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Building feminist peace: gender, legal reforms and social reproduction after the United Nations Mission in Liberia 建设女权主义和平:联合国利比里亚特派团后的性别、法律改革和社会再生产
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16363617184856
Maria Martin de Almagro
This article explores efforts to attain feminist peace in Liberia by critically examining the implementation of gender-sensitive provisions in two national reforms that seek to transform the country after war: the Land Rights Act 2018 and the Local Government Act 2018. Drawing from extensive fieldwork, it argues that these reforms are sites of struggle between the goal of national transformation towards feminist peace and the reproduction of existing socio-political cleavages, with a particular focus on (certain) women’s political, socio-economic and gender oppression. The article also demonstrates how despite implementation failures and lack of consultation, these legal reforms open new (in)formal spaces for building feminist peace. Attending to the ways in which women resist and mobilise in these newly (in)formal spaces, the article brings to light the peace work these women are doing for transforming post-war gender regimes that prevent women’s representation and a more equitable redistribution of power and resources.Key messagesThis article explores efforts to attain feminist peace in Liberia by examining gender-sensitive provisions in two national reforms: the Land Rights Act 2018 and the Local Government Act 2018.National reforms are sites of struggle between the aspirations for national transformation and the reproduction of existing socio-political cleavages.Feminist peace takes social reproduction as a priority.
本文通过严格审查两项旨在战后改造国家的国家改革(《2018年土地权利法案》和《2018年地方政府法》)中性别敏感条款的实施情况,探讨了在利比里亚实现女权主义和平的努力。根据广泛的实地调查,它认为这些改革是国家向女权主义和平转变的目标与现有社会政治分裂的再生产之间的斗争场所,特别关注(某些)妇女的政治、社会经济和性别压迫。这篇文章也说明,尽管执行失败且缺乏协商,这些法律改革为建立女权主义和平开辟了新的正式空间。关注女性在这些新(在)正式空间中抵抗和动员的方式,这篇文章揭示了这些女性为改变战后性别制度所做的和平工作,这些制度阻碍了女性的代表和更公平的权力和资源再分配。本文通过考察《2018年土地权利法案》和《2018年地方政府法》这两项国家改革中对性别问题敏感的条款,探讨了在利比里亚实现女权主义和平的努力。国家改革是国家变革的愿望与现有社会政治分裂的再生产之间斗争的场所。女权主义和平把社会再生产作为优先考虑的问题。
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引用次数: 1
UK’s Devolution and Sexual Harassment: Scotland and Wales Too 英国的权力下放和性骚扰:苏格兰和威尔士也一样
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-87140-6_4
Christina Julios
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引用次数: 0
Projectifying feminism: exploring the conditions for feminist politics in international development aid 女性主义的投射:探索国际发展援助中女性主义政治的条件
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16467490969176
David Scott, Malin Rönnblom
As an organisational form, the project poses a challenge today for the possibility of articulating feminist politics, understood as feminist visions and ambitions. With a focus on women’s organisations working in international development aid, we examine how the project format and its managerial attributes shape the possibility of articulating feminist politics. Mobilising assemblage thinking on a material consisting mainly of interviews with project workers in women’s organisations, we show that these organisations engage in assembly work to fit their activism with the project format, such as translating feminist ambitions into bureaucratic procedures and notions of temporality, activating repertoires of expertise, and adopting marketised approaches to development. We conclude that the project format depoliticises feminist politics, although it does not make the articulation of feminist ambitions impossible. Assemblage thinking is suggested as a suitable framework for feminist research when investigating how contemporary governing arrangements influence the articulation of feminist politics.Key messagesThe project format influences how women’s organisations articulate feminist politics.Women’s organisations engage in the work of adaptation and translation to fit feminist politics with the managerial features of the project format, resulting in co-optation and resistance.Assemblage thinking is suggested as a conceptual framework for exploring how feminist politics is shaped by the project format.
作为一种组织形式,该项目对今天表达女权主义政治的可能性提出了挑战,被理解为女权主义的愿景和抱负。以从事国际发展援助工作的妇女组织为重点,我们研究了项目形式及其管理属性如何塑造表达女权主义政治的可能性。在一份主要由对妇女组织项目工作者的采访组成的材料上,我们调动了集合思维,表明这些组织从事集合工作是为了使他们的行动主义与项目形式相适应,例如将女权主义的雄心转化为官僚程序和暂时性的概念,激活专业技能,并采用市场化的发展方法。我们的结论是,项目形式使女权主义政治非政治化,尽管它并没有使女权主义野心的表达成为不可能。当研究当代治理安排如何影响女性主义政治的表达时,组合思维被认为是女性主义研究的合适框架。项目形式影响妇女组织如何表达女权主义政治。妇女组织为了使女权主义政治与项目形式的管理特征相适应,进行了改编和翻译工作,导致了合作和抵制。组合思维被建议作为一个概念框架来探索女权主义政治是如何被项目形式塑造的。
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引用次数: 3
From #MeToo to the Palace of ‘Sexminster’ 从#MeToo到“Sexminster”宫殿
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-87140-6_3
Christina Julios
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引用次数: 0
Exploring women’s vision(s) of peace: towards feminist peace in Myanmar and Georgia? 探索女性的和平愿景:缅甸与格鲁吉亚的女权主义和平?
