EnglishThe expression "collective burial" has been in use among archaeologists since the 19th century, but has become increasingly successful particularly from the 1960's, along with the development in France of the research on Neolithic funerary ensembles and of funerary archaeology. Soon enough, parallel questioning about what was (or what should be) a collective burial arose, and its definition has evolved and been discussed many a time. In particular, since archaeologists make use of that term to describe also by analogy features and operations observed in ethnography, they tend to embed more and more functional aspects in its definition: at the beginning, "collective" was a purely descriptive term, later it referred to a functioning, and finally was recently regarded as describing a social function. This leads to two questions: should the terminology in use be kept in its present form or does it need to be modified? And above all, can the same concept be used in both archaeology and ethnology, and if so, under which conditions? Answers to these questions begin with an accurate definition of a reference analytical unit. Obviously that unit is the burial, though it is necessary to specify at first that it corresponds always to a volume, and then that this is the smallest possible and non-movable volume (in other words an immovable asset) containing the body. On this basis, one can generally establish that there are only two possible main ways to group the dead, either by gathering the burials in a larger volume or in the same space, or by gathering the dead themselves in the same burial. The latter choice matches exactly the French archaeological definition of the plural burial (a burial containing at least two people), and it is safe to say that this definition can be applied to ethnology as well. Identifying a plural burial in archaeology is not always obvious, since finding two dead people in the same place is not enough evidence. One has to assume that the space in which they were placed was intended as a single volume, and that they were deposited during a unitary use (in other words during a same phase of use), hence conveying the will to bring them together. If there is any doubt regarding one or the other aspect, it becomes impossible to speak of plural burial, and one can only mention a set of individuals. Moreover, specifying that space as a burial requires another condition: there must be enough arguments to think that the gathering of the dead results indeed from a funerary practice. If not, the term gathering (of individuals) can be used, whereas the terms deposit or deposition, which must be used with great care, should be avoided. There are many possible ways to classify the types of plural burials encountered in ethnohistory; the most relevant though is to divide them into two main categories: those that are used only once, and those that are used several times. The former perfectly match the French archaeological definition of
在民族学中，这个原因没有已知的例外，所以我们似乎可以有把握地假设，所有的考古集体墓葬都是为了聚集与家庭有关的人而建造的。从这一点出发，我们所掌握的概念和术语基础完全适合我们在解释中进行进一步的尝试。在未来，有必要尝试和理解为什么在一些社会坟墓聚集在墓地，而在另一些社会是死者聚集在坟墓里。我们还必须尝试解释在民族学中观察到的许多种类的集体埋葬，如果可能的话，将它们与考古学中发现的集体埋葬相匹配。francisdepuis les annees 1960, l' apellation de sepulture collective est d'un emploi common archaeology。这是一项重要的主题讨论，记录了设计师如何设计结构和功能，以及如何观察民族志，以及如何根据社会和整体的意义来存在，这是一种永恒的存在。Cela - amene和seer提出了两个问题:大众-大众-大众-大众-大众-大众-大众-大众-大众-大众-大众-大众-大众-大众?那么，超越，大众-自然的延续者，利用者，meme概念，在考古学，民族学中，以及在其他条件下?在定义修正中，“统一分析，参考”是指“埋葬”，在检验中，“不同的可能性”是指“重新统一的可能性”，在最后处理中，“法语术语”是指“重要的”，“埋葬”是指“公平的操作”，“考古学”是指“民族学”，“可转换的”，“学科”是指“绝对的”，“完整的”，“社会功能”是指“定义”。在此基础上，对不同的方法进行了不同的调整，从而消除了某些歧义，从而保证了一致性，提高了不同方法的精度和利用率。票面为l 'opposition la坟墓之间的多个等拉埋葬集体apparait fondamentale,因为它可以无拘束的联合国是遵守mortuaire particulier et de猜想的问题里面的坟墓集体archeologiques高频etablies倒reunir des数据位于la parente不相上下。
{"title":"Faut-il en finir avec la sépulture collective (et sinon qu’en faire) ?","authors":"Bruno Boulestin","doi":"10.3406/bspf.2019.15053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/bspf.2019.15053","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishThe expression \"collective burial\" has been in use among archaeologists since the 19th century, but has become increasingly successful particularly from the 1960's, along with the development in France of the research on Neolithic funerary ensembles and of funerary archaeology. Soon enough, parallel questioning about what was (or what should be) a collective burial arose, and its definition has evolved and been discussed many a time. In particular, since archaeologists make use of that term to describe also by analogy features and operations observed in ethnography, they tend to embed more and more functional aspects in its definition: at the beginning, \"collective\" was a purely descriptive term, later it referred to a functioning, and finally was recently regarded as describing a social function. This leads to two questions: should the terminology in use be kept in its present form or does it need to be modified? And above all, can the same concept be used in both archaeology and ethnology, and if so, under which conditions? Answers to these questions begin with an accurate definition of a reference analytical unit. Obviously that unit is the burial, though it is necessary to specify at first that it corresponds always to a volume, and then that this is the smallest possible and non-movable volume (in other words an immovable asset) containing the body. On this basis, one can generally establish that there are only two possible main ways to group the dead, either by gathering the burials in a larger volume or in the same space, or by gathering the dead themselves in the same burial. The latter choice matches exactly the French archaeological definition of the plural burial (a burial containing at least two people), and it is safe to say that this definition can be applied to ethnology as well. Identifying a plural burial in archaeology is not always obvious, since finding two dead people in the same place is not enough evidence. One has to assume that the space in which they were placed was intended as a single volume, and that they were deposited during a unitary use (in other words during a same phase of use), hence conveying the will to bring them together. If there is any doubt regarding one or the other aspect, it becomes impossible to speak of plural burial, and one can only mention a set of individuals. Moreover, specifying that space as a burial requires another condition: there must be enough arguments to think that the gathering of the dead results indeed from a funerary practice. If not, the term gathering (of individuals) can be used, whereas the terms deposit or deposition, which must be used with great care, should be avoided. There are many possible ways to classify the types of plural burials encountered in ethnohistory; the most relevant though is to divide them into two main categories: those that are used only once, and those that are used several times. The former perfectly match the French archaeological definition of","PeriodicalId":375388,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124097017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to provide an overview of the current understanding in Yamnaya burials from north of the Lower Danube, particularly focussing on their relationship with supposed local archaeological cultures/societies. Departing from a decades-long research history and latest archaeological finds from Romania, it addresses key research basics on the funerary archaeology of their kurgans and burials; their material culture and chronology; on steppe predecessors and Katakombnaya successors; and links with neighbouring regions as well as the wider southeast European context. Taking into account some reflections from latest ancient DNA revelations, there can be no doubt a substantial migration has taken place around 3000 BC, with Yamnaya populations originating from the Caspian-Pontic steppe pushing westwards. However already the question if such accounts for the term of ’Mass Migrations’ cannot be satisfactorily answered, as we are only about to begin to understand the demographics in this process. A further complication is trying to assess who is a newcomer and who is a local in an interaction scenario that lasts for c. 500 years. Identities are not fixed, may indeed transform, as previous newcomers soon turn into locals, while others are just visitors. Nevertheless, this well-researched region of geographical transition from lowland eastern Europe to the hillier parts of temperate Europe provides an ideal starting point to address such questions, being currently also at the heart of the intense discussion about what is identity in the context of the emerging relationship of Archaeology and Genetics.
