One of the perplexing aspects of the depiction of Virgil's Volscian heroine Camilla is her association with the myrtle. Close study of evidence from Aulus Gellius as well as passages from Virgil's epic will reveal the poet's intention to recall the Roman tradition of an ovation in his presentation of Camilla's entry to war.
{"title":"Camilla's myrtle and Roman Ovations","authors":"L. Fratantuono","doi":"10.1556/068.2022.00015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2022.00015","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 One of the perplexing aspects of the depiction of Virgil's Volscian heroine Camilla is her association with the myrtle. Close study of evidence from Aulus Gellius as well as passages from Virgil's epic will reveal the poet's intention to recall the Roman tradition of an ovation in his presentation of Camilla's entry to war.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48772134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper aims to clarify connections among the terms designated in the title on the basis of a well-known passage of the Aristotelian corpus (Politics I 2. 1253a7–18). The first part of the argumentation unfolds mainly through conceptual explanations and conceptual distinctions, during which some relevant claims of Aristotleʼs other works (primarily the biological and logical writings) are also taken into consideration. The main question of this part is directed to the difference between man and other living beings. The difference, as it will appear, lies in the specific performance of human speech (logos), contrasted with the performance of the animal voice (phōnē). In the second part, the reconstruction of Aristotelian theory based on close textual reading is complemented by references to some later but theoretically insightful contexts, especially with regard to the field of politics in the narrower sense. Conceptions of social constructivism (Berger and Luckmann), philosophical anthropology (Gehlen), political philosophy (Arendt), and philosophical hermeneutics (Heidegger and Gadamer) will primarily come into play.
{"title":"Mensch und Tier, Sprache und Politik bei Aristoteles","authors":"A. Simon","doi":"10.1556/068.2022.00022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2022.00022","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The paper aims to clarify connections among the terms designated in the title on the basis of a well-known passage of the Aristotelian corpus (Politics I 2. 1253a7–18). The first part of the argumentation unfolds mainly through conceptual explanations and conceptual distinctions, during which some relevant claims of Aristotleʼs other works (primarily the biological and logical writings) are also taken into consideration. The main question of this part is directed to the difference between man and other living beings. The difference, as it will appear, lies in the specific performance of human speech (logos), contrasted with the performance of the animal voice (phōnē). In the second part, the reconstruction of Aristotelian theory based on close textual reading is complemented by references to some later but theoretically insightful contexts, especially with regard to the field of politics in the narrower sense. Conceptions of social constructivism (Berger and Luckmann), philosophical anthropology (Gehlen), political philosophy (Arendt), and philosophical hermeneutics (Heidegger and Gadamer) will primarily come into play.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47051057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In his treatise The Exposition of the Content of Virgil according to Moral Philosophy, Fabius Fulgentius allegorically interpreted the contents of Virgil's epic the Aeneid. The aim of our paper is to explain the main principles of Fulgentius' allegorization by analysing the first verse of Virgil's Aeneid. In Fulgentius' view, the 12 books of the epic depicted the three main stages of a human life as they follow the “natural order”: childhood, adolescence and adulthood. In his prologue (Fulg. Cont. 87. 4–6; 87. 11–89. 3; 89. 19–90. 17), the author supports his claim by presenting an allegorical interpretation of the first line of Virgil's epic (Verg. A. 1. 1), which contains three famous words: arma (“arms”), vir (“man”) and primus (“first”). According to Fulgentius, the first term arma (“arms”) represents virtus (“manliness”) in the sense of characteristics that are available to all human individuals during childhood. The second term vir (“man”) refers to sapientia (“wisdom”), which is related to the development of the ingenium (“mind”) during adolescence. The third term primus (“first”) symbolises the adult ability ornare (“to ornament”) what we have learnt in the first phases of our life. With life experience in childhood and adolescence, a person can gradually become princeps (“a ruler”). In other words, they can be “first” within a given society and thus conclude their personal development towards perfection. As such, the contents of Virgil's Aeneid correspond to these three terms: Books 1–3 to childhood, Books 4–6 to adolescence, and Books 7–12 to adulthood.
