公元前 19 年）。Ara Pacis Augustae 是奥古斯都在高卢取得胜利后颁布的法令（Res Gestae 12；Cassius Dio 54. 25. 1-4）。著名的游行楣板通常被认为描绘的是公元前 13 年 7 月作为 "感恩节"（supplicatio）庆祝的皇帝驾临，但更好的理解是纪念 9 月 Ara Pacis 神殿落成之日。这些楣板描绘了皇帝的家庭成员以及神灵和神话人物；虽然它们是以自然或历史的形式呈现，但也可以进行象征性解读。从某种意义上说，元老们将奥古斯都回家的主题融入了对罗马和平（和繁荣）的崇拜中，并将这种仪式化的祝福永恒化，这种祝福应该带给罗马人民。卡西乌斯-迪奥（Cassius Dio）对元老院为纪念归来的皇帝而颁布的法令进行了高度混淆的描述，作为对奴性谄媚的批判，但也间接证实了元老院关于阿克提安凯旋、Fortuna Redux 崇拜和 Ara Pacis 圣殿的法令的基本思想：无论历史事件如何奇特，奥古斯都胜利返回罗马所带来的好处都应成为永久的祝福。
{"title":"Imperial Homecoming(s) and the Ara Pacis Augustae in 13 BC","authors":"A. Coşkun","doi":"10.1556/068.2023.00104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2023.00104","url":null,"abstract":"After reflecting on the many dimensions that homecoming involves both in the present and in antiquity, the ceremonial enhancement of various returns of Caesar Augustus from military campaigns are briefly rehearsed through the Res Gestae Divi Augusti (4. 1–2) and other sources. These include the triumph following the battle of Actium (31/29 BC) and the celebration after the re-establishment of peace with the Parthians, which resulted in the cult of Fortuna Redux (19 BC). The Ara Pacis Augustae was decreed after Augustus' victories in Gaul (Res Gestae 12; Cassius Dio 54. 25. 1–4). The famous procession friezes have often been regarded as depicting the emperor's arrival celebrated as a ‘thanksgiving’ (supplicatio) in July 13 BC, but are better understood as memorializing the day on which the sacred space for the Ara Pacis was inaugurated in September. The friezes depict the emperor's family members as well as divine and mythical figures; while presented as naturalistic or historical, they are open to symbolic readings. In a certain sense, the senators enshrined the motif of Augustus' homecoming into the cult of Roman Peace (and Prosperity) and eternalized the ritualized blessing that this should bring to the Roman people. Cassius Dio's highly conflated account of the Senate's decrees in honour of the returning emperor was composed as criticism against servile flattering, but indirectly confirms the ideas underlying the Senate's decrees on the Actian Triumph, the cult for Fortuna Redux, and the sanctuary of the Ara Pacis: the salutary effect of Augustus' victorious return(s) to Rome should become a permanent blessing irrespective of the singular historical events.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140211361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The issue of magistrates who came back to Rome provides a perspective to deal with the topic of home returns in the Roman world. This paper focuses on magistrates' homecomings which occurred earlier than expected. To this end, a lexical enquiry on Latin locutions (provincia decedere, revocari ad urbem, redire Romam ex provincia), in a chronological span between the 1st Punic War and the Gracchan Age until the eve of the tribunate of Gaius Gracchus (264–124 BC), will be conducted.
回到罗马的地方行政官问题为我们提供了一个处理罗马世界返乡问题的视角。本文的重点是比预期时间更早的地方行政官回籍问题。为此，本文将对第一次布匿战争和格拉古时代（Gracchan Age）至盖乌斯-格拉古（Gaius Gracchus，公元前 264-124 年）任期前夕的拉丁语词组（provincia decedere、revocari ad urbem、redire Romam ex provincia）进行词汇研究。
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