Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20531680231180357
Tiger Bjornlund, Alyx Mark
Although judicial elections are considered a method of keeping state courts—otherwise insulated from public pressure—accountable, the private financing of judicial campaigns has been met with significant criticism. In particular, the perception that campaign contributions can buy favorable case outcomes for contributors to judicial candidates may pose problems for judicial legitimacy. While some scholars and advocacy groups have advanced proposals which seek to eliminate private financing from judicial elections, research has yet to demonstrate a link between the public’s evaluations of a court’s legitimacy and the campaign financing system the state employs. In this paper, we present the results of a survey experiment that examines the public’s evaluations of judicial legitimacy under different campaign financing schemes. We find evidence supportive of our core hypothesis: respondents viewed courts with publicly financed elections as more legitimate than those with privately financed elections. This study helps to reinforce the viability of public financing by empirically demonstrating that the public views a state supreme court elected using the public financing model as more legitimate and less susceptible to donor pressure than one selected using privately financed models.
{"title":"Public campaign financing’s effects on judicial legitimacy: Evidence from a survey experiment","authors":"Tiger Bjornlund, Alyx Mark","doi":"10.1177/20531680231180357","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680231180357","url":null,"abstract":"Although judicial elections are considered a method of keeping state courts—otherwise insulated from public pressure—accountable, the private financing of judicial campaigns has been met with significant criticism. In particular, the perception that campaign contributions can buy favorable case outcomes for contributors to judicial candidates may pose problems for judicial legitimacy. While some scholars and advocacy groups have advanced proposals which seek to eliminate private financing from judicial elections, research has yet to demonstrate a link between the public’s evaluations of a court’s legitimacy and the campaign financing system the state employs. In this paper, we present the results of a survey experiment that examines the public’s evaluations of judicial legitimacy under different campaign financing schemes. We find evidence supportive of our core hypothesis: respondents viewed courts with publicly financed elections as more legitimate than those with privately financed elections. This study helps to reinforce the viability of public financing by empirically demonstrating that the public views a state supreme court elected using the public financing model as more legitimate and less susceptible to donor pressure than one selected using privately financed models.","PeriodicalId":37327,"journal":{"name":"Research and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48223092","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20531680231167680
A. Held, Pauliina Patana
The recent successes of populist radical right (PRR) parties have caused major upheavals across European political landscapes. Yet, the roots of their rising popularity continue to be widely debated. We contribute to these debates by advancing a thus far underexplored argument of rising rent burden as key to understanding contemporary PRR vote and nativist attitudes. Rising rents lie at the heart of growing concerns related to housing (un)affordability and (over)burden across Western democracies, directly affecting the economic and social well-being of substantial numbers of citizens. PRR parties, we argue, stand to gain from politicizing such concerns in distinct economic and nativist terms, especially amidst challenges like the European refugee crisis, which provoked an urgent need to house unprecedented inflows of refugees. Drawing on individual-level panel data from Germany, we uncover a strong relationship between rising rents, PRR vote, and hostile attitudes toward refugees. In calling attention to rising rents, our study adds important insights into scholarship on the politics of housing markets not only from the perspective of home ownership and housing assets, but also rents. In so doing, we also refine understandings of the conditions under which economic factors shape PRR support
{"title":"Rents, refugees, and the populist radical right","authors":"A. Held, Pauliina Patana","doi":"10.1177/20531680231167680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680231167680","url":null,"abstract":"The recent successes of populist radical right (PRR) parties have caused major upheavals across European political landscapes. Yet, the roots of their rising popularity continue to be widely debated. We contribute to these debates by advancing a thus far underexplored argument of rising rent burden as key to understanding contemporary PRR vote and nativist attitudes. Rising rents lie at the heart of growing concerns related to housing (un)affordability and (over)burden across Western democracies, directly affecting the economic and social well-being of substantial numbers of citizens. PRR parties, we argue, stand to gain from politicizing such concerns in distinct economic and nativist terms, especially amidst challenges like the European refugee crisis, which provoked an urgent need to house unprecedented inflows of refugees. Drawing on individual-level panel data from Germany, we uncover a strong relationship between rising rents, PRR vote, and hostile attitudes toward refugees. In calling attention to rising rents, our study adds important insights into scholarship on the politics of housing markets not only from the perspective of home ownership and housing assets, but also rents. In so doing, we also refine understandings of the conditions under which economic factors shape PRR support","PeriodicalId":37327,"journal":{"name":"Research and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45504852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20531680231163384