{"title":"The Yamnaya Impact North of the Lower Danube: A Tale of Newcomers and Locals","authors":"Bianca Preda-Bălănică, A. Frînculeasa, V. Heyd","doi":"10.3406/bspf.2020.15079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/bspf.2020.15079","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to provide an overview of the current understanding in Yamnaya burials from north of the Lower Danube, particularly focussing on their relationship with supposed local archaeological cultures/societies. Departing from a decades-long research history and latest archaeological finds from Romania, it addresses key research basics on the funerary archaeology of their kurgans and burials; their material culture and chronology; on steppe predecessors and Katakombnaya successors; and links with neighbouring regions as well as the wider southeast European context. Taking into account some reflections from latest ancient DNA revelations, there can be no doubt a substantial migration has taken place around 3000 BC, with Yamnaya populations originating from the Caspian-Pontic steppe pushing westwards. However already the question if such accounts for the term of ’Mass Migrations’ cannot be satisfactorily answered, as we are only about to begin to understand the demographics in this process. A further complication is trying to assess who is a newcomer and who is a local in an interaction scenario that lasts for c. 500 years. Identities are not fixed, may indeed transform, as previous newcomers soon turn into locals, while others are just visitors. Nevertheless, this well-researched region of geographical transition from lowland eastern Europe to the hillier parts of temperate Europe provides an ideal starting point to address such questions, being currently also at the heart of the intense discussion about what is identity in the context of the emerging relationship of Archaeology and Genetics.","PeriodicalId":375388,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française","volume":"108 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131357641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
EnglishThe archaeological excavation of a Roman camp on the Lautagne site in Valence (Drome) brought to light a secondary cremation grave which can be dated on the 7th century BC. This tomb is isolated from any funeral ensemble, but not far from a small habitat more or less contemporary. This discovery illustrates the burial customs of the beginning of the Iron Age in the middle valley of the Rhone, a region where these are still little documented, which increases the interest of this find. If the upper part of the burial is not preserved, however, the entire loculus and its contents remain. The deceased cremated, about 18 years old, is probably female if we believe the adornment that accompanied her on the pyre: an earring, a bracelet and two legs rings, in bronze, and a necklace of pearls in bronze or amber. This material was placed, mixed with the bones, in an ossuary urn closed by a cup, the two vases in unturned ceramics. The loculus, just the size of these, contained no other deposit. Compared to the rare discoveries made on the borders of the Drome and Vaucluse and in the north of the Gard, Lautagne's grave reveals an originality of local practices : the use of vases of morphology and aspect very similar, they serve as an ossuary or container of foodstuffs; the adornment of the ankles by rings of very similar shape and decoration; the assembly of the same types of objects. But beyond this particularism, this grave fits perfectly in the context of the passage from burial to incineration in this part of the South-East of France, during the 7th century BC. On the banks of the Rhone, in the Gard, the Vaucluse and the south of the Drome, as well as in the Southern Alps, the deceased are not burned but buried, as at Pont-de-Pierre 2-Nord (near Bollene) the Late Bronze Age IIIb, or Boulats (near Montelimar) and Picoulette (near Orange) in the 8th century. In the following century, while the deceased were not burned at La Bâtie (near Bollene) and la Mornasse (near Orange), cremation appeared in some tombs, such as Camper (near Bagnols-sur-Ceze), a place where burials and cremation graves meet, or Gagne-Pain (near Bollene). The deceased cremated of Lautagne is therefore, at the end of this century, in a context of coexistence of both types of body care. And in these plains of the left bank of the Rhone, during the following century, it is cremation that seems to become predominant (la Rouverette near Bollene, Malalones near Pierrelatte). The use of an ossuary vase, as in Lautagne, is poorly informed in this region. The conditions of discovery and conservation of the tombs of Camper 2 and la Rouverette do not allow to know if the bones were placed in a vase or not. These are deposited directly in the pit at Gagne-Pain, which was a relatively minor use in cremation cemeteries of the Languedoc, where the deposit of bones in an urn dominates until the end of the 7th century, but becomes more frequent thereafter. In Lautagne, as in the rest of the middl
