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Why Gun Control is So Hard 为什么枪支管制如此困难
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0731129X.2019.1603875
Douglas Husak
The issue of gun control is among a growing number of polarizing topics that may seem immune frommeaningful compromise and rational debate. Although their intransience may be exaggerated, few citizens are undecided and most have strong opinions that are disappointingly short on accurate information and nuance. Some may believe this state of affairs indicates the utter futility of attempts to grapple seriously with the controversy. On the other hand, a case can be made that clear-minded philosophical input is needed most urgently when the sides are so far apart. At least we philosophers can recommend a sensible and balanced analysis of the issue to anyone who is prepared to listen (including our captured audience of undergraduates). Hugh LaFollette’s Gun Control is an important and eminently readable contribution to the surprisingly sparse philosophical commentary about one of our country’s most pressing concerns. In this review, I will point out four distinct but related ways I believe his effort could have been even more successful. I will contend that he is unclear about his intended audience; could do more to identify the nature of the problem to be solved; spends too little time defending concrete solutions; and fails to wrestle adequately with crucial questions of enforcement. But my critical posture should not be mistaken for a negative assessment of his book. In case there is doubt, I explicitly recommend that anyone who endeavors to cut through the fog and come to terms with the issue of gun control should study LaFollette’s book.
枪支管制问题是越来越多两极分化的话题之一,这些话题似乎不受有意义的妥协和理性辩论的影响。尽管他们的不妥协可能被夸大了,但很少有公民犹豫不决,大多数人都有强烈的意见,令人失望的是,他们缺乏准确的信息和细微差别。一些人可能认为,这种情况表明,认真应对争议的努力是徒劳的。另一方面,可以证明,当双方相距如此之远时,最迫切需要头脑清醒的哲学投入。至少我们哲学家可以向任何准备倾听的人(包括我们捕获的本科生)推荐一个明智而平衡的问题分析。休·拉福莱特(Hugh LaFollette)的《枪支管制》(Gun Control)是对我们国家最紧迫的问题之一令人惊讶的稀疏哲学评论的一个重要而可读的贡献。在这篇综述中,我将指出四个不同但相关的方面,我相信他的努力本可以更加成功。我认为,他不清楚自己的目标受众;可以做更多的工作来确定要解决的问题的性质;为具体解决方案辩护的时间太少;未能充分解决执法方面的关键问题。但我的批评态度不应被误认为是对他的书的负面评价。如果有疑问,我明确建议任何试图拨开迷雾,接受枪支管制问题的人都应该学习拉福莱特的书。
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引用次数: 0
Retributivism, Penal Censure, and Life Imprisonment without Parole 惩罚主义、刑罚审查与无假释终身监禁
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0731129X.2019.1600289
Netanel Dagan, Julian V. Roberts
This article advances a censure-based case against sentences of life imprisonment without the possibility of parole. Our argument justifies a retributive “second look” assessment of long-term prison sentences. The article focuses on the censuring element of long-term prison sentences while reconceptualizing penal censure as a dynamic and responsive concept. By doing so, the article explores the significance of the prisoner’s life after sentencing (largely ignored by retributivists) and promotes a more nuanced approach to censure-based proportionality. Policy-makers may welcome this approach as a way to control excessive prison sentences while remaining within a retributive penal framework. Although we are making a general argument about the need for responsive censure within a retributive sentencing regime, the case for this approach is particularly compelling at the present time. Almost all Western nations, and particularly the US, impose very lengthy, often life sentences of imprisonment for a wide range of offences, thereby affecting large numbers of prisoners.