E. Rød, Jan Rustemeyer, Sabine Otto
We present the MMAD Repressive Actors Dataset (MMAD-RA). The MMAD-RA is a new data source that provides systematic information on the repressive actors present at protest events in autocracies, including their type, tactics, and level of violence. The data is temporally and geographically fine-grained, allowing for analysis between and within more than 60 countries from 2003 to 2012. The MMAD-RA enables analysis of the variation in repressive actors deployed to protests and their behavior, as well as how these actors impact protest dynamics and outcomes across political and socio-economic contexts. We believe the data will be a valuable resource for pushing forward research on how repressive actors engage with mass protests.
{"title":"Introducing the MMAD Repressive Actors Dataset","authors":"E. Rød, Jan Rustemeyer, Sabine Otto","doi":"10.1177/20531680231163384","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680231163384","url":null,"abstract":"We present the MMAD Repressive Actors Dataset (MMAD-RA). The MMAD-RA is a new data source that provides systematic information on the repressive actors present at protest events in autocracies, including their type, tactics, and level of violence. The data is temporally and geographically fine-grained, allowing for analysis between and within more than 60 countries from 2003 to 2012. The MMAD-RA enables analysis of the variation in repressive actors deployed to protests and their behavior, as well as how these actors impact protest dynamics and outcomes across political and socio-economic contexts. We believe the data will be a valuable resource for pushing forward research on how repressive actors engage with mass protests.","PeriodicalId":37327,"journal":{"name":"Research and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44574522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20531680231186840
Michal Grahn
Norms about what constitutes an ideal politician are shown to negatively affect the demand for young political candidates within political parties because they favor qualities that young people have yet to acquire. We ask whether this “youth bias” continues to shape the political opportunities of those young persons who get elected. Drawing on comprehensive, original data encompassing all Czech MPs elected between 1996 and 2021, we analyze potential age-driven heterogeneities in access to valuable political resources and reelection, both of which are subject to party gatekeeping. We find that young MPs are given a privileged access to assignments that facilitate learning about the legislative business and reelection, despite being more likely to cast a dissenting vote at roll call. These results suggest that young MPs, unlike some other political outgroups, are not marginalized by their superiors despite exhibiting certain traits typically associated with political outgroups.
{"title":"Apprentices or outsiders? Age-driven heterogeneities in access to political capital and reelection","authors":"Michal Grahn","doi":"10.1177/20531680231186840","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680231186840","url":null,"abstract":"Norms about what constitutes an ideal politician are shown to negatively affect the demand for young political candidates within political parties because they favor qualities that young people have yet to acquire. We ask whether this “youth bias” continues to shape the political opportunities of those young persons who get elected. Drawing on comprehensive, original data encompassing all Czech MPs elected between 1996 and 2021, we analyze potential age-driven heterogeneities in access to valuable political resources and reelection, both of which are subject to party gatekeeping. We find that young MPs are given a privileged access to assignments that facilitate learning about the legislative business and reelection, despite being more likely to cast a dissenting vote at roll call. These results suggest that young MPs, unlike some other political outgroups, are not marginalized by their superiors despite exhibiting certain traits typically associated with political outgroups.","PeriodicalId":37327,"journal":{"name":"Research and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47604475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20531680231154837
Yiqing Xu, Jiannan Zhao
We study the effect of a victimization narrative on national identity and public opinion in China experimentally. Previous research has suggested that governments can shape public opinion by guiding citizens’ collective memories of historical events, but few studies have established a clear causal link. By conducting an online survey experiment among 1890 urban Chinese citizens, we examine the causal impact of historical narratives on political attitudes. We find that, compared to control conditions, a narrative focusing on China’s humiliating past in the late Qing significantly reinforces respondents’ attachment to the victim side of the Chinese national identity, raises suspicion of the intention of foreign governments in international disputes, stimulates preference for more hawkish foreign policies, and strengthens support for China’s current political system. These effects are particularly strong among respondents without a college degree.
