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An Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis of Residence Permit Appeals at the Administrative Courts of Finland: Acquiescence Bias by Legalised Judicial Injustices in Finland 芬兰行政法院对居留许可上诉的解释性现象学分析:芬兰司法不公正合法化的默许偏见
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-05 DOI: 10.23865/arctic.v15.6260
Frank Ojwang
Arctic law and politics are heavily focused on citizens and their welfare. In recent times, migration has led to an increase in immigrants to the Arctic region, expanding discussions on diversity, equality, and inclusion. This article analyses immigrant experiences of the wheels of justice when appealing extended-residence decisions in Finland. There has been research on residence applications but there is no previous research on appealing residence decisions in Finland. Using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA), the article analyses four Africans’ experiences of (in)justice during residence permit decision appeals lodged through the administrative courts in Finland 2011–2020. The article uses the Renault concept to argue and underscore the experiences of injustice and to underscore the gathered, analysed emerging themes and the patterns observed in the handling of the residence permit appeal cases from a legal and political perspective. The information was gathered through in-depth interviews using open-ended, structured questions, and the analysis of personal text and information was collated using MAXQDA software. The article highlights the incidences of human rights violations, injustice, mental health and well-being issues, inadequate information and distrust of the administrative justice system, and the risk that this poses to Arctic law and politics as right-wing politics are on the rise.
北极地区的法律和政治非常重视公民及其福利。近来,移民导致北极地区移民人数增加,扩大了关于多样性、平等和包容性的讨论。本文分析了移民在对芬兰的延期居留决定提出上诉时对司法之轮的体验。目前已有关于居留申请的研究,但还没有关于芬兰居留决定上诉的研究。文章采用解释性现象分析法(IPA),分析了四位非洲人在2011-2020年通过芬兰行政法院提出居留许可决定上诉期间的(不)正义体验。文章使用雷诺概念来论证和强调不公正的经历,并从法律和政治角度强调在处理居留证上诉案件过程中收集、分析的新兴主题和观察到的模式。这些信息是通过使用开放式结构化问题进行深入访谈收集的,并使用 MAXQDA 软件对个人文本和信息进行了分析整理。文章强调了侵犯人权事件、不公正、心理健康和福祉问题、信息不足和对行政司法系统的不信任,以及随着右翼政治的兴起,这给北极法律和政治带来的风险。
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引用次数: 0
EU Engagement in the Arctic: Challenges to Achieving Ambitions in an Area outside Its Jurisdiction 欧盟在北极地区的参与:在其管辖之外的地区实现宏伟目标所面临的挑战
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-09 DOI: 10.23865/arctic.v15.6271
Julien Lebel, Annika E. Nilsson
The European Union (EU) has underscored its will to heighten its engagement in the Arctic region. Beyond traditional areas of interest – such as tackling climate change, supporting research and developing cooperations – critical resources and security emerged as new topics in the EU’s most recent policy documents. These have become even more critical since February 2022 following Russia’s all-out war against Ukraine. The Circumpolar North is the subject of many challenges caused by climate change and its fragile biodiversity, which, combined with the region’s importance for scientific research, access to natural resources, tourist activities, and military security, places it in a geopolitically strategic position. By focusing on EU ambitions in the Arctic, this article analyses the EU’s potential to implement policies and set consequential trends in an area of political interest outside its jurisdiction. It concludes that core political priorities and sector-specific regulations that directly guide the behaviour of EU members may have more influence than Arctic policy statements.