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16334463779354
M. Cárdenas
This article contributes to the discussion of what feminist peace entails and how women peace activists in different contexts understand it. By analysing the work of three women’s organisations in Myanmar and Georgia, I highlight diversity in the conceptualisation of feminist peace. I argue that the idea of gender equality as an intrinsic aspect of peace constitutes a common feature of these organisations’ peace work. However, this goal can be pursued through different political strategies and arenas. In particular, visions of feminist peace are shaped by the context of conflict and the position of women’s organisations in relation to the conflict parties. The findings reveal substantial differences in how feminist peace is envisioned, from a militant approach focused on conflict settlement, to an alternative means of conflict transformation that seeks to reimagine key conflict issues.
这篇文章有助于讨论女权主义和平需要什么,以及不同背景下的女性和平活动家如何理解它。通过分析缅甸和格鲁吉亚三个妇女组织的工作,我强调了女权主义和平概念的多样性。我认为,性别平等是和平的一个内在方面,这是这些组织和平工作的一个共同特征。然而,这一目标可以通过不同的政治战略和领域来实现。特别是,女权主义和平的愿景是由冲突的背景和妇女组织在与冲突各方的关系中的立场所塑造的。研究结果揭示了女权主义和平的设想存在实质性差异,从专注于冲突解决的激进方法,到寻求重新构想关键冲突问题的冲突转化的替代手段。
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引用次数: 2
Revisiting gender-neutral policy from a trans perspective: a look at Northern Ireland 从跨性别视角重新审视性别中立政策:以北爱尔兰为例
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16363617672520
Jamie J. Hagen, Maria-Adriana Deiana, Danielle Roberts
Key messages
  • Gender-neutral policy can depoliticise gender and marginalise trans people.

  • Intersectional and gender-aware politics resists reproducing the gender binary when promoting gender equality.
性别中立的政策可以使性别非政治化,并使跨性别者边缘化。交叉性和性别意识政治在促进性别平等时抵制再现性别二元对立。
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引用次数: 1
Legislative reforms to fight discrimination and violence against LGBTQ+: the failure of the Zan Bill in Italy 打击歧视和暴力侵害 LGBTQ+ 的立法改革:意大利《赞法案》的失败
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16377638483577
Francesca Feo
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引用次数: 2
Feminist peace: reimagining peace through a feminist lens 女权和平:从女权角度重新认识和平
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16372396486217
Jenna Sapiano, J. True
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引用次数: 0
Do gender patterns in diplomacy disappear over time? 外交中的性别模式会随着时间的推移而消失吗?
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16473315423448
Anne-Kathrin Kreft, Birgitta Niklasson, Ann E. Towns
Existing scholarship points to gender patterns in diplomacy. This study examines such gender patterns in new ways, expecting women to be less likely to be ambassadors in states with more economic clout and in conflict-affected states, but more likely to serve as ambassadors in more gender-equal states. Most importantly, we examine whether these gender differences diminish over time. New data on ambassador appointments for Denmark, Sweden, the UK and the US spanning the period 1970–2015 reveal that whereas there are no gender differences with respect to postings to gender-equal states or states with domestic conflict, women are indeed less likely to be ambassadors in economically significant states and in states in inter-state conflict. Crucially, these patterns are not diminishing over time. This study opens up for future investigation into underlying mechanisms that explain the persistence of some gender patterns and the absence of others.Key messagesGender differences in ambassador appointments persist over time.Female ambassadors are less likely than men to be posted to states with higher economic status.Female ambassadors are less likely than men to be posted to countries with inter-state conflict, but there are no such patterns for intra-state conflict.There are no gender patterns in ambassador appointments to more gender-equal states.
现有的学术研究指出了外交中的性别模式。这项研究以新的方式考察了这种性别模式,预计女性在经济影响力更大的国家和受冲突影响的国家担任大使的可能性较小,但在性别更平等的国家担任大使的可能性更大。最重要的是,我们研究了这些性别差异是否会随着时间的推移而减少。关于丹麦、瑞典、英国和美国1970年至2015年期间大使任命的新数据显示,尽管在性别平等国家或国内冲突国家的大使任命方面没有性别差异,但女性在经济重要国家和国家间冲突国家担任大使的可能性确实较低。至关重要的是,这些模式不会随着时间的推移而减弱。这项研究为未来对解释某些性别模式持续存在和其他性别模式缺失的潜在机制的研究开辟了道路。关键信息大使任命中的性别差异长期存在。与男性大使相比,女性大使被派往经济地位较高的国家的可能性较小。女性大使比男性大使更不可能被派往国家间冲突的国家,但在国家内部冲突中没有这种模式。在性别更平等的国家,大使的任命没有性别模式。
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引用次数: 4
Social Partners and Gender Equality 社会伙伴与性别平等
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-81178-5
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Journal of Politics and Gender
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