The period of purges represented a dark page in the history of Romanian education and did not end on September 1, 1945, according to the provisions of Law no. 584/1945 regarding the purification of public administrations, but was continued in the following years, disguised under other political decisions. The Faculty of Medicine faced three waves of purges followed by periods of calm. After the first law on the purification of public administrations was passed (Law no. 461 published in the Official Gazette on September 19, 1944), many teachers were temporarily purged, others permanently, whereas others “arranged” their pension rights. This article discusses how the repressive state machine carried out the purges of teaching staff from Cluj medical education establishments in the first communist decade, as well as the employment criteria in the fall of 1958. The paper analyses the social origin of the teaching staff. Social origin was an essential criterion of retention or exclusion from the education of students and teaching staff. Archival documents illustrate that in 1950, 42% of Cluj Medical-Pharmaceutical Institute (I.M.F.) teachers were party members. Four years later the rate of the Romanian Labourer Party (Partidul Muncitoresc Român – P.M.R.) teachers members increased to 50%. In 1959, this rate was 50%. This percentage of P.M.R. members in 1959 can be explained by the teaching staff ’s lack of interest in the party policy, and the exclusion of some members from the party. Also, the article tries to decipher the local party bodies’ influence on the decisions made by the I.M.F. in the purifications.
{"title":"Epurarea corpului didactic al Facultății de Medicină din Cluj în primul deceniu communist / Purging the teaching staff of the Faculty of Medicine in Cluj in the first communist decade","authors":"Victoria Grozav","doi":"10.37710/plural.v10i2_5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37710/plural.v10i2_5","url":null,"abstract":"The period of purges represented a dark page in the history of Romanian education and did not end on September 1, 1945, according to the provisions of Law no. 584/1945 regarding the purification of public administrations, but was continued in the following years, disguised under other political decisions. The Faculty of Medicine faced three waves of purges followed by periods of calm. After the first law on the purification of public administrations was passed (Law no. 461 published in the Official Gazette on September 19, 1944), many teachers were temporarily purged, others permanently, whereas others “arranged” their pension rights. This article discusses how the repressive state machine carried out the purges of teaching staff from Cluj medical\u0000education establishments in the first communist decade, as well as the employment criteria in the fall of 1958. The paper analyses the social origin of the teaching staff. Social origin was an essential criterion of retention or exclusion from the education of students and teaching staff. Archival documents illustrate that in 1950, 42% of Cluj Medical-Pharmaceutical Institute (I.M.F.) teachers were party members. Four years later the rate of the Romanian Labourer Party (Partidul Muncitoresc Român – P.M.R.) teachers members increased to 50%. In 1959, this rate was 50%. This percentage of P.M.R. members in 1959 can be explained by the teaching staff ’s lack of interest in the party\u0000policy, and the exclusion of some members from the party. Also, the article tries to decipher the local party bodies’ influence on the decisions made by the I.M.F. in the purifications.","PeriodicalId":36611,"journal":{"name":"Plural. History. Culture. Society","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72720851","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The incorporation of new territories into the Ukrainian SSR during World War II required reconstructing the local community’s identity and shaping its historical memory through Stalinist ideology. This article examines the features of Soviet memory politics in Ukrainian territories through the examples of Southern Bessarabia and Northern Bukovyna, which were annexed in 1940 due to the military campaign against Romania. The study’s objectives were to determine the influence of Soviet ideology on the representation of the past, characterize the ways that the official memory was shaped during World War II, and analyze historical myths that spread throughout the official and historical discourse. The main historical images, which Soviet ideologists formulated in official statements, historical works, and propaganda in periodicals, have been extracted using historical discourse analysis. Comparative historical analysis has identified similarities and differences in interpreting the above-mentioned regions’ pasts. It is pointed out that the historical arguments and concepts used by the Soviet power to justify the annexations became the foundation for the historical discourse. The article analyzes the introduction of the myth of “longsuffering lands” into historical narratives, which interpreted the Soviet territorial conquests as the liberation of oppressed peoples. It has been established that the representation of Southern Bessarabia and Northern Bukovyna’s pasts corresponded to the Soviet concept of “Ukrainian people’s reunification.” However, the distinction between these regions’ ethnic composition and historical development influenced the politics of shaping historical memory.
