Pub Date : 2022-11-13DOI: 10.1177/00438200221135190
M. Baranowski
The central thesis of this commentary focuses on the paradox of two wars occurring in parallel with Russian aggression in Ukraine. It is not just that—in addition to military action—there is a geopolitical tsunami and its consequences in the form of a possible food crisis, mass migration, or an already open energy war. The paradox relates to the fact that a potential Ukrainian victory could have adverse effects on the welfare of European countries as a consequence of the embargo on Russian hydrocarbons and the need to replace them (assuming there is no return to the ancien régime before the Russian aggression of February 24, 2022). The defeat of the Ukrainians, on the other hand, could lead to a so-called “new opening” and a gradual return to the import of Russian energy resources (which, although they will not obtain the pre-war volume, will provide energy stability for Europe in a period of diversifying contracts and developing investments in renewable energy sources).
{"title":"COMMENTARY – THE PARADOX OF TWO WARS IN UKRAINE","authors":"M. Baranowski","doi":"10.1177/00438200221135190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221135190","url":null,"abstract":"The central thesis of this commentary focuses on the paradox of two wars occurring in parallel with Russian aggression in Ukraine. It is not just that—in addition to military action—there is a geopolitical tsunami and its consequences in the form of a possible food crisis, mass migration, or an already open energy war. The paradox relates to the fact that a potential Ukrainian victory could have adverse effects on the welfare of European countries as a consequence of the embargo on Russian hydrocarbons and the need to replace them (assuming there is no return to the ancien régime before the Russian aggression of February 24, 2022). The defeat of the Ukrainians, on the other hand, could lead to a so-called “new opening” and a gradual return to the import of Russian energy resources (which, although they will not obtain the pre-war volume, will provide energy stability for Europe in a period of diversifying contracts and developing investments in renewable energy sources).","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"226 - 234"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43261042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-08DOI: 10.1177/00438200221136875
Sahibzada Muhammad Usman
This article examines how civil-military relations have changed in China. This is conducted in the context of long-term efforts to make the military more professional and to understand how civilians and soldiers interact today. Current analyses of Chinese civil-military relations have focused on the military's professionalization. However, the recent evaluations do not entirely include the lessons learned from past professionalization phases in the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) history. I focus on the continuity between different events in China's civil and military history by looking at the critical links that made it possible for military professionalization to change what had happened before between the Chinese Communist Party and the PLA. The potential impact of further professionalization of the PLA in contemporary civil-military interactions is also examined.
{"title":"HISTORY AND FUTURE PERCEPTIVE OF CIVIL–MILITARY RELATIONS IN CHINA","authors":"Sahibzada Muhammad Usman","doi":"10.1177/00438200221136875","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221136875","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how civil-military relations have changed in China. This is conducted in the context of long-term efforts to make the military more professional and to understand how civilians and soldiers interact today. Current analyses of Chinese civil-military relations have focused on the military's professionalization. However, the recent evaluations do not entirely include the lessons learned from past professionalization phases in the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) history. I focus on the continuity between different events in China's civil and military history by looking at the critical links that made it possible for military professionalization to change what had happened before between the Chinese Communist Party and the PLA. The potential impact of further professionalization of the PLA in contemporary civil-military interactions is also examined.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"190 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46403476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-07DOI: 10.1177/00438200221121523
N. Schimmel
Applying the case study of Saudi Arabia, this article examines the rhetoric of nations who are well documented as being severe violators of human rights and the use they make of the UN Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review (UPR) mechanism to defend, downplay, and deny their human rights violations. Authoritarian countries who violate human rights systemically, severely, and intentionally as a matter of government policy apply different rhetorical strategies when undergoing the UPR process and writing and submitting their respective national reports for the UPR process. This article analyzes these strategies, illustrates how different countries use them during the UPR process, and explores the value and limitations of the UPR process and its efficacy at advancing human rights.