在瓦朗斯(德罗姆)的劳塔尼遗址，考古发掘了一个罗马营地，发现了一个可以追溯到公元前7世纪的二级火葬坟墓。这座坟墓与任何葬礼群都是隔离的，但离一个或多或少是当代的小栖息地不远。这一发现说明了罗讷河谷中部铁器时代初期的丧葬习俗，这一地区至今仍鲜有文献记载，这增加了人们对这一发现的兴趣。然而，如果墓葬的上半部分没有保存下来，整个墓室及其内容物就会保留下来。这位被火化的死者大约18岁，如果我们相信她在火葬上的装饰品的话，她很可能是一位女性:一个耳环，一个手镯和两个铜制的腿环，以及一条青铜或琥珀制的珍珠项链。这些材料与骨头混合在一起，放在一个由杯子封闭的骨灰盒里，两个花瓶是未加工的陶瓷。室室只有这些大小，没有其他沉淀物。与在德罗姆和沃克卢兹边界以及加尔北部的罕见发现相比，Lautagne的坟墓揭示了当地习俗的独创性:使用形态和外观非常相似的花瓶，它们用作储骨器或食物容器;踝环:用形状和装饰非常相似的环装饰脚踝;相同类型对象的集合。但除了这种特殊性之外，这座坟墓完全符合公元前7世纪法国东南部从埋葬到焚烧的过程。在罗纳河畔、加尔河、沃克卢兹河和德罗姆河以南，以及南阿尔卑斯山，死者不被焚烧，而是被埋葬，就像青铜时代晚期的皮埃尔二世(Pont-de-Pierre - nord，靠近博林)，或8世纪的布拉茨(靠近蒙特利马)和皮库莱特(Picoulette，靠近奥伦奇)。在接下来的一个世纪里，虽然死者没有在La b<s:1> tie (Bollene附近)和La Mornasse (Orange附近)被焚烧，但在一些坟墓中出现了火葬，比如Camper(靠近Bagnols-sur-Ceze)，一个埋葬和火葬墓地的地方，或者Gagne-Pain(靠近Bollene)。因此，在本世纪末，洛塔涅的死者火化是在两种身体护理共存的背景下进行的。在接下来的一个世纪里，在罗纳河左岸的平原上，火葬似乎占了主导地位(波琳附近的鲁弗莱特，皮埃尔雷拉特附近的马拉隆)。在这一地区，像在洛塔涅那样使用骨盒花瓶的情况鲜为人知。坎普尔2号和鲁弗莱特的坟墓的发现和保存条件不允许知道骨头是否被放置在花瓶里。这些骨头被直接存放在Gagne-Pain的坑里，这在朗格多克的火葬墓地中是相对较小的用途，在那里，直到7世纪末，骨灰盒中的骨头沉积占主导地位，但此后变得更加频繁。在劳塔尼，就像在罗纳河谷中部的其他地方一样，缺乏关于坟墓表面的信息。关于这一主题唯一有记录的地点是Pont de Pierre 2-Nord，它显示了一个土堆的存在，周围是一条沟渠，在朗格多克东部的沿海平原上也证实了这一公式。杜朗斯盆地阿尔卑斯山谷的古坟也是用泥土建造的，但在内部或外围有河卵石结构的补充。也许有必要想象一下，至少有一个简单的土堆来建造罗纳河边缘的这些坟墓，这些坟墓建在冰川河流阶地或冲积环境中。考虑到她周围的挖掘表面，Lautagne的坟墓似乎与任何葬礼背景都是隔离的。这在某种程度上使它与该地区的其他遗址有所不同，比如La b<e:1>、Les Malalonnes、Gagne-Pain或Camper，这些遗址都是小群的坟墓。另一个惊人的事实是，无论尸体是如何处理的，在罗纳河谷中部这一地理区域的其他几处墓葬中，都以类似的方式发现了劳塔尼墓中提供的物品。这无疑标志着一种地域习俗。在这方面，甚至令人惊讶地注意到劳塔涅和La batie墓之间的物品组合的相似性。骨灰盒，尽管用途不同，Lautagne的骨灰盒，La batie的简单食物容器，都有完全相同的形状，相同的比例和尺寸。在这两种情况下，腿环非常相同，以及相同的珠光。在Ventavon tumulus的坟墓中也发现了非常相似的物品，有同样形状的瓮，这里也有食物，被埋葬的死者的每一个脚踝上都有一个戒指，琥珀珍珠，也有玻璃糊，还有一个褐煤制成的手镯。坎普的坟墓也是如此，他有很多腿环。 在这个地区，尸体是火化的还是未烧焦的，尸体的形状是这样的。在瓦伦西亚(Drome)的劳塔尼亚遗址的一个罗马营地的挖掘发现了一个公元前7世纪的火化坟墓。，与世隔绝，远离任何殡仪馆，但离现代的小栖息地不远。这个坟墓使我们能够更好地了解中罗纳河谷铁器时代开始时的葬礼习俗，在这个地区，这些习俗仍然很少被记录下来，这增加了这一发现的兴趣。虽然坟墓的上半部分没有被保存下来，但整个房间和里面的东西仍然存在。死者的年龄约为18岁，根据棺材上伴随他的装饰，可能是一个青少年:一个耳环、一个手镯、两个青铜腿环和一条青铜或琥珀珍珠项链。这种材料和骨头一起被放置在一个由杯子封闭的骨灰盒中，这两个杯子都是用未旋转的陶瓷制成的。这个房间只有它们的大小，没有其他的储物柜。ardeche边缘作比较罕见的发现和北部的Vaucluse)和罗纳德·Lautagne墓允许排放源的地方做法:使用某种originalite花瓶的外观非常相似,它们形态和d’ossuaire或含有食品;用形状和装饰非常相似的戒指或腿装饰死者的脚踝;组装相同类型的装饰品。但除了这个特殊的特点，这个坟墓完全符合从埋葬到火化的过渡的背景，在东南地区，在公元前7世纪。
{"title":"Une sépulture du premier âge du Fer en moyenne vallée du Rhône : Lautagne (Valence, Drôme)","authors":"B. Dedet, Loïc Buffat, M. K. Zaaraoui","doi":"10.3406/bspf.2019.14985","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/bspf.2019.14985","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishThe archaeological excavation of a Roman camp on the Lautagne site in Valence (Drome) brought to light a secondary cremation grave which can be dated on the 7th century BC. This tomb is isolated from any funeral ensemble, but not far from a small habitat more or less contemporary. This discovery illustrates the burial customs of the beginning of the Iron Age in the middle valley of the Rhone, a region where these are still little documented, which increases the interest of this find. If the upper part of the burial is not preserved, however, the entire loculus and its contents remain. The deceased cremated, about 18 years old, is probably female if we believe the adornment that accompanied her on the pyre: an earring, a bracelet and two legs rings, in bronze, and a necklace of pearls in bronze or amber. This material was placed, mixed with the bones, in an ossuary urn closed by a cup, the two vases in unturned ceramics. The loculus, just the size of these, contained no other deposit. Compared to the rare discoveries made on the borders of the Drome and Vaucluse and in the north of the Gard, Lautagne's grave reveals an originality of local practices : the use of vases of morphology and aspect very similar, they serve as an ossuary or container of foodstuffs; the adornment of the ankles by rings of very similar shape and decoration; the assembly of the same types of objects. But beyond this particularism, this grave fits perfectly in the context of the passage from burial to incineration in this part of the South-East of France, during the 7th century BC. On the banks of the Rhone, in the Gard, the Vaucluse and the south of the Drome, as well as in the Southern Alps, the deceased are not burned but buried, as at Pont-de-Pierre 2-Nord (near Bollene) the Late Bronze Age IIIb, or Boulats (near Montelimar) and Picoulette (near Orange) in the 8th century. In the following century, while the deceased were not burned at La Bâtie (near Bollene) and la Mornasse (near Orange), cremation appeared in some tombs, such as Camper (near Bagnols-sur-Ceze), a place where burials and cremation graves meet, or Gagne-Pain (near Bollene). The deceased cremated of Lautagne is therefore, at the end of this century, in a context of coexistence of both types of body care. And in these plains of the left bank of the Rhone, during the following century, it is cremation that seems to become predominant (la Rouverette near Bollene, Malalones near Pierrelatte). The use of an ossuary vase, as in Lautagne, is poorly informed in this region. The conditions of discovery and conservation of the tombs of Camper 2 and la Rouverette do not allow to know if the bones were placed in a vase or not. These are deposited directly in the pit at Gagne-Pain, which was a relatively minor use in cremation cemeteries of the Languedoc, where the deposit of bones in an urn dominates until the end of the 7th century, but becomes more frequent thereafter. In Lautagne, as in the rest of the middl","PeriodicalId":375388,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132215274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Oiseaux, quadrupèdes et monstres sur un vase de Glanum : données nouvelles pour l’interprétation des signes zoomorphes des céramiques de la fin de l’âge du Bronze","authors":"J. Soto, A. Nicolas","doi":"10.3406/bspf.2020.15113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/bspf.2020.15113","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375388,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française","volume":"72 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122013080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Florian Couderc, Pierre-Yves Milcent, Manon Vallée, Jean-Françoise Pasty, M. Poux, Philippe Alix, B. Dousteyssier, Sylvain Mader, Antoine Meiraud, F. Surmely