{"title":"The power of history: How a victimization narrative shapes national identity and public opinion in China","authors":"Yiqing Xu, Jiannan Zhao","doi":"10.1177/20531680231154837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680231154837","url":null,"abstract":"We study the effect of a victimization narrative on national identity and public opinion in China experimentally. Previous research has suggested that governments can shape public opinion by guiding citizens’ collective memories of historical events, but few studies have established a clear causal link. By conducting an online survey experiment among 1890 urban Chinese citizens, we examine the causal impact of historical narratives on political attitudes. We find that, compared to control conditions, a narrative focusing on China’s humiliating past in the late Qing significantly reinforces respondents’ attachment to the victim side of the Chinese national identity, raises suspicion of the intention of foreign governments in international disputes, stimulates preference for more hawkish foreign policies, and strengthens support for China’s current political system. These effects are particularly strong among respondents without a college degree.","PeriodicalId":37327,"journal":{"name":"Research and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46662643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20531680221144244
Clara Neupert-Wentz, Carlo Koos
Ash (2022, "Ash" hereafter), in this journal, re-assesses our 2020 article “Polygynous Neighbors, Excess Men, and Intergroup Conflict in Africa.” The article analyzed the relationship between polygyny (one man marrying several wives) and intergroup conflict events in Africa. Ash includes assessments that support our original results, though others lead Ash to call our findings into question. While some of Ash’s data transformations are reasonable robustness tests, others seem to be insufficiently rooted in theory and ignore statistical power. Specifically, using fatality counts as an outcome requires theorization, in particular against the backdrop of different underlying theoretical mechanisms, issues of measurement accuracy, and other statistical considerations. Overall, we argue that there are good theoretical and statistical reasons why some of the operationalizations in Ash are not appropriate substitutes for our outcome variable. We appreciate the re-assessment but dismiss the claim in Ash that its findings give sufficient evidence to change the conclusion in our article.
{"title":"Theory as guide to the analysis of polygyny and conflict: A response to Ash (2022)","authors":"Clara Neupert-Wentz, Carlo Koos","doi":"10.1177/20531680221144244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680221144244","url":null,"abstract":"Ash (2022, \"Ash\" hereafter), in this journal, re-assesses our 2020 article “Polygynous Neighbors, Excess Men, and Intergroup Conflict in Africa.” The article analyzed the relationship between polygyny (one man marrying several wives) and intergroup conflict events in Africa. Ash includes assessments that support our original results, though others lead Ash to call our findings into question. While some of Ash’s data transformations are reasonable robustness tests, others seem to be insufficiently rooted in theory and ignore statistical power. Specifically, using fatality counts as an outcome requires theorization, in particular against the backdrop of different underlying theoretical mechanisms, issues of measurement accuracy, and other statistical considerations. Overall, we argue that there are good theoretical and statistical reasons why some of the operationalizations in Ash are not appropriate substitutes for our outcome variable. We appreciate the re-assessment but dismiss the claim in Ash that its findings give sufficient evidence to change the conclusion in our article.","PeriodicalId":37327,"journal":{"name":"Research and Politics","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65485882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20531680231165871
Clara H. Suong, Scott Desposato, E. Gartzke
Does treatment abstraction affect treatment effects in International Relations survey experiments in countries outside of the US? We assess whether treatment effects are conditional on the anonymity of country actors among respondents in Brazil, China, Sweden, Japan, and Ukraine. We examine whether the effects of the United Nations’ approval of military force and regime type of the target country on support for war are moderated by respondents’ compliance with our abstraction encouragement. We find that around 20% of the respondents across all samples think of specific countries and do not comply with our abstraction encouragement. However, we fail to find evidence of a change in the average treatment effects by non-compliance, implying that the treatment effects are not likely to be conditional on respondents’ compliance (thinking of specific cases) or schema inconsistency (thinking of specific cases that are implausible given the context). At the same time, we find that treatment inconsistency (thinking of specific cases that are inconsistent with the assigned treatments) can affect the main treatment effects.