本文提出了一个基于谴责的案件,反对无假释可能的终身监禁判决。我们的论点证明了对长期监禁判决进行报复性的“重新审视”评估是合理的。本文着重于长期监禁刑罚的谴责要素,同时将刑事谴责重新定义为一个动态的、响应性的概念。通过这样做,文章探讨了囚犯在判刑后的生活意义(在很大程度上被报复主义者忽视),并提倡对基于谴责的相称性采取更微妙的方法。政策制定者可能会欢迎这种做法,将其作为一种控制过度监禁的方式,同时保持在惩罚性刑罚框架内。尽管我们正在就在报复性量刑制度中进行回应性谴责的必要性进行一般性辩论,但目前这种做法的理由尤其令人信服。几乎所有西方国家,尤其是美国,都对各种罪行判处非常长的、往往是无期徒刑,从而影响到大量囚犯。
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引用次数: 3
Objections to Coercive Neurocorrectives for Criminal Offenders –Why Offenders’ Human Rights Should Fundamentally Come First 对刑事犯强制神经矫正的反对——为什么罪犯的人权应该优先考虑
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0731129X.2019.1586216
Lando Kirchmair
“Committing a crime might render one morally liable to certain forms of medical intervention”, claims Thomas Douglas, who stated in this context that “compulsory uses of medical correctives could in principle be justified.” This article engages critically with his and other arguments on the use of coercive neurocorrectives for criminal offenders. First, the rehabilitation assumption that includes—for coercive neurocorrectives to work as an alternative to incarceration—that rehabilitation is the “only goal” of criminal punishment is criticized. Additionally this article engages with the theoretical difficulty of solely rehabilitative approaches, and discusses why it is unfortunate to design neurocorrectives so as to be particularly harmful in order to imagine administering them as being a punishment. Second, until we know more about specific neurocorrectives, we are well advised not to undermine the most important objection against coercive neurocorrectives, namely offenders’ human rights. This article argues that the use of coercive neurocorrectives would particularly violate Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights which guarantees as an absolute right that “[n]o one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment”, and finally holds that a still weak human right to mental integrity and self-determination should fundamentally come first.
托马斯·道格拉斯(Thomas Douglas)声称,“犯罪可能会使一个人在道德上受到某些形式的医疗干预”,他在这一背景下表示,“强制使用医疗矫正剂原则上是合理的。”。首先,康复假设包括——为了使强制性神经纠正措施作为监禁的替代方案——康复是刑事处罚的“唯一目标”,这一假设受到了批评。此外,本文还探讨了单纯康复方法的理论困难,并讨论了为什么将神经纠正措施设计得特别有害,从而将其视为一种惩罚是不幸的。其次,在我们对特定的神经校正有更多了解之前,我们最好不要破坏对强制性神经校正最重要的反对意见,即罪犯的人权。该条认为,使用强制性神经纠正措施将特别违反《欧洲人权公约》第3条,该条作为一项绝对权利保障“任何人不得遭受酷刑或不人道或有辱人格的待遇或处罚”,最后认为,从根本上讲,精神完整和自决的人权仍然薄弱。
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引用次数: 13
The Holy Grail of Democratic Policing 民主警务的圣杯
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0731129X.2019.1586217
R. Worden, Caitlin J. Dole
Unwarranted, by NYU law professor Barry Friedman, offers a diagnosis of some of the contemporary ills of American policing and a prescribed cure. Between 2014 and 2016, incidents of fatal shootings...
纽约大学法学教授巴里·弗里德曼(Barry Friedman)的《无根据》(un)一书对美国警察的一些当代弊病进行了诊断,并给出了治疗方法。2014年至2016年间,致命枪击事件…
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引用次数: 1
Paying to Be Punished: A Statutory Analysis of Sex Offender Registration Fees 有偿受处罚:性犯罪登记费的法律分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/0731129X.2018.1551800
David A. Makin, Andrea M. Walker, Christopher M. Campbell
Over the last 20 years, sex offender policies, specifically in terms of community corrections, have increased in scope. One of the most controversial and pervasive sex offender policies is that of registration. In response to the consumption of already limited resources, jurisdictions have imposed increasingly higher community supervision fees onto the offenders, requiring them to pay for their own re-entry. However, to date no research study has examined the statutory language associated with registration fees collected post release from formal community sanctions. Using a statutory analysis within the United States, this research finds and quantifies the imposition of a registration fee on offenders who are legally compelled to pay these registration costs, regardless of whether they are still currently under community supervision. Results show that more than half of U.S. states (n = 28) incorporate statutory language authorizing registration fees, ranging anywhere from $5 per registration to up to $250 per year. These findings, as well as suggestions for future research and policy recommendations, are discussed.
在过去的20年里,性犯罪者的政策,特别是社区矫正方面,范围有所扩大。最具争议和最普遍的性犯罪者政策之一是登记。由于资源有限,各司法管辖区对罪犯征收越来越高的社区监督费用,要求他们自付重返社会的费用。然而,到目前为止,还没有研究审查与正式社区制裁解除后收取的注册费有关的法定语言。通过对美国法律的分析,本研究发现并量化了对那些在法律上被迫支付登记费的罪犯征收登记费的情况,无论他们目前是否仍在社区监督之下。结果显示,超过一半的美国州(n = 28)纳入了法定语言授权注册费,从每次注册5美元到每年250美元不等。讨论了这些发现,以及对未来研究和政策建议的建议。
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引用次数: 3
Predicting Proportionality: The Case for Algorithmic Sentencing 预测比例:算法量刑的案例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/0731129X.2018.1552359
Vincent Chiao
A basic principle in sentencing offenders is proportionality. However, proportionality judgments are often left to the discretion of the judge, raising familiar concerns of arbitrariness and bias. This paper considers the case for systematizing judgments of proportionality in sentencing by means of an algorithm. The aim of such an algorithm would be to predict what a judge in that jurisdiction would regard as a proportionate sentence in a particular case. A predictive algorithm of this kind would not necessarily undermine justice in individual cases, is consistent with a particularistic account of moral judgment, and is attractive even in the face of uncertainty as to the legitimate purposes of punishment.