EnglishThe aim of this paper is to present the preliminary results relating to the Neolithic occupation unearthed during the excavations carried out in 2018 on the Corent Plateau and to replace this discovery in its archaeological context. The archaeological significance of the Corent plateau is known since the 19th century with abundant remains dating from the Neolithic to the Roman period. Neolithic artefacts such as stone axes or flint tools were found during early surveys, but the first important remains, a collective burial containing at least 44 bodies and pottery vessels dating to the Late Neolithic, was discovered in 1969 in the stone quarry on the south slope of the plateau. Neolithic artefacts and part of three parallel palisades were also found in 1992 and 1993 when V. Guichard carried out test trenching in the late Iron Age sanctuary on the lower part of the Corent plateau. During M. Poux?€?s excavations from 2001 on the Iron Age sanctuary, Neolithic artefacts and other sections of these palisades were uncovered and excavations in 2017, revealed their SE-NW orientation. From 2001 to 2016, P.-Y. Milcent and M. Poux excavated Bronze Age and Iron Age settlements over nearly 3 hectares, Neolithic features and artefacts were also discovered. Following on from this, a new research program was set up in 2018 to excavate a circular enclosure previously detected by aerial survey and located 140 meters north of the Iron Age sanctuary. The enclosure was initially thought to be the demarcation ditch of a large Bronze Age or Early Iron Age burial ; however the subsequent excavation of its north-east quarter revealed a large circular feature 20 meters in diameter (227m2 of internal surface area) dating to the Middle Neolithic. The feature is enclosed by a peripheral ditch 1.10 to 1,30 m wide and 0.70 m deep, dug into the basalt. Massive basalt blocks in the ditch mark probable postholes spaced between 1.40 and 2 m apart. The ditch also has an entrance to the east. Two slit trenches divide the enclosed area into two unequal parts (1/3 and 2/3 of the area) and form a second entrance on the eastern side aligned with the first. Large posts maintained by massive blocks (up to 0.80 m wide) and supporting a wooden structure probably stood in the enlarged cuts at the ends of the slit trenches on either side of the entrance. Little is known of what this building was used for as the archaeological levels above the bedrock were completely destroyed by modern ploughing. Pottery sherds and flints dating to the Chasseen Middle Neolithic were discovered in the top of the fill. The Corent building constitutes a rare discovery for the area, as the few Neolithic buildings found in Auvergne do not have this type of plan. It belongs to a very particular group of circular buildings well known in Northern France called the Auneau type, mainly found in the Paris Basin and its western margins. The building at Corent is the most southerly example known of this type. Auneau
{"title":"Un édifice circulaire monumental du Néolithique moyen sur le plateau de Corent (Puy-de-Dôme, France) et son contexte archéologique","authors":"Florian Couderc, Pierre-Yves Milcent, Manon Vallée, Jean-Françoise Pasty, M. Poux, Philippe Alix, B. Dousteyssier, Sylvain Mader, Antoine Meiraud, F. Surmely","doi":"10.3406/bspf.2020.15106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/bspf.2020.15106","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishThe aim of this paper is to present the preliminary results relating to the Neolithic occupation unearthed during the excavations carried out in 2018 on the Corent Plateau and to replace this discovery in its archaeological context. The archaeological significance of the Corent plateau is known since the 19th century with abundant remains dating from the Neolithic to the Roman period. Neolithic artefacts such as stone axes or flint tools were found during early surveys, but the first important remains, a collective burial containing at least 44 bodies and pottery vessels dating to the Late Neolithic, was discovered in 1969 in the stone quarry on the south slope of the plateau. Neolithic artefacts and part of three parallel palisades were also found in 1992 and 1993 when V. Guichard carried out test trenching in the late Iron Age sanctuary on the lower part of the Corent plateau. During M. Poux?€?s excavations from 2001 on the Iron Age sanctuary, Neolithic artefacts and other sections of these palisades were uncovered and excavations in 2017, revealed their SE-NW orientation. From 2001 to 2016, P.-Y. Milcent and M. Poux excavated Bronze Age and Iron Age settlements over nearly 3 hectares, Neolithic features and artefacts were also discovered. Following on from this, a new research program was set up in 2018 to excavate a circular enclosure previously detected by aerial survey and located 140 meters north of the Iron Age sanctuary. The enclosure was initially thought to be the demarcation ditch of a large Bronze Age or Early Iron Age burial ; however the subsequent excavation of its north-east quarter revealed a large circular feature 20 meters in diameter (227m2 of internal surface area) dating to the Middle Neolithic. The feature is enclosed by a peripheral ditch 1.10 to 1,30 m wide and 0.70 m deep, dug into the basalt. Massive basalt blocks in the ditch mark probable postholes spaced between 1.40 and 2 m apart. The ditch also has an entrance to the east. Two slit trenches divide the enclosed area into two unequal parts (1/3 and 2/3 of the area) and form a second entrance on the eastern side aligned with the first. Large posts maintained by massive blocks (up to 0.80 m wide) and supporting a wooden structure probably stood in the enlarged cuts at the ends of the slit trenches on either side of the entrance. Little is known of what this building was used for as the archaeological levels above the bedrock were completely destroyed by modern ploughing. Pottery sherds and flints dating to the Chasseen Middle Neolithic were discovered in the top of the fill. The Corent building constitutes a rare discovery for the area, as the few Neolithic buildings found in Auvergne do not have this type of plan. It belongs to a very particular group of circular buildings well known in Northern France called the Auneau type, mainly found in the Paris Basin and its western margins. The building at Corent is the most southerly example known of this type. Auneau","PeriodicalId":375388,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française","volume":"167 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132862982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Juan-Francisco Gibaja, Berta Morell, Araceli Martín, F. Oms, Patricia Martín-Rodríguez, Millán Mozota Holgueras, Alba Masclans, Gerard Remolins, F. Santos, Stephanie Duboscq, María Fontanals-Coll, Mònica Oliva, Diego López Onaindia, Niccolò Mazzucco, M. E. Subirà