{"title":"Fulgentius and the allegorical interpretation of the first line of Virgil's Aeneid","authors":"Peter Fraňo","doi":"10.1556/068.2022.00017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2022.00017","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In his treatise The Exposition of the Content of Virgil according to Moral Philosophy, Fabius Fulgentius allegorically interpreted the contents of Virgil's epic the Aeneid. The aim of our paper is to explain the main principles of Fulgentius' allegorization by analysing the first verse of Virgil's Aeneid. In Fulgentius' view, the 12 books of the epic depicted the three main stages of a human life as they follow the “natural order”: childhood, adolescence and adulthood. In his prologue (Fulg. Cont. 87. 4–6; 87. 11–89. 3; 89. 19–90. 17), the author supports his claim by presenting an allegorical interpretation of the first line of Virgil's epic (Verg. A. 1. 1), which contains three famous words: arma (“arms”), vir (“man”) and primus (“first”). According to Fulgentius, the first term arma (“arms”) represents virtus (“manliness”) in the sense of characteristics that are available to all human individuals during childhood. The second term vir (“man”) refers to sapientia (“wisdom”), which is related to the development of the ingenium (“mind”) during adolescence. The third term primus (“first”) symbolises the adult ability ornare (“to ornament”) what we have learnt in the first phases of our life. With life experience in childhood and adolescence, a person can gradually become princeps (“a ruler”). In other words, they can be “first” within a given society and thus conclude their personal development towards perfection. As such, the contents of Virgil's Aeneid correspond to these three terms: Books 1–3 to childhood, Books 4–6 to adolescence, and Books 7–12 to adulthood.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41486837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Géza Alföldy (1935–2011) is considered as one of the most important epigraphists and historians of the Roman civilization of the late 20th century, known also as “Mommsen of our ages”. His contribution is indispensable not only for the discipline of Roman epigraphy and social history, but also for the study of Roman religion. His intellectual roots in Hungary and the influence of the Hungarian scholarly tradition of the 1950’s marked his interest in the study of Roman religion for a long period. In this study, the authors discuss the formation of Géza Alföldy and his contribution to the discipline through a wider academic and socio-historical context.
Géza Alföldy（1935–2011）被认为是20世纪末罗马文明最重要的金石学家和历史学家之一，也被称为“我们时代的Mommsen”。他的贡献不仅对罗马金石学和社会史学科，而且对罗马宗教研究都是不可或缺的。他在匈牙利的知识渊源和20世纪50年代匈牙利学术传统的影响，标志着他长期以来对罗马宗教研究的兴趣。在这项研究中，作者通过更广泛的学术和社会历史背景讨论了Géza Alföldy的形成及其对该学科的贡献。
{"title":"Géza Alföldy and the study of Roman religion","authors":"C. Szabó, G. García","doi":"10.1556/068.2022.00018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2022.00018","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Géza Alföldy (1935–2011) is considered as one of the most important epigraphists and historians of the Roman civilization of the late 20th century, known also as “Mommsen of our ages”. His contribution is indispensable not only for the discipline of Roman epigraphy and social history, but also for the study of Roman religion. His intellectual roots in Hungary and the influence of the Hungarian scholarly tradition of the 1950’s marked his interest in the study of Roman religion for a long period. In this study, the authors discuss the formation of Géza Alföldy and his contribution to the discipline through a wider academic and socio-historical context.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41847682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The study investigates one arresting detail in Julian's Caesars (333B) that is related to Marcus Aurelius: “four-square and made without a flaw” – τετράγωνος ἄνευ ψόγου τετυγμένος. The central concern is to examine the background which could have influenced Julian's Neoplatonic thoughts in the 4th century AD by the Syrian Neoplatonist, Iamblichus. Marcus Aurelius as a symbol of perfection in Julian's opinion is another interesting question that needs to be answered.
{"title":"Fragment of Simonides (5,2 Bergk) in Julian the Apostate's Caesares","authors":"Katalin K. Csízy","doi":"10.1556/068.2022.00011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2022.00011","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The study investigates one arresting detail in Julian's Caesars (333B) that is related to Marcus Aurelius: “four-square and made without a flaw” – τετράγωνος ἄνευ ψόγου τετυγμένος. The central concern is to examine the background which could have influenced Julian's Neoplatonic thoughts in the 4th century AD by the Syrian Neoplatonist, Iamblichus. Marcus Aurelius as a symbol of perfection in Julian's opinion is another interesting question that needs to be answered.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43306763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present paper aims at giving a text edition of Antonio Cassarino's humanist Latin translation of Plutarch's dialogue Bruta animalia ratione uti. This is the earliest of three translations made of this dialogue in the course of the 15th century. The text itself is extant in three different manuscripts, one of which is a codex of the Vatican Library (Vat. lat. 3349), compiled after Cassarino's death by Panormita. A comparison of the text variants has led to several results. First, some of the errors shared by all three manuscripts show that they go back to a common archetype already at some distance from the translator's original copy. Second, Panormita relied heavily on a codex of the Biblioteca della Società Siciliana per la Storia Patria in Palermo (MS Lodi XII E 13) in preparing his own version. Third, the Vatican codex is far from being the best representative of Cassarino's original translation. Though Panormita corrected several of the common inherited errors, he made changes to the text without consulting the Greek. In almost every instance, it is a codex of the Biblioteca Casanatense of Rome (Bibl. Casan. 665 C II 8) which gives the best reading, providing the clue for a successful reconstruction of the text. An attempt will be made to trace the version contained in this codex back to a certain person named Balbi, referred to in the dedicatory letter as being a learned expert of both languages, Greek and Latin. Along with the establishment of the text, it will also be possible to define the original Greek source codex Cassarino used for his translation (Vat. Pal. gr. 170).