欧洲联盟(欧盟)强调了其加强参与北极地区事务的意愿。除了传统的利益领域,如应对气候变化、支持研究和发展合作之外,关键资源和安全也成为欧盟最新政策文件中的新主题。自 2022 年 2 月俄罗斯对乌克兰发动全面战争以来,这些问题变得更加重要。北极圈面临着气候变化及其脆弱的生物多样性所带来的诸多挑战,再加上该地区在科学研究、自然资源获取、旅游活动和军事安全方面的重要性,使其处于地缘政治的战略地位。通过关注欧盟在北极地区的雄心壮志,本文分析了欧盟在其管辖范围之外的政治利益地区实施政策和确定相应趋势的潜力。文章的结论是,直接指导欧盟成员国行为的核心政治优先事项和具体部门规章可能比北极政策声明更具影响力。
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引用次数: 0
Welcome to Another Demanding and Exiting Year 欢迎来到又一个充满要求和挑战的一年
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.23865/arctic.v15.6220
Ø. Ravna
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引用次数: 0
War in Europe, but Still Low Tension in the High North? An Analysis of Norwegian Mitigation Strategies 欧洲战火纷飞,北半球局势依然紧张?挪威缓解战略分析
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.23865/arctic.v15.5065
B. Knutsen, Elisabeth Pettersen
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has created the most precarious security situation in Europe, including the High North, since the Second World War. This article studies how Norway manages High North security dilemmas in the context of this ongoing war. Based on security dilemma theory, we direct our attention to a set of mitigation strategies and discuss the effectiveness of these. We build our arguments on Robert Jervis’ article “Cooperation under the Security Dilemma” in World Politics (1978), and his understanding that a security dilemma occurs when an increase in one state’s security leads to other states fearing for their own security, thus creating tension or conflict escalation. To limit such dilemmas, Norway has pursued a policy mix of both deterrence and reassurance measures. Our contribution to the research debate is the term mitigation-strategies, derived from security dilemma theory. First, we discuss people-to-people cooperation and analyse how this is a trust-building measure. Secondly, we explore how Norway approaches confidence and security building measures in the High North. Finally, we discuss the implications of letting the Arctic Council become an arena for security- and defence political coordination. Building upon insights from security dilemma theory, we demonstrate how Norway contributes to maintaining lower levels of tension in the High North.
俄罗斯对乌克兰的入侵造成了自第二次世界大战以来包括北部高地在内的欧洲最不稳定的安全局势。本文研究了挪威如何在这场持续不断的战争中应对北部高地的安全困境。在安全困境理论的基础上,我们提出了一系列缓解战略,并讨论了这些战略的有效性。我们的论点基于罗伯特-杰维斯(Robert Jervis)在《世界政治》(World Politics,1978 年)上发表的文章《安全困境下的合作》(Cooperation under the Security Dilemma),以及他对安全困境的理解:当一个国家的安全增加导致其他国家担心自己的安全,从而造成紧张局势或冲突升级时,就会出现安全困境。为了限制这种两难局面,挪威采取了威慑和安抚措施相结合的政策。我们对研究辩论的贡献在于从安全困境理论中引申出的 "缓解战略"(mitigation-strategies)一词。首先,我们讨论了人与人之间的合作,并分析了这是如何成为一项建立信任的措施。其次,我们探讨挪威如何在北部高地采取建立信任和安全措施。最后,我们讨论了让北极理事会成为安全与防务政治协调舞台的意义。根据安全困境理论的见解,我们说明了挪威是如何帮助维持北部高纬度地区较低水平的紧张局势的。
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引用次数: 0
Small States in World Politics: Norwegian Interests and Foreign Policy Challenges in the Arctic 世界政治中的小国:挪威在北极地区的利益和外交政策挑战
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.23865/arctic.v15.5125
Beate Steinveg
Small states are perceived to be subject to the will of great powers in the international system. Yet, small states – such as Norway – also have interests they pursue through various means. This article features an inventory of the Norwegian government’s main foreign policy and Arctic policy interests, and examines the rationale behind these interests from a domestic and an international perspective. The article highlights Norway’s challenges in the Arctic, including balancing between Russia and NATO, Norway’s bilateral relationship with the United States, dealing with China as an emerging Arctic stakeholder, and Norway’s ambivalent relationship with the European Union concerning the Arctic. The analysis draws on theorizing about small states in world politics and Putnam’s two-level game. The latter facilitates the examination of how the Norwegian government must reconcile domestic and international priorities simultaneously, and how the negotiation of foreign policy is conducted as a balancing act in national and international arenas.