EnglishEven though stone slab burials are well known in archaeological literature since the beginning of the 20th century (mostly thanks to J. Vilaro, then M. Cura, J. Castany and Ll. Guerrero), they have been largely overlooked during this last decade. Even so, numerous graves have been discovered with parallels with other contemporary - or sub-contemporary- Neolithic burials in southern France, northern Italy or Switzerland. The scarce or null visibility of the burials, their deficient state of conservation, the lack of surveying projects and the alterations caused by soil movements in agro-pastoral areas can be the reason for the few discoveries of this kind of burial during the last few years. Neolithic communities selected specific spaces and territories to bury their dead and in particular at locations between 589 m and 747 m above sea level. They used stone slabs to build two types of tombs: (1) cistas, which are cist tombs, buried and sealed tightly by the four slabs that make up the sides and the top. They can be accessed by moving the upper slab (vertical access); (2) megalithic chambers whose fundamental difference is that they are accessed from the side (horizontal access). There is an additional 20% of graves in a poor state of preservation that could not be classified. There is little osteological information as many of the graves were excavated several decades ago. Frequently a substantial part of the skeleton was not collected or the appropriate techniques were not used for optimal data recording. Most graves contain only one individual, occasionally two, and rarely three or more. The majority are adult males, but due to the poor excavation procedures described above and the loss of certain remains over time, because of the changes and transfers of the archaeological material between museums, this information is unreliable. The aim of this paper is to present the latest work carried out on the burials by a large team of scholars. We will describe the characteristics that define these burials (from the typology of the structures and buried individuals to the type of grave goods) and our analysis of these characteristics. This includes the study of the dental morphology that has allowed us to determine that the Neolithic communities of the interior of Catalonia had a greater affinity with those of southern France and perhaps even a common origin. In addition, the recent advances in biomolecular techniques (?13C and ?15N isotope analysis) have given access to information on diet, which mainly consisted of vegetables (cereals) and, in some cases, animal proteins. This contradicts the initial idea that the economy of these groups in the interior of Catalonia relied on animal husbandry. We have made important advances in the study of the grave goods with research into the geographic origin of the raw materials used to make the bone, malacological and lithic tools and ornaments, the technical systems implemented during their preparation
{"title":"Tombes à dalles néolithiques (cistes et chambres) du nord-est de la péninsule Ibérique : une vision historiographique et chronologique","authors":"Juan-Francisco Gibaja, Berta Morell, Araceli Martín, F. Oms, Patricia Martín-Rodríguez, Millán Mozota Holgueras, Alba Masclans, Gerard Remolins, F. Santos, Stephanie Duboscq, María Fontanals-Coll, Mònica Oliva, Diego López Onaindia, Niccolò Mazzucco, M. E. Subirà","doi":"10.3406/bspf.2020.15108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/bspf.2020.15108","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishEven though stone slab burials are well known in archaeological literature since the beginning of the 20th century (mostly thanks to J. Vilaro, then M. Cura, J. Castany and Ll. Guerrero), they have been largely overlooked during this last decade. Even so, numerous graves have been discovered with parallels with other contemporary - or sub-contemporary- Neolithic burials in southern France, northern Italy or Switzerland. The scarce or null visibility of the burials, their deficient state of conservation, the lack of surveying projects and the alterations caused by soil movements in agro-pastoral areas can be the reason for the few discoveries of this kind of burial during the last few years. Neolithic communities selected specific spaces and territories to bury their dead and in particular at locations between 589 m and 747 m above sea level. They used stone slabs to build two types of tombs: (1) cistas, which are cist tombs, buried and sealed tightly by the four slabs that make up the sides and the top. They can be accessed by moving the upper slab (vertical access); (2) megalithic chambers whose fundamental difference is that they are accessed from the side (horizontal access). There is an additional 20% of graves in a poor state of preservation that could not be classified. There is little osteological information as many of the graves were excavated several decades ago. Frequently a substantial part of the skeleton was not collected or the appropriate techniques were not used for optimal data recording. Most graves contain only one individual, occasionally two, and rarely three or more. The majority are adult males, but due to the poor excavation procedures described above and the loss of certain remains over time, because of the changes and transfers of the archaeological material between museums, this information is