{"title":"Soviet Politics of Memory in Southern Bessarabia and Northern Bukovyna: Representation of the Past and Mythmaking during World War II","authors":"V. Drozdov","doi":"10.37710/plural.v10i2_4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37710/plural.v10i2_4","url":null,"abstract":"The incorporation of new territories into the Ukrainian SSR during World War II required reconstructing the local community’s identity and shaping its historical memory through Stalinist ideology. This article examines the features of Soviet memory politics in Ukrainian territories through the examples of Southern Bessarabia and Northern Bukovyna, which were annexed in 1940 due to the military campaign against Romania. The study’s objectives were to determine the influence of Soviet ideology on the representation of the past, characterize the ways that the official memory was shaped during World War II, and analyze historical myths that spread throughout the official and historical discourse. The main historical images, which Soviet ideologists formulated in\u0000official statements, historical works, and propaganda in periodicals, have been extracted using historical discourse analysis. Comparative historical analysis has identified similarities and differences in interpreting the above-mentioned regions’ pasts. It is pointed out that the historical arguments and concepts used by the Soviet power to justify the annexations became the foundation for the historical discourse. The article analyzes the introduction of the myth of “longsuffering lands” into historical narratives, which interpreted the Soviet territorial conquests as the liberation of oppressed peoples. It has been established that the representation of Southern Bessarabia and Northern Bukovyna’s pasts corresponded to the Soviet concept of “Ukrainian people’s reunification.” However, the distinction between these regions’ ethnic composition and historical development influenced the politics of shaping historical memory.","PeriodicalId":36611,"journal":{"name":"Plural. History. Culture. Society","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78636414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Miron Cristea was one of the most important and influential political actors in interwar Romania. He became the first patriarch of the Orthodox Church (1925), a member of the Regency (1927-1930), and was prime minister of Romania from February 1938 until his passing on 6 March 1939. Most historiography on that era overlooks Cristea’s power and influence, being focused primarily on the Iron Guard and on several political players, such as King Carol II, Armand Călinescu, Corneliu Codreanu, or Iuliu Maniu. This article traces the origins of this minimisation, unearthing evidence of a process started in the 1970s. It deconstructs the various layers of history writing about Carol II’s regime, examining communist and post-communist motivations behind the focus on some players (such as the king, his mistress – Elena Lupescu, or the royal camarilla) and the deliberate forgetting of others, including Miron Cristea. Historiography on Carol II and the royal dictatorship has seen some changes since communist times, some of them analysed here, but the writing on Miron Cristea has remained, for several reasons, largely unchallenged
{"title":"The Puppet and the Puppeteer: Deconstructing the Historiography on King Carol II and Miron Cristea, the Romanian Orthodox Patriarch","authors":"I. Popa","doi":"10.37710/plural.v10i2_2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37710/plural.v10i2_2","url":null,"abstract":"Miron Cristea was one of the most important and influential political actors\u0000in interwar Romania. He became the first patriarch of the Orthodox Church\u0000(1925), a member of the Regency (1927-1930), and was prime minister\u0000of Romania from February 1938 until his passing on 6 March 1939. Most\u0000historiography on that era overlooks Cristea’s power and influence, being\u0000focused primarily on the Iron Guard and on several political players, such as King\u0000Carol II, Armand Călinescu, Corneliu Codreanu, or Iuliu Maniu. This article\u0000traces the origins of this minimisation, unearthing evidence of a process started\u0000in the 1970s. It deconstructs the various layers of history writing about Carol\u0000II’s regime, examining communist and post-communist motivations behind the\u0000focus on some players (such as the king, his mistress – Elena Lupescu, or the\u0000royal camarilla) and the deliberate forgetting of others, including Miron Cristea.\u0000Historiography on Carol II and the royal dictatorship has seen some changes\u0000since communist times, some of them analysed here, but the writing on Miron\u0000Cristea has remained, for several reasons, largely unchallenged","PeriodicalId":36611,"journal":{"name":"Plural. History. Culture. Society","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89967064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Public Education was an essential feature of nation-building throughout Europe during the 19th century. Nationalising states designed school policies to transform peasants into nationals and citizens. However, kindergartens were primarily urban institutions. One of their goals was to teach young children modern languages. At the beginning of the 20th century, Romanian elites started to create and adjust them to nationalise Dobruja and Cadrilater, the two provinces integrated into the Old Kingdom. Both regions were ethnically diverse. In localities primarily inhabited by a minority population, the purpose of kindergartens was to spread the Romanian language and national culture. This article focuses on the national integration of South Dobruja through public kindergartens. It also examines the professional path of teachers serving in these regions until the end of the 1940s. Finally, the paper follows teachers’ interaction with the locals and their efforts to mediate between the pedagogical and national aims of Greater Romania and the local interests that sometimes collided with the state school policies.