{"title":"Thinking generically and specifically in International Relations survey experiments","authors":"Clara H. Suong, Scott Desposato, E. Gartzke","doi":"10.1177/20531680231165871","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680231165871","url":null,"abstract":"Does treatment abstraction affect treatment effects in International Relations survey experiments in countries outside of the US? We assess whether treatment effects are conditional on the anonymity of country actors among respondents in Brazil, China, Sweden, Japan, and Ukraine. We examine whether the effects of the United Nations’ approval of military force and regime type of the target country on support for war are moderated by respondents’ compliance with our abstraction encouragement. We find that around 20% of the respondents across all samples think of specific countries and do not comply with our abstraction encouragement. However, we fail to find evidence of a change in the average treatment effects by non-compliance, implying that the treatment effects are not likely to be conditional on respondents’ compliance (thinking of specific cases) or schema inconsistency (thinking of specific cases that are implausible given the context). At the same time, we find that treatment inconsistency (thinking of specific cases that are inconsistent with the assigned treatments) can affect the main treatment effects.","PeriodicalId":37327,"journal":{"name":"Research and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42202666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20531680231168736
Efrén O. Pérez, Jessica HyunJeong Lee, Ana L Oaxaca Carrasco, Cole Matthews, Madison Ritsema
Much uncertainty remains about effective messaging to boost public support for COVID-19 mitigation efforts, especially among people of color. We investigate the relationship between interview language and expressed support for COVID-19 public health protocols among Latinos: America’s largest ethnic group. Prior work establishes that interview language shapes opinions by cognitively structuring which considerations people use to express attitudes. Yet other work suggests interview language shapes opinions by activating specific cultural norms associated with a tongue. We predicted that interviewing in Spanish (versus English) would boost support for COVID-19 protocols by activating pro-social norms known to be strongly associated with that language. We uncover null support for this prediction in a pre-registered experiment on bilingual Latino adults (N = 1645). Instead, we find that Latinos assigned to interview in Spanish report weaker support for COVID-19 protocols, regardless of which cultural norms are primed. We discuss implications for COVID-19 attitudes in linguistically diverse polities.
{"title":"Unexpected, but consistent and pre-registered: Experimental evidence on interview language and Latino views of COVID-19","authors":"Efrén O. Pérez, Jessica HyunJeong Lee, Ana L Oaxaca Carrasco, Cole Matthews, Madison Ritsema","doi":"10.1177/20531680231168736","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680231168736","url":null,"abstract":"Much uncertainty remains about effective messaging to boost public support for COVID-19 mitigation efforts, especially among people of color. We investigate the relationship between interview language and expressed support for COVID-19 public health protocols among Latinos: America’s largest ethnic group. Prior work establishes that interview language shapes opinions by cognitively structuring which considerations people use to express attitudes. Yet other work suggests interview language shapes opinions by activating specific cultural norms associated with a tongue. We predicted that interviewing in Spanish (versus English) would boost support for COVID-19 protocols by activating pro-social norms known to be strongly associated with that language. We uncover null support for this prediction in a pre-registered experiment on bilingual Latino adults (N = 1645). Instead, we find that Latinos assigned to interview in Spanish report weaker support for COVID-19 protocols, regardless of which cultural norms are primed. We discuss implications for COVID-19 attitudes in linguistically diverse polities.","PeriodicalId":37327,"journal":{"name":"Research and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42095291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20531680231166838
Samuel Trachtman, Sarah F. Anzia, Charlotte Hill
In many ways, American democracy seems to work better for older citizens than younger citizens, and one explanation is that young adults vote at much lower rates than their older counterparts. Yet while the existence of the age gap in turnout is well established, there remains uncertainty as to what drives it. In this paper, we explore age as a potentially important group identity and evaluate whether strength of age-group identity predicts political participation. Adapting established measures in the social identity literature, we surveyed a representative sample of American adults to gauge how strongly they identified with others in their age group. We find that, on average, younger adults identify less strongly than senior citizens with others their age. However, for young adults, age-group identity is as strong as another form of group identity that has gotten considerable attention in the literature: political party identity. The strength of age-group identity also predicts both voting and participating in climate change protests, especially for young adults. Age-group identity is a stronger predictor of climate protest participation for young Republicans than young Democrats—suggesting there may be potential for a bipartisan coalition of young people active on the issue of climate change.