unreliable. The aim of this paper is to present the latest work carried out on the burials by a large team of scholars. We will describe the characteristics that define these burials (from the typology of the structures and buried individuals to the type of grave goods) and our analysis of these characteristics. This includes the study of the dental morphology that has allowed us to determine that the Neolithic communities of the interior of Catalonia had a greater affinity with those of southern France and perhaps even a common origin. In addition, the recent advances in biomolecular techniques (?13C and ?15N isotope analysis) have given access to information on diet, which mainly consisted of vegetables (cereals) and, in some cases, animal proteins. This contradicts the initial idea that the economy of these groups in the interior of Catalonia relied on animal husbandry. We have made important advances in the study of the grave goods with research into the geographic origin of the raw materials used to make the bone, malacological and lithic tools and ornaments, the technical systems implemented during their preparation ","PeriodicalId":375388,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131187682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Caroline Peschaux, Alexandre Deseine, C. Leduc, Yann Le Jeune, Benjamin Marquebielle, B. Valentin, F. Valentin
{"title":"Mesolithic settlement on la Haute-Île in Neuilly-sur-Marne (Seine-Saint-Denis, France): between funerary and domestic functions","authors":"Caroline Peschaux, Alexandre Deseine, C. Leduc, Yann Le Jeune, Benjamin Marquebielle, B. Valentin, F. Valentin","doi":"10.3406/bspf.2020.15150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/bspf.2020.15150","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375388,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115211472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Une approche des dynamiques d’implantation des habitats à la fin du Néolithique provençal","authors":"A. Caraglio","doi":"10.3406/bspf.2020.15130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/bspf.2020.15130","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375388,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115236291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
G. Marchand, J. C. Gomez, David Cuenca Solana, A. Henin, Diana Nukushina
EnglishGround stone tools are rarely described for the mesolithic lithic industries of the French territory, despite their omnipresence in the dwellings. Yet elsewhere in Atlantic Europe, pebble tools sometimes play a major role in defining cultural entities, in Scotland with the Obanian, in northern Spain with the Asturian and in Portugal with the Mirian. This obvious lack of interest in mesolithic macro-tools deprives us of crucial information on technical phylums that are evolving at a different rate from other techniques. What are the standards and practices of use of these tools compared to other material culture ranges? How have they been disseminated in the landscapes through individual or collective mobility practices? What "stylistic territories" do they help us to draw? How can we think of their very slow morphological evolution over time in relation to other tools? Macro-tools thus hold a particular potential for action on matter, different from other tools; discussing their uses or, unlike their non-use, thinking about human engagement with the physical world and seeking a key to understanding their being in the world. The coastal habitat of Beg-er-Vil (Quiberon, Morbihan) excavated between 2012 and 2018 is a particularly coherent reference from a chronological and stratigraphic point of view for the seventh millennium BC. It allows a re-reading of other lithic assemblages of the Atlantic Mesolithic, but also comparisons with the Neolithic ground stone tools recently studied in the region. This coastal position has at least four implications for the availability and use of these tools: 1/ abundance of raw materials on the foreshores, 2/ exploitation of two very different ecosystems (maritime and continental), 3/ very diversified domestic activities on the habitat, 4/ need for tools to dig pits. The distribution of tools on site and the study of structures do not make it possible to highlight specific areas of activity within the habitat. For a total of 947 massive objects inventoried, a series of 130 tools emerged, whose traces visible to the naked eye are beyond doubt and 23 hypothetical tools requiring further analysis to determine whether they have use-wear or not. There are also 470 fragments of pebbles used. The classification of the ground stone tools was based on specific criteria, the first being the type of traces visible on the surfaces, voluntary or involuntary removal, and finally the fragmentation processes in use. Nine types of tools were identified, excluding fragments, all divided into one or more subtypes. The hammers obviously dominate (64%). The intermediate elements are 8% of the entire tools, to which 54 fragments must be added and probably many longitudinally fragment. In all these cases, it should be noted that the stigma of use is relatively undeveloped when compared with equivalent Neolithic tools. There are only four tools more involved than the others: a circular hammer (type A5), two chopping-tools (D2) and