量刑罪犯的一项基本原则是相称性。然而,相称性判决往往由法官自行决定,这引发了人们对任意性和偏见的担忧。本文考虑了利用算法将量刑比例判断系统化的情况。这种算法的目的是预测该管辖区的法官在特定案件中会认为什么是相称的判决。这种预测算法不一定会破坏个别案件中的正义,与道德判断的特殊描述一致,即使在惩罚的合法目的存在不确定性的情况下也很有吸引力。
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引用次数: 7
Shame for Kantians, and Others 康德主义者和其他人的耻辱
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/0731129X.2018.1544359
M. Alfano
In Naked, Krista K. Thomason offers a multifaceted account of shame, covering its nature as an emotion, its positive and negative roles in moral life, its association with violence, and its provocation through invitations to shame, public shaming, and stigmatization. Along the way, she reflects on a range of examples drawn from literature, memoirs, journalism, and her own imagination. She also considers alternative views at length, draws a wealth of important distinctions, and articulates many of the most intuitive objections to her own view in order to defend it more thoroughly. For these reasons, the book’s subtitle, The Dark Side of Shame and Moral Life, undersells its scope and ambition. This is an exploration not just of shame’s dark side but a kaleidoscopic appreciation of both the nature and the (dis)value of shame and shaming. Somewhat undercutting this breadth, Thomason relies heavily on Kantian intuitions about equal respect and recognition for persons and their dignity; in several key arguments, she tells us to disregard predictable and systematic consequences of emotions, practices, and institutions, so that we can better focus on their constitutive or internal aspects. Of course, every philosopher inevitably brings theoretical commitments to bear when writing about moral psychology, but nonKantian readers should be forewarned that—despite the fact that Thomason says that she does “not assume any particular moral theory”—her ethical conclusions about shaming and stigmatizing are likely to be plausible only to those who are already snugly tied into a web of “Kantian commitments” (9). Full disclosure: I am not a Kantian, so I was predisposed to disagree with many of Thomason’s arguments. Nevertheless, I found much of value in her book and hope that this review manages to shed some light on it. The book is divided into five chapters, bookended by a brief ∗Mark Alfano is Associate Professor at Ethics & Philosophy of Technology, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands, as well as Professor at the Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry, Australian Catholic University, Melbourne, Australia. Email: mark.alfano@gmail.com. Criminal Justice Ethics, 2018 Vol. 37, No. 3, 275–286, https://doi.org/10.1080/0731129X.2018.1544359
在《裸体》一书中,克里斯塔·K·托马森对羞耻进行了多方面的描述,涵盖了羞耻作为一种情感的本质,它在道德生活中的积极和消极作用,它与暴力的联系,以及它通过邀请羞耻、公开羞辱和污名化进行的挑衅。一路上,她反思了从文学、回忆录、新闻和她自己的想象中汲取的一系列例子。她还详细考虑了各种不同的观点,得出了大量重要的区别,并阐述了许多对她自己观点最直观的反对意见,以便更彻底地捍卫它。出于这些原因,这本书的副标题《羞耻与道德生活的黑暗面》低估了它的范围和野心。这不仅是对羞耻的黑暗面的探索,也是对羞耻和羞辱的本质和(dis)价值的万花筒般的欣赏。托马森在某种程度上削弱了这种广度,他在很大程度上依赖康德关于对人及其尊严的平等尊重和认可的直觉;在几个关键论点中,她告诉我们要忽视情绪、实践和制度的可预测和系统性后果,这样我们才能更好地关注它们的构成或内部方面。当然,每一位哲学家在写道德心理学时都不可避免地要承担理论责任,但非康德主义的读者应该得到警告,尽管托马森说她“没有假设任何特定的道德理论”,但她关于羞辱和污名化的道德结论可能只有那些已经紧密地束缚在“康德主义承诺”网络中的人才是可信的(9)。全面披露:我不是康德主义者,所以我倾向于不同意托马森的许多论点。尽管如此,我在她的书中发现了很多价值,并希望这篇评论能对它有所启发。这本书分为五章,以一篇简介结尾。Mark Alfano是荷兰代尔夫特理工大学技术伦理与哲学副教授,澳大利亚天主教大学,澳大利亚墨尔本。电子邮件:mark.alfano@gmail.com.《刑事司法伦理》,2018年第37卷,第3期,275–286,https://doi.org/10.1080/0731129X.2018.1544359
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking the Moral Responsibilities Pertaining to the Use of Lethal Force by Police and Combatants 关于警察和战斗人员使用致命武力的道德责任的再思考
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/0731129X.2018.1546863
Steve Viner