在国际体系中,小国被视为受制于大国意志。然而,小国(如挪威)也有自己通过各种手段追求的利益。本文盘点了挪威政府在外交政策和北极政策方面的主要利益,并从国内和国际角度探讨了这些利益背后的理由。文章强调了挪威在北极地区面临的挑战,包括在俄罗斯和北约之间的平衡、挪威与美国的双边关系、与作为北极地区新兴利益相关者的中国的关系,以及挪威与欧盟在北极地区的矛盾关系。分析借鉴了世界政治中的小国理论和普特南的两级博弈理论。后者有助于研究挪威政府如何同时兼顾国内和国际优先事项,以及外交政策谈判是如何在国内和国际舞台上进行平衡的。
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引用次数: 0
The Western Arctic – Tariuq (Offshore) Accord: A Long Time Coming 北极西部--塔留克(近海)协议:酝酿已久
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-11 DOI: 10.23865/arctic.v14.6057
Anita Rayegani
On 10 August 2023, representatives of the Inuvialuit Regional Corporation and the governments of the Northwest Territories, Yukon, and Canada signed the Western Arctic–Tariuq (Offshore) Accord.1 The Accord establishes a system for the shared management and regulation of offshore petroleum resources north of the Arctic Circle, west of Nunavut to the limit of Canada’s jurisdiction in the Beaufort Sea and Arctic Ocean and the equitable sharing of benefits. Upon the consent of all Parties, implementing legislation will be introduced to establish the Accord and will, among other things, amend or replace relevant federal legislation. The Accord is a step towards Canada’s implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.2 It is also part of a quest for meaningful participation dating back to the initial activities concerning oil and gas in the region that fuelled negotiations leading to the Inuvialuit Final Agreement. This contribution situates the Accord in the context of these developments to illuminate its potential significance.
2023 年 8 月 10 日,伊努维阿鲁特地区公司的代表与西北地区、育空地区和加拿大政府签署了《西北极-塔留克(近海)协议》。1 《协议》建立了一个系统,对北极圈以北、努纳武特以西至加拿大在波弗特海和北冰洋的管辖范围内的近海石油资源进行共同管理和监管,并公平分享利益。在所有缔约方同意的情况下,将提出实施立法以建立该协议,除其他外,该协议将修订或取代相关的联邦立法。该协议是加拿大执行《联合国土著人民权利宣言》2 的一个步骤。它也是寻求有意义参与的一部分,这种参与可以追溯到该地区最初的石油和天然气活动,这些活动推动了谈判,最终达成了《因努维阿鲁伊特最终协议》。本文稿将《协定》置于这些发展的背景下,以阐明其潜在的意义。
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引用次数: 0
Why Active State Measures Have Dominated Regional Policies in Norway by Governments of all Colours: A Historical Review and Comparison with Sweden 挪威各色政府的地区政策为何以积极的国家措施为主?历史回顾及与瑞典的比较
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-11 DOI: 10.23865/arctic.v14.5090
Geir Tufte
This article compares regional policies in Norway to regional policies in Sweden. The article suggests that geographical and geopolitical factors are the main factors that have influenced regional policies. The article points out that the government in Sweden, immediately following WW2, also assumed the role of the active state. However, in contrast to Norway, its policies were disadvantageous to northern Sweden. Later, Swedish governments also implemented policies aimed at strengthening the economic and social conditions in the north. The article demonstrates that even bourgeois governments, who are traditionally ‘less-state-more-market’ oriented than social democratic governments, have used active state measures in their regional policies in Norway. The article points out that geographical and geopolitical factors represent interests that are shared by Norway’s centre and periphery and argues that these factors work as political guidelines that fundamentally influence the continuous use of active state policies by bourgeois governments. It concludes that this influence is stronger than bourgeois governments’ ideological foundations, Keynesian economics and the bureaucracy. Northern Sweden, in comparison, lacks the geographical and geopolitical factors of northern Norway, which explains why fewer active state measures have been used by governments in Sweden than in Norway.