尽管在法国境内的住宅中随处可见，但中石器时代的石制工具却很少被描述出来。然而，在大西洋欧洲的其他地方，鹅卵石工具有时在定义文化实体方面发挥着重要作用，在苏格兰与奥巴马人，在西班牙北部与阿斯图里亚人，在葡萄牙与米利安人。这种对中石器时代宏观工具的明显缺乏兴趣，使我们无法获得与其他技术进化速度不同的技术门的关键信息。与其他物质文化范围相比，这些工具的使用标准和实践是什么?它们是如何通过个人或集体的流动实践在景观中传播的?它们能帮助我们画出什么样的“风格领域”?我们如何看待它们相对于其他工具缓慢的形态进化?因此，宏观工具与其他工具不同，具有对物质采取行动的特殊潜力;讨论它们的用途，或者，与它们的不用途不同，思考人类与物质世界的接触，并寻求理解人类在世界上存在的关键。从时间和地层学的角度来看，2012年至2018年间挖掘的bege -er- vil (Quiberon, Morbihan)沿海栖息地是公元前第七千年的一个特别连贯的参考。它可以重新解读大西洋中石器时代的其他石器组合，也可以与该地区最近研究的新石器时代的地面石器进行比较。这种沿海位置对这些工具的提供和使用至少有四个影响:1 .前海岸有丰富的原材料;2 .开发两种非常不同的生态系统(海洋和大陆);3 .生境上的家庭活动非常多样化;4 .需要挖坑的工具。现场工具的分布和对结构的研究无法突出生境内的特定活动区域。在总共947件大质量物品中，出现了130件工具，它们的痕迹肉眼可见，毫无疑问，还有23件假设的工具需要进一步分析，以确定它们是否有使用磨损。还有470块鹅卵石碎片。地面石器的分类是基于特定的标准，首先是表面上可见的痕迹类型，自愿或非自愿移除，最后是使用过程中的碎裂过程。确定了九种类型的工具，不包括片段，所有工具都被划分为一个或多个子类型。锤子明显占主导地位(64%)。中间元素占整个工具的8%，必须添加54个片段，可能还有许多纵向片段。在所有这些情况下，应该注意的是，与同等的新石器时代工具相比，使用的柱头相对不发达。只有四种工具比其他工具更多:一个圆锤(A5型)，两个切割工具(D2型)和一个峰(D3型)。关于所使用的岩石类型，其中两种与语料库有很大的不同，石英主要用于主动工具，花岗岩用于最大的物体，无论是否被动。这篇文章提出了关于法国西部中石器时代地面石器缺乏的问题，而合适的矿产资源在前海岸特别丰富。考虑到所有因素，中石器时代早期的石器组合显示出比中石器时代晚期更广泛的范围。最后，与大西洋欧洲的其他地区(法国、西班牙、葡萄牙、苏格兰)进行了广泛的比较，这些地区的装备明显更好。法国大西洋地区中石器时代宏观工具的缺乏反映了技术系统的一般组织，不使用大型工具与物理世界的其余部分进行交互。由于动物材料，如鹿角、骨头或贝壳不能代替，除了提供鹿角镐(在Teviec和Hoedic中)之外，再也不可能在可能的功能转移背后寻求庇护。这第一种分类方法的目的是把聚光灯放在中石器时代技术系统的一部分，通常留在阴影中。我们的方法是功能性的，也就是说，这一系列工具的表现只能通过整合在栖息地中可以检测到的所有活动和功能来判断，通过检查燃烧结构、切割工具或有机残留物。很明显，现在必须进行实验，以确定这些工具对中心质量的作用，这些中心质量没有得到很好的转化。在中石器时代之前的时期，研究代代相传的技术转移是很困难的。事实上，关于法国西部旧石器时代的晚期和晚期，我们仍然知之甚少，特别是因为它的海洋衰落目前还不清楚。
{"title":"Le macro-outillage en pierre du Mésolithique atlantique Un référentiel bien daté sur l’habitat littoral de Beg-er-Vil (Quiberon, Morbihan)","authors":"G. Marchand, J. C. Gomez, David Cuenca Solana, A. Henin, Diana Nukushina","doi":"10.3406/bspf.2019.15050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/bspf.2019.15050","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishGround stone tools are rarely described for the mesolithic lithic industries of the French territory, despite their omnipresence in the dwellings. Yet elsewhere in Atlantic Europe, pebble tools sometimes play a major role in defining cultural entities, in Scotland with the Obanian, in northern Spain with the Asturian and in Portugal with the Mirian. This obvious lack of interest in mesolithic macro-tools deprives us of crucial information on technical phylums that are evolving at a different rate from other techniques. What are the standards and practices of use of these tools compared to other material culture ranges? How have they been disseminated in the landscapes through individual or collective mobility practices? What \"stylistic territories\" do they help us to draw? How can we think of their very slow morphological evolution over time in relation to other tools? Macro-tools thus hold a particular potential for action on matter, different from other tools; discussing their uses or, unlike their non-use, thinking about human engagement with the physical world and seeking a key to understanding their being in the world. The coastal habitat of Beg-er-Vil (Quiberon, Morbihan) excavated between 2012 and 2018 is a particularly coherent reference from a chronological and stratigraphic point of view for the seventh millennium BC. It allows a re-reading of other lithic assemblages of the Atlantic Mesolithic, but also comparisons with the Neolithic ground stone tools recently studied in the region. This coastal position has at least four implications for the availability and use of these tools: 1/ abundance of raw materials on the foreshores, 2/ exploitation of two very different ecosystems (maritime and continental), 3/ very diversified domestic activities on the habitat, 4/ need for tools to dig pits. The distribution of tools on site and the study of structures do not make it possible to highlight specific areas of activity within the habitat. For a total of 947 massive objects inventoried, a series of 130 tools emerged, whose traces visible to the naked eye are beyond doubt and 23 hypothetical tools requiring further analysis to determine whether they have use-wear or not. There are also 470 fragments of pebbles used. The classification of the ground stone tools was based on specific criteria, the first being the type of traces visible on the surfaces, voluntary or involuntary removal, and finally the fragmentation processes in use. Nine types of tools were identified, excluding fragments, all divided into one or more subtypes. The hammers obviously dominate (64%). The intermediate elements are 8% of the entire tools, to which 54 fragments must be added and probably many longitudinally fragment. In all these cases, it should be noted that the stigma of use is relatively undeveloped when compared with equivalent Neolithic tools. There are only four tools more involved than the others: a circular hammer (type A5), two chopping-tools (D2) and","PeriodicalId":375388,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130762920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
EnglishThe sedentary lifestyle of Neolithic societies places the settlement at the heart of archaeological issues. In northern France, research has mainly focused on sites with negative structures, whereas the frequent presence of clusters of artefacts was not considered as a potential element of the settlement structuration. However, the archaeological floor carrying essential data does approach this research question. Historically, at the beginning of the research on early Neolithic settlements in the Aisne Valley and throughout Eastern Europe, the soil, as an archaeological entity, was not identified. Also, it was considered, except for a few isolated cases, as not preserved. Since then, this observation has been challenged and the lack of detecting floors has limited our understanding of Neolithic settlements. The south-west of the Paris basin provides a relevant framework to investigate Neolithic soils and to question their absence. The end of the Neolithic in this region is still poorly culturally defined and building plans are largely unknown: buildings on posts of small modules and one monumental building. Nevertheless, numerous sites not stratified with artefact clusters (35 among the 79 sites identified) are discovered. In this context, where settlements are largely still poorly documented, it seems necessary to test if the cluster of artefacts constitutes a witness to the floor. We engaged an original geoarchaeological approach based on soil micromorphology to examine the sediment that contains