Seumas Miller’s book Shooting to Kill: The Ethics of Police and Military Use of Lethal Force concerns the moral rules applicable to the use of lethal force over three domains: individuals (personal self-defense), police, and combatants. Throughout his book, Miller compares and contrasts “the use of lethal force by ordinary citizens, police officers and military personnel” (2). This review has five sections. In section 2, I discuss some preliminary matters, and offer brief discussions of three of the book’s chapters. In section 3, I offer some praise for Miller’s teleological, institutional approach and for his “collective end theory” of “joint action.” In section 4, I offer two criticisms. The first is that Miller does not properly address the likely objection from a strong, contemporary alternative approach known as the “individualist reductionists” or the “revisionists” approach (3). Another way to state this criticism is that Miller does not properly support his claim that a state’s police force and military have separate institutional goals generating moral norms that “further specify” the moral norms applicable on the individual level (15). In this book, I found the “why” question unanswered. Why, for Miller, do the institutional goals that attach to each of these domains generate moral duties that have the moral authority to further specify the moral norms applicable between individuals in a noninstitutional framework? The second criticism is related to the first. It is that the procedure by which institutional goals generate moral norms that further specify the moral norms found in a state of nature, as Miller ∗Steve Viner is an Associate Professor of Philosophy at Middlebury College, Middlebury VT, USA. Email: sviner@middlebury. edu Criminal Justice Ethics, 2018 Vol. 37, No. 3, 262–274, https://doi.org/10.1080/0731129X.2018.1546863
Seumas Miller的书《开枪杀人:警察和军队使用致命武力的道德规范》关注了适用于三个领域使用致命武力的道德规则:个人(个人自卫),警察和战斗人员。在整本书中,米勒对“普通公民、警察和军事人员使用致命武力”进行了比较和对比(2)。在第2节中,我讨论了一些初步问题,并简要讨论了本书的三个章节。在第三部分,我对米勒的目的论、制度方法和他的“共同行动”的“集体目的理论”给予了一些赞扬。在第4部分,我提出了两点批评。首先,米勒没有恰当地解决可能来自一种强大的、当代的替代方法的反对意见,这种方法被称为“个人主义简化论者”或“修正主义者”方法(3)。另一种表述这种批评的方式是,米勒没有恰当地支持他的主张,即一个国家的警察部队和军队有独立的制度目标,产生道德规范,“进一步规定”适用于个人层面的道德规范(15)。在这本书中,我发现“为什么”这个问题没有答案。在米勒看来,为什么附属于这些领域的制度目标产生了道德义务,这些道德义务具有道德权威,能够进一步规定非制度框架中个人之间适用的道德规范?第二种批评与第一种批评有关。正如Miller * Steve Viner是美国米德尔伯里学院的哲学副教授一样,制度目标产生道德规范的过程进一步明确了在自然状态中发现的道德规范。电子邮件:sviner@middlebury。《刑事司法伦理》,2018年第37卷第3期,262-274,https://doi.org/10.1080/0731129X.2018.1546863
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引用次数: 0
Deserved Delayed Release? The Communicative Theory of Punishment and Indeterminate Prison Sentences 推迟发行理所应当?刑罚交际理论与刑期不确定
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/0731129X.2018.1500134
William Bülow
Indeterminate sentencing is a sentencing practice where offenders are sentenced to a range of potential imprisonment terms and where the actual release date is determined later, typically by a parole board. Although indeterminate sentencing is often considered morally problematic from a retributivist perspective, Michael O’Hear has provided an interesting attempt to reconcile indeterminate sentencing with the communicative version of retributivism developed by Antony Duff. O’Hear’s core argument is that delayed release, within the parameters of the indeterminate sentence, can be seen as an appropriate retributivist response to the violations of prison rules. This article highlights several problems in O’Hear’s proposal and argues that the communicative theory is not easily reconciled with his proposed model for indeterminate sentencing. In conclusion, it is argued that proponents of the communicative version of retributivism should resist indeterminate prison sentences.