本文将挪威的地区政策与瑞典的地区政策进行了比较。文章认为,地理和地缘政治因素是影响地区政策的主要因素。文章指出,瑞典政府在第二次世界大战后也立即承担了积极国家的角色。然而,与挪威不同的是,瑞典政府的政策对瑞典北部不利。后来,瑞典政府也实施了旨在加强北部经济和社会条件的政策。文章指出,与社会民主党政府相比,资产阶级政府传统上 "较少国家更多市场",但它们在挪威的地区政策中也采用了积极的国家措施。文章指出,地理和地缘政治因素代表了挪威中部和边缘地区的共同利益,并认为这些因素作为政治指导方针,从根本上影响了资产阶级政府对积极的国家政策的持续使用。报告的结论是,这种影响要强于资产阶级政府的意识形态基础、凯恩斯主义经济学和官僚机构。相比之下,瑞典北部缺乏挪威北部的地理和地缘政治因素,这也是为什么瑞典政府采取的积极国家措施少于挪威的原因。
{"title":"Why Active State Measures Have Dominated Regional Policies in Norway by Governments of all Colours: A Historical Review and Comparison with Sweden","authors":"Geir Tufte","doi":"10.23865/arctic.v14.5090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.23865/arctic.v14.5090","url":null,"abstract":"This article compares regional policies in Norway to regional policies in Sweden. The article suggests that geographical and geopolitical factors are the main factors that have influenced regional policies. The article points out that the government in Sweden, immediately following WW2, also assumed the role of the active state. However, in contrast to Norway, its policies were disadvantageous to northern Sweden. Later, Swedish governments also implemented policies aimed at strengthening the economic and social conditions in the north. The article demonstrates that even bourgeois governments, who are traditionally ‘less-state-more-market’ oriented than social democratic governments, have used active state measures in their regional policies in Norway. The article points out that geographical and geopolitical factors represent interests that are shared by Norway’s centre and periphery and argues that these factors work as political guidelines that fundamentally influence the continuous use of active state policies by bourgeois governments. It concludes that this influence is stronger than bourgeois governments’ ideological foundations, Keynesian economics and the bureaucracy. Northern Sweden, in comparison, lacks the geographical and geopolitical factors of northern Norway, which explains why fewer active state measures have been used by governments in Sweden than in Norway.","PeriodicalId":36694,"journal":{"name":"Arctic Review on Law and Politics","volume":"2 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138980385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Justice, Mining, and Legal Reforms in the Finnish Arctic 芬兰北极地区的司法、采矿和法律改革
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.23865/arctic.v14.5903
Jukka Similä, Henri Wallen
This paper assesses the extent to which the justice concerns of local stakeholders in the Arctic region of Finland are reflected in recent legal reforms. The reforms concern the Mining Act, the Act on a Mined Minerals Tax, the Nature Conservation Act, the Environmental Damages Fund, and the Act on the Sámi Parliament. The assessment is made from the perspectives of distributive, procedural, recognition, and intergenerational justice. We identified the justice concerns by conducting 21 interviews and a workshop, after which we analysed the legal reforms and discussed whether they reflected the justice concerns expressed by local stakeholders. We concluded that most of the justice concerns had been addressed, but only to a certain extent. Still, the most fundamental features of the governance of mining activities have not changed. By its very nature, the Finnish system of mineral ownership has remained a claim system, albeit not an entirely pure one. The reforms were not designed to limit the total volume of mining activities, and the mineral industry, backed by the EU and national policies, is likely to grow in the region. The most important legal change concerns the position of the municipal council. Today, a local land use plan is a precondition for granting a mining permit. The national Parliament did not approve a government proposal to reform the Sámi Parliament Act, which was a significant failure in recognition justice.