these artefacts and thus characterise the formation processes of these archaeological layers. These elements then allow us to question ourselves on: -- the nature of the Neolithic floor and its variability to document the construction and functioning of inhabited spaces? -- the way in which they contribute to characterising the dynamics of occupation of sites at the end of the Neolithic period? To answer these questions, the study material comes from five sites located in the Beauce (Sours, Gas and Poupry) and Touraine (Pussigny and Maille) regions. The methodological approach is related to the geoarchaeology using soil micromorphology as a toolset. The strategy of sampling is twofold: stratigraphic sampling integrating all the thickness of the stratigraphy and the transition with the substrate and associated with a spatial sampling (37 sedimentary sequences). The study of thin sections allow to identify sedimentary organisations defined as "micro-ethnofacies". Resuming the patterns introduced since the 1990s and according to the constants observed, a first qualitative model of the Neolithic floor expressed by a classification of micro-ethnofacies is proposed according to layout and functioning. Then, the phasing of the set of micro-ethnofacies sequence from microstratigraphy analyses allows to restitute the partition of space according to the nature of the activities and trace its evolution depending on time. To illustrate the potential of the
沉积档案是真正的文化文献，所获得的结果为古生物学提供了新的资料。他们强调了土壤之间的重要可变性，这些土壤属于空间的一个分区，地板根据自然、时间和活动的组织而具有特征。对于内部空间，典型的地板是一个非常频繁使用(强烈践踏)的地板。然而，在大多数情况下，由于没有微型人工制品，可能由于养护问题或废物管理的原因，无法具体说明所进行活动的性质。这些土壤的特点是它们所表现出的定期养护。典型的外部楼层是庭院楼层，在那里，人工制品的集群反映了一个经常光顾的空间，并以不规则的速度保持着。在这里，微人工制品的稀缺性又限制了对实践活动的识别。“消失的新石器时代土壤”的范式正在消失，开辟了丰富的古人类学视角。法国认为“职业新石器时代的缺失”、“栖息地的研究”、“法国北部的研究”、“时间规划的研究”和“建筑组织的研究”都是重要的。重要的建筑存在于巴黎盆地南部-西部的建筑遗址中，形成了一个流动的集中区，同时也形成了建筑的保存区。沉积物与人工制品的关系，地质考古的研究，微观形态的研究，形成过程的决定因素，遗址的形成过程的决定因素，职业土壤的保存的决定因素，自然活动的决定因素，人类活动的决定因素。五个地点的流动浓度(气体、酸、Poupry、Pussigny和Maille)在研究中与Beauce和Touraine分离。地形变化策略具有双重特征:地层学特征、整体过渡特征和基底特征、空间中心、中心和外围特征。对新石器时代进行模型定性分析，对微民族相管理和功能的分类进行实验，并对其性质进行鉴定。微地层的分析有助于恢复、划分、空间、性质、活动以及对演化和温度的影响。场地«les grand Noyers»是一个Gas许可的建筑，具有地理考古潜力的建筑，具有新石器时代的建筑，具有重建历史功能的建筑，具有大规模的土地入侵和地形控制，具有管理和功能的建筑，具有室内建筑和室内建筑的功能。这些研究结果证实了文物的保存，证实了新石器时代的存在，证实了人类的存在。例如，“人类新石器时代差异的范式”是“人类新石器时代的范式”，“人类古生物学的视角”是“人类栖息地新石器的视角”。
{"title":"Revisiter le paradigme du « sol néolithique disparu » : géoarchéologie des modes d’occupation de la fin du Néolithique dans le sud-ouest du Bassin parisien. Le cas du site « les Grands Noyers » à Gas (Eure-et-Loir)","authors":"M. Onfray","doi":"10.3406/bspf.2019.14982","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/bspf.2019.14982","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishThe sedentary lifestyle of Neolithic societies places the settlement at the heart of archaeological issues. In northern France, research has mainly focused on sites with negative structures, whereas the frequent presence of clusters of artefacts was not considered as a potential element of the settlement structuration. However, the archaeological floor carrying essential data does approach this research question. Historically, at the beginning of the research on early Neolithic settlements in the Aisne Valley and throughout Eastern Europe, the soil, as an archaeological entity, was not identified. Also, it was considered, except for a few isolated cases, as not preserved. Since then, this observation has been challenged and the lack of detecting floors has limited our understanding of Neolithic settlements. The south-west of the Paris basin provides a relevant framework to investigate Neolithic soils and to question their absence. The end of the Neolithic in this region is still poorly culturally defined and building plans are largely unknown: buildings on posts of small modules and one monumental building. Nevertheless, numerous sites not stratified with artefact clusters (35 among the 79 sites identified) are discovered. In this context, where settlements are largely still poorly documented, it seems necessary to test if the cluster of artefacts constitutes a witness to the floor. We engaged an original geoarchaeological approach based on soil micromorphology to examine the sediment that contains these artefacts and thus characterise the formation processes of these archaeological layers. These elements then allow us to question ourselves on: -- the nature of the Neolithic floor and its variability to document the construction and functioning of inhabited spaces? -- the way in which they contribute to characterising the dynamics of occupation of sites at the end of the Neolithic period? To answer these questions, the study material comes from five sites located in the Beauce (Sours, Gas and Poupry) and Touraine (Pussigny and Maille) regions. The methodological approach is related to the geoarchaeology using soil micromorphology as a toolset. The strategy of sampling is twofold: stratigraphic sampling integrating all the thickness of the stratigraphy and the transition with the substrate and associated with a spatial sampling (37 sedimentary sequences). The study of thin sections allow to identify sedimentary organisations defined as \"micro-ethnofacies\". Resuming the patterns introduced since the 1990s and according to the constants observed, a first qualitative model of the Neolithic floor expressed by a classification of micro-ethnofacies is proposed according to layout and functioning. Then, the phasing of the set of micro-ethnofacies sequence from microstratigraphy analyses allows to restitute the partition of space according to the nature of the activities and trace its evolution depending on time. To illustrate the potential of the ","PeriodicalId":375388,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132373444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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