本文的目的是给出安东尼奥·卡萨里诺对普鲁塔克的《理性的动物》对话的人文主义拉丁文翻译的文本版本。这是15世纪对这段对话的三种翻译中最早的一种。文本本身以三种不同的手稿存在，其中一种是梵蒂冈图书馆的手抄本。纬度。3349)，在Cassarino死后由Panormita编译。对文本变体的比较得出了几个结果。首先，这三份手稿共有的一些错误表明，它们回到了一个共同的原型，已经与译者的原始版本有一定距离。其次，Panormita在编写自己的版本时，严重依赖于巴勒莫(MS Lodi XII E 13)的Biblioteca della societ Siciliana per la Storia Patria。第三，梵蒂冈抄本远不是卡萨里诺原版翻译的最佳代表。虽然帕诺尔米塔纠正了几个常见的遗传错误，但他在没有咨询希腊文的情况下对文本进行了修改。在几乎每一个例子中，它都是罗马圣经(圣经)的抄本。它提供了最好的阅读，为成功地重建文本提供了线索。我们将尝试追溯本抄本中包含的版本，追溯到一个名叫巴尔比的人，他在献礼信中被称为希腊语和拉丁语两种语言的博学专家。随着文本的建立，它也将有可能定义原始的希腊源抄本卡萨里诺用于他的翻译(Vat。[古]170)。
{"title":"Antonio Cassarino's Latin translation of Plutarch's Bruta animalia ratione uti","authors":"Balázs Gaál","doi":"10.1556/068.2022.00014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2022.00014","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The present paper aims at giving a text edition of Antonio Cassarino's humanist Latin translation of Plutarch's dialogue Bruta animalia ratione uti. This is the earliest of three translations made of this dialogue in the course of the 15th century. The text itself is extant in three different manuscripts, one of which is a codex of the Vatican Library (Vat. lat. 3349), compiled after Cassarino's death by Panormita. A comparison of the text variants has led to several results. First, some of the errors shared by all three manuscripts show that they go back to a common archetype already at some distance from the translator's original copy. Second, Panormita relied heavily on a codex of the Biblioteca della Società Siciliana per la Storia Patria in Palermo (MS Lodi XII E 13) in preparing his own version. Third, the Vatican codex is far from being the best representative of Cassarino's original translation. Though Panormita corrected several of the common inherited errors, he made changes to the text without consulting the Greek. In almost every instance, it is a codex of the Biblioteca Casanatense of Rome (Bibl. Casan. 665 C II 8) which gives the best reading, providing the clue for a successful reconstruction of the text. An attempt will be made to trace the version contained in this codex back to a certain person named Balbi, referred to in the dedicatory letter as being a learned expert of both languages, Greek and Latin. Along with the establishment of the text, it will also be possible to define the original Greek source codex Cassarino used for his translation (Vat. Pal. gr. 170).","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45847370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pliny's Epistle 1.6 is a relatively short, apparently personal letter within the first book of Epistles, addressed to his friend Cornelius Tacitus. Besides intertextual references to Lucretius, Calpurnius Siculus and Tacitus, there is also an interesting allusion to Seneca's tragedy Phaedra, which influenced Pliny in the conception of the letter's frame story, as the present study aims to prove.