本文评估了芬兰北极地区当地利益相关者的司法关切在最近的法律改革中反映的程度。这些改革涉及《采矿法》、《采矿税法》、《自然保护法》、《环境损害基金》和《Sámi议会法》。评估是从分配、程序、承认和代际公平的角度进行的。我们进行了21次访谈,并举办了一个工作坊,以确定市民对司法问题的关注。之后,我们分析了法律改革,并讨论这些改革是否反映了本地持份者对司法问题的关注。我们的结论是,大多数司法问题已经得到解决,但只是在一定程度上。然而,管理采矿活动的最基本特征并没有改变。就其性质而言,芬兰的矿物所有权制度仍然是一种索取权制度,尽管不是完全纯粹的制度。这些改革并不是为了限制采矿活动的总量,在欧盟和各国政策的支持下,该地区的采矿业很可能会增长。最重要的法律变化涉及市议会的地位。如今,当地土地使用计划是发放采矿许可证的先决条件。国民议会没有批准政府改革Sámi议会法的提议,这是承认正义的重大失败。
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引用次数: 0
Nearly Two Years Since the Start of the Full-scale War in Ukraine: The Rights of Russia’s Indigenous Peoples Continue to Deteriorate 乌克兰全面战争爆发已近两年:俄罗斯原住民的权利继续恶化
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.23865/arctic.v14.6030
E. Zmyvalova
Since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale war in Ukraine, Arctic Review on Law and Politics has been publishing reports on the situation of Indigenous peoples of Russia, on the changes in Russian legislation, and on the lives of Indigenous individuals who have left Russia rather than comply with the political regime. This article contributes to the journal’s efforts to shed light on the challenges related to the war in Ukraine and covers the following topics: 1) the continuing changes in Russian legislation and their aggravating impact on Indigenous peoples of Russia; 2) the worsening problem of crime in Russia and it’s impact on the wellbeing of Indigenous peoples; and 3) international cooperation of Indigenous peoples of Russia.
自俄罗斯对乌克兰发动全面战争以来,《北极法律与政治评论》一直在发表关于俄罗斯原住民处境、俄罗斯立法变化、以及离开俄罗斯而不服从政治体制的原住民生活的报道。这篇文章有助于该杂志努力揭示与乌克兰战争有关的挑战,并涵盖以下主题:1)俄罗斯立法的持续变化及其对俄罗斯土著人民的日益严重的影响;2)俄罗斯日益严重的犯罪问题及其对土著人民福祉的影响;3)俄罗斯土著民族的国际合作。
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引用次数: 0
Protecting and Accessing Indigenous Peoples’ Digital Cultural Heritage through Sustainable Governance and IPR Structures - the case of Sámi Culture 通过可持续治理和知识产权结构保护和获取土著人民的数字文化遗产——以Sámi Culture为例
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.23865/arctic.v14.5809
Iiris Tuominen, Rosa Ballardini, Jukka Mähönen, Taina Pihlajarinne
This article addresses the clash between Western and Indigenous understandings of how cultural heritage should be governed, protected and treated through law, especially in the digital environment. Specifically, the focus is on the ways in which the Western intellectual property rights (IPR) system often stands in contrast with Indigenous practices and ethics. This problem is approached through a single, intrinsic and descriptive case study related to the digital cultural heritage of the Sámi people: the Digital Access to Sámi Heritage Archives project. The article shows how the current IPR framework governing Indigenous cultural heritage is often misaligned with Indigenous worldviews. However, the study reveals that there is room to develop more sustainable, just and inclusive practices by complementing the existing legal rules with soft-law mechanisms, such as norms and customs, co-created with Indigenous communities.
本文探讨了西方与原住民对文化遗产应如何通过法律管理、保护和处理的理解之间的冲突,尤其是在数字环境中。具体来说,本书的重点是西方知识产权制度与土著实践和伦理的不同之处。这个问题是通过一个与Sámi人的数字文化遗产相关的单一的、内在的和描述性的案例研究来解决的:Sámi遗产档案项目的数字访问。这篇文章表明,目前管理土著文化遗产的知识产权框架往往与土著的世界观不一致。然而,该研究表明,通过与土著社区共同制定规范和习俗等软法机制来补充现有法律规则,发展更可持续、更公正和更包容的做法还有空间。
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引用次数: 0
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Arctic Review on Law and Politics
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