{"title":"The Cultural and Nationalising Mission of Kindergarten Teachers in Southern Dobruja, 1914-1940","authors":"Camelia Zavarache","doi":"10.37710/plural.v10i2_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37710/plural.v10i2_1","url":null,"abstract":"Public Education was an essential feature of nation-building throughout Europe\u0000during the 19th century. Nationalising states designed school policies to transform\u0000peasants into nationals and citizens. However, kindergartens were primarily urban\u0000institutions. One of their goals was to teach young children modern languages. At\u0000the beginning of the 20th century, Romanian elites started to create and adjust\u0000them to nationalise Dobruja and Cadrilater, the two provinces integrated into\u0000the Old Kingdom. Both regions were ethnically diverse. In localities primarily\u0000inhabited by a minority population, the purpose of kindergartens was to spread\u0000the Romanian language and national culture. This article focuses on the national\u0000integration of South Dobruja through public kindergartens. It also examines the\u0000professional path of teachers serving in these regions until the end of the 1940s.\u0000Finally, the paper follows teachers’ interaction with the locals and their efforts to\u0000mediate between the pedagogical and national aims of Greater Romania and the\u0000local interests that sometimes collided with the state school policies.","PeriodicalId":36611,"journal":{"name":"Plural. History. Culture. Society","volume":"40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80864956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Much of the academic discussion surrounding experiences of minorities during the collapse of Soviet power in Moldova centres around Transnistria and Gagauzia. However, a significant portion of Moldova’s Russian-speaking population lived outside these regions. There is yet to be a study that addresses how Russian speakers from outside Transnistria and Gagauzia responded to the challenges of perestroika. This article shows that the Russian-speakers in three towns, Bălți, Ocnița and Basarabeasca, held similar opinions to those in Transnistria and Gagauzia. However, I argue that conflict was avoided in Bălți, Ocnița, and Basarabeasca due to proactive measures taken by local elites, who worked hard to placate citizens in their respective towns.
{"title":"Responses to the Challenges of Perestroika and the Collapse of the Soviet Union in Moldova’s Russian-Speaking Cities","authors":"K. Harrington","doi":"10.37710/plural.v10i2_6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37710/plural.v10i2_6","url":null,"abstract":"Much of the academic discussion surrounding experiences of minorities during the collapse of Soviet power in Moldova centres around Transnistria and Gagauzia. However, a significant portion of Moldova’s Russian-speaking population lived outside these regions. There is yet to be a study that addresses how Russian speakers from outside Transnistria and Gagauzia responded to the challenges of perestroika. This article shows that the Russian-speakers in three towns, Bălți, Ocnița and Basarabeasca, held similar opinions to those in Transnistria and Gagauzia. However, I argue that conflict was avoided in Bălți,\u0000Ocnița, and Basarabeasca due to proactive measures taken by local elites, who worked hard to placate citizens in their respective towns.","PeriodicalId":36611,"journal":{"name":"Plural. History. Culture. Society","volume":"78 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75088378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper1 discusses the development of cooperation between the Orthodox Church and educational establishments in Belarus. The first Agreement on Cooperation between the Ministry of Education and the Belarusian Orthodox Church (BOC) was signed in 1994, several years before the adoption of a new Law on the Freedom of Conscience and the signing of the Agreement on Cooperation between the Church and the State. Although many objectives, stated in the first Agreement, were not met on time, there was a continuing and mutually beneficial cooperation between the Ministry and the BOC since then, with a series of Programmes of Cooperation, signed every 2-4 years. The Orthodox Church is the only religious denomination in Belarus which concludes Programmes of Cooperation with the Ministry of Education; however, one cannot claim that the general legislative framework is particularly favourable for this Church. Indeed, there are some restrictions, limiting the presence of the BOC and its representatives in educational establishments. Also, the Church has not managed to get the inclusion of the “Foundations of Orthodox Culture” and related courses in the curriculum. At the same time, these courses can be taught as optional subjects, at the request of parents. In addition, the BOC is able to organise various cooperation with educational establishments (seminars, lectures, regular talks, etc.); however, the scope and intensity of this cooperation largely depend on the will of the schools’ administration to interact with the Orthodox Church.