{"title":"THE UN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL’S UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW AS A RHETORICAL BATTLEFIELD OF NATIONS","authors":"N. Schimmel","doi":"10.1177/00438200221121523","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221121523","url":null,"abstract":"Applying the case study of Saudi Arabia, this article examines the rhetoric of nations who are well documented as being severe violators of human rights and the use they make of the UN Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review (UPR) mechanism to defend, downplay, and deny their human rights violations. Authoritarian countries who violate human rights systemically, severely, and intentionally as a matter of government policy apply different rhetorical strategies when undergoing the UPR process and writing and submitting their respective national reports for the UPR process. This article analyzes these strategies, illustrates how different countries use them during the UPR process, and explores the value and limitations of the UPR process and its efficacy at advancing human rights.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"10 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43914944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-06DOI: 10.1177/00438200221133833
S. Asongu, S. Diop, J. Nnanna
This study examines the nexus between governance and human development in Africa. It uses data for the period 2010–2019 and takes into account the existence of spatial dependence and controls for the endogeneity problem through a Generalized Spatial Two Stage Least Squares (2SLS) technique. The exploratory spatial data analysis reveals the existence of spatial dependence on human development and governance quality. Our empirical findings support that in Africa, “good fences make good neighbors,” or proximity matters in the distribution of human development. Implications are discussed. This study complements the extant literature by using more updated data and employing an alternative and more robust estimation approach.
{"title":"HUMAN DEVELOPMENT AND GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA","authors":"S. Asongu, S. Diop, J. Nnanna","doi":"10.1177/00438200221133833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221133833","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the nexus between governance and human development in Africa. It uses data for the period 2010–2019 and takes into account the existence of spatial dependence and controls for the endogeneity problem through a Generalized Spatial Two Stage Least Squares (2SLS) technique. The exploratory spatial data analysis reveals the existence of spatial dependence on human development and governance quality. Our empirical findings support that in Africa, “good fences make good neighbors,” or proximity matters in the distribution of human development. Implications are discussed. This study complements the extant literature by using more updated data and employing an alternative and more robust estimation approach.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"169 - 189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44043225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A note from the editor","authors":"A. Karshmer","doi":"10.1145/221315.221318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1145/221315.221318","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1145/221315.221318","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46426326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-30DOI: 10.1177/00438200221128026
D. Bar-Tal
The present article considers the viability of a confederation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority with Jordan as a realistic solution to the ongoing conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinians. It presents the background and the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, with a description of the present situation in order to understand the possible solutions to the conflict. I also explore several ideas of how to peacefully resolve the conflict that is entertained at present. A special focus is on the proposal of Alon Ben-Meir (2022) about building a confederation delineated in the Spring issue of this journal. Thus, in the second part, the concept of confederation is described and three barriers to its implementation are elaborated. The first discusses the approach of presenting a rational plan, whereas in reality, participants in conflict develop a sociopsychological repertoire that serves often as a barrier to the solution. The second comment elaborates on the complex nature of reconciliation that cannot be required as a necessary precondition for the solution of the conflict. The third comment pertains to the asymmetry of the parties in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict that is a serious barrier to the implementation of the phases of the proposed confederation. Finally, I describe briefly the different proposals that are on the table at present and evaluate their feasibility.