{"title":"Im Wald des Hippolytus •","authors":"Boris Hogenmüller","doi":"10.1556/068.2022.00019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2022.00019","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Pliny's Epistle 1.6 is a relatively short, apparently personal letter within the first book of Epistles, addressed to his friend Cornelius Tacitus. Besides intertextual references to Lucretius, Calpurnius Siculus and Tacitus, there is also an interesting allusion to Seneca's tragedy Phaedra, which influenced Pliny in the conception of the letter's frame story, as the present study aims to prove.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67640111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ethologists have observed that some animals use organised violence against members of their own species. Some well-known scholars call this form of animal aggression war, deliberately omitting the quotation marks. And how was it in antiquity? Was war believed to be part of the animal world? The aim of the presented article is to analyse the ancient written sources in search of correlations between the notion of war and animals, and to determine what conceptual assumptions lie at the heart of this correlation. In light of the preserved records, it seems that the conviction about the existence of an inherent correlation between war and the animal world emerged slowly; that is, basic military terms (polemos, machē, etc.) were used with respect to animals reluctantly in the beginning and rather metaphorically, but gained popularity over time. Even though animals appear in the military context beginning from Homer's Iliad, Aristotle was most probably the first one to explicitly formulate a thesis about the presence of war (polemos) in the animal world. Aristotle's concept of war comes down to a series of duels fought between animals. It seems that what made it easier for Aristotle to transfer the notion of a battle (machē) from the human world to the animal world was the Greek tendency to present duels between soldiers as being equivalent to a clash between two armies.
{"title":"War among animals in Greek thought","authors":"Lucyna Kostuch","doi":"10.1556/068.2022.00012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2022.00012","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Ethologists have observed that some animals use organised violence against members of their own species. Some well-known scholars call this form of animal aggression war, deliberately omitting the quotation marks. And how was it in antiquity? Was war believed to be part of the animal world? The aim of the presented article is to analyse the ancient written sources in search of correlations between the notion of war and animals, and to determine what conceptual assumptions lie at the heart of this correlation. In light of the preserved records, it seems that the conviction about the existence of an inherent correlation between war and the animal world emerged slowly; that is, basic military terms (polemos, machē, etc.) were used with respect to animals reluctantly in the beginning and rather metaphorically, but gained popularity over time. Even though animals appear in the military context beginning from Homer's Iliad, Aristotle was most probably the first one to explicitly formulate a thesis about the presence of war (polemos) in the animal world. Aristotle's concept of war comes down to a series of duels fought between animals. It seems that what made it easier for Aristotle to transfer the notion of a battle (machē) from the human world to the animal world was the Greek tendency to present duels between soldiers as being equivalent to a clash between two armies.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48381212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This note argues that the text of Ciris 58 should read: illam etiam aerumnis quod saepe legamus Ulixi.
本文认为《罗马法典》第58章的文本应该是:illam etiam aerumnis quod saepe legamus Ulixi。
{"title":"Ciris 58","authors":"Włodzimierz Olszaniec","doi":"10.1556/068.2022.00006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2022.00006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This note argues that the text of Ciris 58 should read: illam etiam aerumnis quod saepe legamus Ulixi.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47982596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The legend of Ovid’s Hungarian tomb appeared in the historiography in the 16th century: besides the numerous Ovid-tombs that turned up all across Europe, Wolfgang Lazius was the first who mentioned in his work Commentarii Reipublicae Romanae that the grave of the poet destined to a tragic fate was discovered in Savaria-Szombathely. Then – at the end of the 16th century, probably through Polish influence – a four-line ‘epitaph’ expanded the narrative. In my paper I aim to enlighten how the legend of Ovid’s tomb appeared in the Hungarian historiography of the 16–18th century, how the authors tried to eliminate historical contradictions, and also, I intend to present the different concepts on the creation and the authenticity of the alleged epitaph today.
{"title":"Fatum necessitatis lex. The tomb of Ovid in the Hungarian historiography (16–18th century)","authors":"Sára Sánta","doi":"10.1556/068.2021.00007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2021.00007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The legend of Ovid’s Hungarian tomb appeared in the historiography in the 16th century: besides the numerous Ovid-tombs that turned up all across Europe, Wolfgang Lazius was the first who mentioned in his work Commentarii Reipublicae Romanae that the grave of the poet destined to a tragic fate was discovered in Savaria-Szombathely. Then – at the end of the 16th century, probably through Polish influence – a four-line ‘epitaph’ expanded the narrative. In my paper I aim to enlighten how the legend of Ovid’s tomb appeared in the Hungarian historiography of the 16–18th century, how the authors tried to eliminate historical contradictions, and also, I intend to present the different concepts on the creation and the authenticity of the alleged epitaph today.","PeriodicalId":35670,"journal":{"name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48869731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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