{"title":"The Orthodox Church and Education in Belarus as a Reflection of the Specific Pattern of Church-State Relations","authors":"Sergei Mudorv","doi":"10.37710/plural.v10i2_7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37710/plural.v10i2_7","url":null,"abstract":"This paper1\u0000 discusses the development of cooperation between the Orthodox Church and educational establishments in Belarus. The first Agreement on Cooperation between the Ministry of Education and the Belarusian Orthodox Church (BOC) was signed in 1994, several years before the adoption of a new Law on the Freedom of Conscience and the signing of the Agreement on Cooperation between the Church and the State. Although many objectives, stated in the first Agreement, were not met on time, there was a continuing and mutually beneficial cooperation between the Ministry and the BOC since\u0000then, with a series of Programmes of Cooperation, signed every 2-4 years. The Orthodox Church is the only religious denomination in Belarus which concludes Programmes of Cooperation with the Ministry of Education; however, one cannot claim that the general legislative framework is particularly favourable for this Church. Indeed, there are some restrictions, limiting the presence of the BOC and its representatives in educational establishments. Also, the Church has not managed to get the inclusion of the “Foundations of Orthodox Culture” and related courses in the curriculum. At the same time, these courses can be taught as optional subjects, at the request of parents. In\u0000addition, the BOC is able to organise various cooperation with educational establishments (seminars, lectures, regular talks, etc.); however, the scope and intensity of this cooperation largely depend on the will of the schools’ administration to interact with the Orthodox Church.","PeriodicalId":36611,"journal":{"name":"Plural. History. Culture. Society","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75096997","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.37710/10/plural.v10i2_3
V. Chelaru
This article is a re-evaluation of the Holocaust memory in the contemporary Romanian society. It shows that from its inception, Romania’s nation-building process went hand in hand with antisemitism. Furthermore, it points out that after 1989 the country’s sense of frustration at its communist past managed to obscure the memory of the Holocaust. Despite Romania’s government recognition of the country’s involvement in the Holocaust (2004), a wholehearted acknowledgement of the issue remains improbable at the general level of Romania’s society. A new law to counteract Holocaust denial was adopted in Romania in 2015. However, the country has proved ever since that it has barely come to terms with its historical legacy.*
{"title":"Tradition, Nationalism and Holocaust Memory: Reassessing Antisemitism in Post-Communist Romania","authors":"V. Chelaru","doi":"10.37710/10/plural.v10i2_3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37710/10/plural.v10i2_3","url":null,"abstract":"This article is a re-evaluation of the Holocaust memory in the contemporary Romanian society. It shows that from its inception, Romania’s nation-building process went hand in hand with antisemitism. Furthermore, it points out that after 1989 the country’s sense of frustration at its communist past managed to obscure the memory of the Holocaust. Despite Romania’s government recognition of the country’s involvement in the Holocaust (2004), a wholehearted acknowledgement of the issue remains improbable at the general level of Romania’s society. A new law to counteract Holocaust denial was adopted in Romania in 2015. However, the country has proved ever since that it has barely come to terms with its historical legacy.*","PeriodicalId":36611,"journal":{"name":"Plural. History. Culture. Society","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78916364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to present a comprehensive and complete analysis of the separatist movements from the ex-Soviet space, especially in the Republic of Moldova. The paper focuses on presenting both the national and international context immediately after the fall of the USSR, as well as the factors that determined the apparition of the separatist movements. Multiple causes and effects are paired and presented to expose the chronology that followed the unfolding of those historical events. The paper is split into three main topics: the Transnistrian conflict and its consequences, the Georgian conflict and its aftermath, and the ongoing conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
{"title":"Separatismul în spațiul post-sovietic, între seceră și ciocan / Separatism in the post-Soviet space, between the sickle and the hammer","authors":"Mihaela Bobeica","doi":"10.37710/plural.v9i2_5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i2_5","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to present a comprehensive and complete analysis of the separatist movements from the ex-Soviet space, especially in the Republic of Moldova. The paper focuses on presenting both the national and international context immediately after the fall of the USSR, as well as the factors that determined the apparition of the separatist movements. Multiple causes and effects are paired and presented to expose the chronology that followed the unfolding of those historical events. The paper is split into three main topics: the Transnistrian conflict and its consequences, the Georgian conflict and its aftermath, and the ongoing conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan.","PeriodicalId":36611,"journal":{"name":"Plural. History. Culture. Society","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78511826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Probably the motto that supports this article reveals very clearly that to ensure human rights there must be some foundations that are based on some values that are so natural in themselves that no doctrine is needed to explain them. The basic imperative that arises is that once there is a human being, he/she must enjoy the same rights as another human being, even if both are separated by a fence, a field or a river. The division of the population that took place in 1992 on the territory of the Republic of Moldova has led to different developments in terms of respect for human rights. Being in the same area, in the same jurisdiction the population woke up with a different legacy that the country’s Constitution grants. Apparently, an act that was to be applied universally throughout the state remains inapplicable for 11% of its territory.
{"title":"Respectarea drepturilor omului în regiunea transnistreană a Republicii Moldova / Respect for human rights in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova","authors":"Alexandru Postica","doi":"10.37710/plural.v9i2_4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i2_4","url":null,"abstract":"Probably the motto that supports this article reveals very clearly that to ensure human rights there must be some foundations that are based on some values that are so natural in themselves that no doctrine is needed to explain them. The basic imperative that arises is that once there is a human being, he/she must enjoy the same rights as another human being, even if both are separated by a fence, a field or a river. The division of the population that took place in 1992 on the territory of the Republic of Moldova has led to different developments in terms of respect for human rights. Being in the same area,\u0000in the same jurisdiction the population woke up with a different legacy that the country’s Constitution grants. Apparently, an act that was to be applied universally throughout the state remains inapplicable for 11% of its territory.","PeriodicalId":36611,"journal":{"name":"Plural. History. Culture. Society","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81770492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：