本文认为，以色列和巴勒斯坦权力机构与约旦建立联盟的可行性，是解决以色列犹太人和巴勒斯坦人之间持续冲突的现实办法。它介绍了以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突的背景和进程，并描述了目前的局势，以了解冲突的可能解决方案。我还探讨了如何和平解决目前存在的冲突的几个想法。特别关注的是阿隆·本·梅尔（Alon Ben Meir，2022）关于建立一个联盟的建议，该建议在本期刊春季版中进行了阐述。因此，在第二部分中，描述了联盟的概念，并阐述了联盟实施的三个障碍。第一部分讨论了提出合理计划的方法，而在现实中，冲突参与者形成了一种社会心理谱系，这往往是解决问题的障碍。第二条意见阐述了和解的复杂性质，不能要求和解作为解决冲突的必要先决条件。第三条意见涉及以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突各方的不对称性，这是执行拟议联盟各阶段的严重障碍。最后，我简要介绍了目前摆在桌面上的不同建议，并评估了它们的可行性。
{"title":"IS A CONFEDERATION BETWEEN ISRAEL AND PALESTINE WITH JORDAN A VIABLE ARRANGEMENT?","authors":"D. Bar-Tal","doi":"10.1177/00438200221128026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221128026","url":null,"abstract":"The present article considers the viability of a confederation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority with Jordan as a realistic solution to the ongoing conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinians. It presents the background and the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, with a description of the present situation in order to understand the possible solutions to the conflict. I also explore several ideas of how to peacefully resolve the conflict that is entertained at present. A special focus is on the proposal of Alon Ben-Meir (2022) about building a confederation delineated in the Spring issue of this journal. Thus, in the second part, the concept of confederation is described and three barriers to its implementation are elaborated. The first discusses the approach of presenting a rational plan, whereas in reality, participants in conflict develop a sociopsychological repertoire that serves often as a barrier to the solution. The second comment elaborates on the complex nature of reconciliation that cannot be required as a necessary precondition for the solution of the conflict. The third comment pertains to the asymmetry of the parties in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict that is a serious barrier to the implementation of the phases of the proposed confederation. Finally, I describe briefly the different proposals that are on the table at present and evaluate their feasibility.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"737 - 765"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44832765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-30DOI: 10.1177/00438200221130062
Issa Saras
This essay draws attention to some of the current conditions in Palestine as these relate to, and potentially affect, the arguments contained in Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) recent proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation. In contrast to the level of free speech in Israel, the situation in Palestine is significantly more guarded and less understood abroad. I argue that this should be taken into account in any and all proposals for conflict resolution between the two peoples. My aim is to highlight some important aspects of the proposal and encourage Israelis and Palestinians alike to investigate more deeply what is happening in Palestine in order to assist in generating policy solutions that consider the concerns and the goals of both peoples in the context of a permanent solution to their conflict.
{"title":"COMMENTS ON ALON BEN-MEIR’S “THE CASE FOR AN ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN-JORDANIAN CONFEDERATION, WHY NOW AND HOW”","authors":"Issa Saras","doi":"10.1177/00438200221130062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221130062","url":null,"abstract":"This essay draws attention to some of the current conditions in Palestine as these relate to, and potentially affect, the arguments contained in Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) recent proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation. In contrast to the level of free speech in Israel, the situation in Palestine is significantly more guarded and less understood abroad. I argue that this should be taken into account in any and all proposals for conflict resolution between the two peoples. My aim is to highlight some important aspects of the proposal and encourage Israelis and Palestinians alike to investigate more deeply what is happening in Palestine in order to assist in generating policy solutions that consider the concerns and the goals of both peoples in the context of a permanent solution to their conflict.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"766 - 778"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46325496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-10DOI: 10.1177/00438200221129869
Alon Liel
This article offers a response to Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation from the perspective of a former Israeli diplomat whose roles included Director General of the Foreign Ministry of Israel and Israel's ambassador to South Africa. A long-time champion of a campaign to promote the recognition of a Palestinian state by European governments, in this piece Ambassador (ret.) Dr. Liel unpacks his personal and professional reasoning as to why he remains wary and hesitant of confederative solutions even if, on the face of it, they may be practically attainable.