不确定判决是一种量刑做法,罪犯被判处一系列潜在监禁,实际释放日期稍后确定,通常由假释委员会决定。尽管从报复主义的角度来看,不确定的量刑通常被认为在道德上有问题,但Michael O'Hear提供了一个有趣的尝试,将不确定的判刑与Antony Duff发展的报复主义的交流版本相调和。奥的核心论点是,在无限期刑期的范围内,延迟释放可以被视为对违反监狱规则的适当报复性回应。本文强调了奥建议中的几个问题,并认为交际理论与他提出的无限期量刑模式不容易调和。总之,有人认为,交际版报复主义的支持者应该抵制无限期监禁。
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引用次数: 1
Corrigendum 勘误表
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/0731129x.2018.1507961
“Works that explore whether offenders who have been wronged by the state deserve less punishment include Bazelon, “Morality of Criminal Law”; Duff, Punishment, Communication, and Community, chap. 5; Holroyd, “Punishment and Justice”; Matravers, “ ‘Who’s Still Standing?’ ”; Tadros, “Poverty and Criminal Responsibility”; Chau, “Legitimacy of Punishment”; Delgado, “Wretched of the Earth,” 20. In a very recent paper, Christopher Lewis argues that the state’s standing to blame, and accordingly, to punish, an offender would be compromised if his disadvantage was caused by the state, even if the state has not wronged him (say, the disadvantage of the offender was justified under Rawls’ difference principle, which is assumed to be the correct principle of distributive justice): see Lewis, “Inequality,” 174–5. I want to make two points. First, even if Lewis’ argument is accepted, it cannot justify the conclusion that bad upbringing in itself affects deserved punishment because the bad upbringings of some BU offenders may not have been caused by the relevant state at all; as examples, consider an offender who was brought up terribly in one country but migrated to another country as an adult before committing his crime, or an offender who suffered abuse from his parents which the state could not have prevented even with its best efforts. (After submitting to the journal the first version of this article, which included the distinction between BU offenders and offenders who have been wronged by the state drawn at the end of the preceding paragraph, I had the benefit of reading a subsequently published paper that independently came up with a similar distinction, illustrated with examples similar to the two mentioned here. See Ewing, “Recent Work on Punishment and Criminogenic Disadvantage,” 52–53.) Second, I doubt whether Lewis’ argument is sound: while wrongful complicity in an act may, as Victor Tadros argues, compromise one’s standing to blame the principal wrongdoer for the act, it is unclear to me why causal contribution per se would compromise standing. A detailed assessment of Lewis’ argument must, however, await another occasion.”
探讨被国家冤枉的罪犯是否应该受到更少惩罚的作品包括《刑法道德》的巴泽隆;达夫,《惩罚、沟通和社区》,第5章;Holroyd,“惩罚与正义”;马特拉弗斯,“谁还站着?”;Tadros,“贫困与刑事责任”;周,“惩罚的合法性”;德尔加多,《地球的毁灭》,20。Christopher Lewis在最近的一篇论文中认为,如果罪犯的不利地位是由国家造成的,那么国家的责任和惩罚地位就会受到损害,即使国家没有冤枉他(比如说,根据罗尔斯的差异原则,罪犯的劣势是合理的,这被认为是分配正义的正确原则):参见Lewis,“不平等”,174-5。我想说两点。首先,即使Lewis的论点被接受,也无法证明不良教养本身会影响应得惩罚的结论是合理的,因为一些BU罪犯的不良教养可能根本不是由相关国家造成的;例如,一个罪犯在一个国家受到恶劣的教育,但在犯罪前成年后移民到另一个国家,或者一个罪犯受到父母的虐待,即使国家尽了最大努力也无法阻止这种虐待。(在向该杂志提交了这篇文章的第一个版本后,我阅读了随后发表的一篇论文,该论文独立地提出了类似的区别,并举例说明了与这里提到的两个类似的例子第二,我怀疑Lewis的论点是否合理:虽然正如Victor Tadros所说,一项行为中的不当共谋可能会损害一个人将该行为归咎于主要不法行为人的地位,但我不清楚为什么因果关系本身会损害地位。然而,对刘易斯论点的详细评估必须等待另一个时机。”
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引用次数: 0
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Criminal Justice Ethics
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