{"title":"Age-group identity and political participation","authors":"Samuel Trachtman, Sarah F. Anzia, Charlotte Hill","doi":"10.1177/20531680231166838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680231166838","url":null,"abstract":"In many ways, American democracy seems to work better for older citizens than younger citizens, and one explanation is that young adults vote at much lower rates than their older counterparts. Yet while the existence of the age gap in turnout is well established, there remains uncertainty as to what drives it. In this paper, we explore age as a potentially important group identity and evaluate whether strength of age-group identity predicts political participation. Adapting established measures in the social identity literature, we surveyed a representative sample of American adults to gauge how strongly they identified with others in their age group. We find that, on average, younger adults identify less strongly than senior citizens with others their age. However, for young adults, age-group identity is as strong as another form of group identity that has gotten considerable attention in the literature: political party identity. The strength of age-group identity also predicts both voting and participating in climate change protests, especially for young adults. Age-group identity is a stronger predictor of climate protest participation for young Republicans than young Democrats—suggesting there may be potential for a bipartisan coalition of young people active on the issue of climate change.","PeriodicalId":37327,"journal":{"name":"Research and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45054879","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/20531680231182763
Haohan Chen, Zifeng Wang, Enze Han
As an infectious disease, malaria consumes around 250 million yearly clinical cases and with more than half a million annual deaths. It has shown tremendous burden for the economic and social life of many countries around the world, particularly in the tropical and developing nations. The conventional wisdom claims that the prevalence of malaria infection either prolongs or should be positively correlated with outbreaks of civil conflicts. We contend that malaria infection should deter civil conflict occurrences because warming parties should avoid engaging each other in areas with rampant malaria infection. We test the hypothesis with 20 years of geo-referenced panel data of conflict event and malaria risk from Sub-Sahara Africa. Our result renders strong support for our hypothesis that areas with more malaria infection tends to have less civil conflicts.
{"title":"Infectious disease and political violence: Evidence from malaria and civil conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa","authors":"Haohan Chen, Zifeng Wang, Enze Han","doi":"10.1177/20531680231182763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680231182763","url":null,"abstract":"As an infectious disease, malaria consumes around 250 million yearly clinical cases and with more than half a million annual deaths. It has shown tremendous burden for the economic and social life of many countries around the world, particularly in the tropical and developing nations. The conventional wisdom claims that the prevalence of malaria infection either prolongs or should be positively correlated with outbreaks of civil conflicts. We contend that malaria infection should deter civil conflict occurrences because warming parties should avoid engaging each other in areas with rampant malaria infection. We test the hypothesis with 20 years of geo-referenced panel data of conflict event and malaria risk from Sub-Sahara Africa. Our result renders strong support for our hypothesis that areas with more malaria infection tends to have less civil conflicts.","PeriodicalId":37327,"journal":{"name":"Research and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42421849","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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