本文从一名前以色列外交官的角度回应了阿隆·本·梅尔（Alon Ben Meir，2022）关于建立以色列-巴勒斯坦-约旦联邦的提议，这位外交官的角色包括以色列外交部总干事和以色列驻南非大使。作为促进欧洲各国政府承认巴勒斯坦国运动的长期倡导者，Liel大使（退役）博士在这篇文章中阐述了他个人和专业的理由，解释了为什么他对邦联解决方案仍然保持谨慎和犹豫，即使从表面上看，这些解决方案实际上是可以实现的。
{"title":"THE JUST SOLUTION WILL LAST, NOT THE FEASIBLE","authors":"Alon Liel","doi":"10.1177/00438200221129869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221129869","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a response to Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation from the perspective of a former Israeli diplomat whose roles included Director General of the Foreign Ministry of Israel and Israel's ambassador to South Africa. A long-time champion of a campaign to promote the recognition of a Palestinian state by European governments, in this piece Ambassador (ret.) Dr. Liel unpacks his personal and professional reasoning as to why he remains wary and hesitant of confederative solutions even if, on the face of it, they may be practically attainable.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"676 - 689"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44594891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-09DOI: 10.1177/00438200221128267
Nabil Kukali
This essay offers a discussion and critique of Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal entitled, “The Case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation: Why Now and How?” Incorporating elements of other viewpoints and prior proposals to add nuance, I explore Ben-Meir's concerted attempt to think past the exemplary two-state model for settling the Palestine and Israel conflict and to introduce thoughts on how policy makers and common actors can apply a confederal system later on. Given the entrenched one-state reality, I argue that the liberation of Palestinians through emancipation in a solitary popularity-based nation is the most thoughtfully clear option in contrast to many years of failed endeavors.
本文对阿隆·本·梅尔（Alon Ben Meir）（2022）题为“以色列-巴勒斯坦-约旦联合会的案例：为什么是现在和如何？”的提案进行了讨论和批评，我探讨了本·梅尔（Ben Meir）的共同努力，他试图超越解决巴以冲突的典型两国模式，并介绍政策制定者和共同行为者以后如何应用邦联制度的想法，我认为，与多年失败的努力相比，在一个以民众为基础的孤立国家通过解放巴勒斯坦人是最深思熟虑的明确选择。
{"title":"A CRITIQUE BY DR. NABIL KUKALI ON AN ARTICLE ENTITLED","authors":"Nabil Kukali","doi":"10.1177/00438200221128267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221128267","url":null,"abstract":"This essay offers a discussion and critique of Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal entitled, “The Case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation: Why Now and How?” Incorporating elements of other viewpoints and prior proposals to add nuance, I explore Ben-Meir's concerted attempt to think past the exemplary two-state model for settling the Palestine and Israel conflict and to introduce thoughts on how policy makers and common actors can apply a confederal system later on. Given the entrenched one-state reality, I argue that the liberation of Palestinians through emancipation in a solitary popularity-based nation is the most thoughtfully clear option in contrast to many years of failed endeavors.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"794 - 809"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48811684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-09DOI: 10.1177/00438200221128274
Paul Scham
In the wake of the failure of the “classic” two-state solution to make headway since the collapse of the Camp David negotiations in 2000, the idea of a confederal solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is being increasingly seen as a realistic political format by Palestinians and Israelis of both the left and the right. Examples and models of reconciliation and confederation are discussed in this article and certain myths, including that religious strictures are unchangeable, are challenged. The author concludes that confederation is possible, though admittedly difficult, and seems the only viable alternative to the stalemated status quo.
{"title":"CONFEDERATION IS THE TWO-STATE SOLUTION 2.0","authors":"Paul Scham","doi":"10.1177/00438200221128274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221128274","url":null,"abstract":"In the wake of the failure of the “classic” two-state solution to make headway since the collapse of the Camp David negotiations in 2000, the idea of a confederal solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is being increasingly seen as a realistic political format by Palestinians and Israelis of both the left and the right. Examples and models of reconciliation and confederation are discussed in this article and certain myths, including that religious strictures are unchangeable, are challenged. The author concludes that confederation is possible, though admittedly difficult, and seems the only viable alternative to the stalemated status quo.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"710 - 723"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43103490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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