Pub Date : 2021-03-23DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1871601
Barkhad M. Kaariye
ABSTRACT For democracy to be implemented, there should be a peaceful, functioning, and defined sustem of governance. Though scholars have different perspectives on the nexus between state formation and democracy, this article uses Somaliland as a case. Somaliland, a former British Protectorate and now de facto state in the Horn of Africa, has adopted a hybrid system of governance—traditional, religious, and modern democratic systems of governance. The democratization process in Somaliland started decades back. As per the literature reviewed, most of the researchers have studied the peace-building process and the state formation processes separately. They did not specifically investigate the nexus between democracy and state formation in Somaliland. To fill that gap, this article examines the experiences of Somaliland’s democratization process and its impact on state formation. It clarifies how a clan-based system of governance turned into a democratic multiparty system. The major findings of this article include that democracy has had a huge impact on Somaliland’s state formation process. Not only that, it contributed to the peace-building process as well. Above all, the people of Somaliland were keen on building trust among themselves with democratic principles during the state formation. The application of democracy has permitted Somaliland people the right of accountability where they can change the leaders by casting votes in elections. The characteristics and principles of democracy had emerged in Somaliland’s ruling systems even before it reclaimed its internationally fully recognized independence.
{"title":"Democracy and State Formation Nexus: Experiences in Somaliland","authors":"Barkhad M. Kaariye","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1871601","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1871601","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT For democracy to be implemented, there should be a peaceful, functioning, and defined sustem of governance. Though scholars have different perspectives on the nexus between state formation and democracy, this article uses Somaliland as a case. Somaliland, a former British Protectorate and now de facto state in the Horn of Africa, has adopted a hybrid system of governance—traditional, religious, and modern democratic systems of governance. The democratization process in Somaliland started decades back. As per the literature reviewed, most of the researchers have studied the peace-building process and the state formation processes separately. They did not specifically investigate the nexus between democracy and state formation in Somaliland. To fill that gap, this article examines the experiences of Somaliland’s democratization process and its impact on state formation. It clarifies how a clan-based system of governance turned into a democratic multiparty system. The major findings of this article include that democracy has had a huge impact on Somaliland’s state formation process. Not only that, it contributed to the peace-building process as well. Above all, the people of Somaliland were keen on building trust among themselves with democratic principles during the state formation. The application of democracy has permitted Somaliland people the right of accountability where they can change the leaders by casting votes in elections. The characteristics and principles of democracy had emerged in Somaliland’s ruling systems even before it reclaimed its internationally fully recognized independence.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128303542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-13DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1856083
Lance Y. Hunter
ABSTRACT A small number of studies have investigated how terrorism influences government policies such as military spending through individual case-study analyses. However, scholars have yet to investigate how terrorism influences defense funding across multiple states and regions. This is surprising since prior research has found that terrorism influences political outcomes a number ways by affecting citizens’ emotions such as anxiety and fear. Therefore, this study examines the effect domestic and international terrorism has on military expenditures in 119 states from 1989 to 2012. A cross-sectional time series analysis indicates that terrorism positively affects military spending. However, democratic states are more likely to increase defense funding following terrorist attacks than authoritarian states. Furthermore, international terrorist attacks have the largest effect on defense funding in democracies.
{"title":"Terrorism, Regime Type, and Defense Spending: A Cross-National Analysis","authors":"Lance Y. Hunter","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1856083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1856083","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT A small number of studies have investigated how terrorism influences government policies such as military spending through individual case-study analyses. However, scholars have yet to investigate how terrorism influences defense funding across multiple states and regions. This is surprising since prior research has found that terrorism influences political outcomes a number ways by affecting citizens’ emotions such as anxiety and fear. Therefore, this study examines the effect domestic and international terrorism has on military expenditures in 119 states from 1989 to 2012. A cross-sectional time series analysis indicates that terrorism positively affects military spending. However, democratic states are more likely to increase defense funding following terrorist attacks than authoritarian states. Furthermore, international terrorist attacks have the largest effect on defense funding in democracies.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126752604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1875305
Daniel E. Levenson
{"title":"The Irrational Terrorist & Other Persistent Myths","authors":"Daniel E. Levenson","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1875305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1875305","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125511049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1848557
U. Shavit, Fabian Spengler
ABSTRACT The Salafi Mosque in Birmingham, England, is a hub of European salafiyya. It is the center of a vibrant network of online and print publications, and hundreds of Muslims attend its prayers. Based on a field study at the mosque that included a written survey with a sample of male attendees and twenty-three interviews with attendees and local leaders, the article challenges the common perception of salafiyya as an approach that inherently involves provocative and costly personal choices and demonstrates the nuanced and ambivalent aspects of its radicalism. It suggests that affiliation with the Salafi Mosque allows a sense of moral superiority while requiring little intellectual effort and few social and financial commitments and that the mosque provides space for the articulation of strong anti-liberal views while avoiding the perils of political activism that directly challenges the mainstream of society. The article also shows how several of the qualities that make the mosque appealing to some Muslims result in its marginalization.
{"title":"How Radical is Birmingham’s Salafi Mosque?","authors":"U. Shavit, Fabian Spengler","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1848557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1848557","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Salafi Mosque in Birmingham, England, is a hub of European salafiyya. It is the center of a vibrant network of online and print publications, and hundreds of Muslims attend its prayers. Based on a field study at the mosque that included a written survey with a sample of male attendees and twenty-three interviews with attendees and local leaders, the article challenges the common perception of salafiyya as an approach that inherently involves provocative and costly personal choices and demonstrates the nuanced and ambivalent aspects of its radicalism. It suggests that affiliation with the Salafi Mosque allows a sense of moral superiority while requiring little intellectual effort and few social and financial commitments and that the mosque provides space for the articulation of strong anti-liberal views while avoiding the perils of political activism that directly challenges the mainstream of society. The article also shows how several of the qualities that make the mosque appealing to some Muslims result in its marginalization.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129630124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2021.1875304
Jeffrey Coltman-Cormier
{"title":"Borderland Battles: Violence, Crime, and Governance at the Edges of Colombia’s War","authors":"Jeffrey Coltman-Cormier","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2021.1875304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2021.1875304","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"120 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115552056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-26DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1856084
R. Barrett
ABSTRACT At present, the United States institution handling international agreements is replete with uncertainty about the precise role of different branches of the government and the rules government actors are to follow. The result is inferior democratic rule and a worse bargaining position in world affairs. This article surveys the institution’s current problems with treaties, congressional-executive agreements, and sole executive agreements. It explains the judicial response and why historical practice has not led to a resolution, but an exacerbation of problems. It lays out the costs of these problems and articulates how cementing the Senate’s role in agreements would greatly augment both democarcy and security.
{"title":"Inferior Domestic Treaty Institutions Lead to Less Democracy and Security: The Case of the United States","authors":"R. Barrett","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1856084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1856084","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT At present, the United States institution handling international agreements is replete with uncertainty about the precise role of different branches of the government and the rules government actors are to follow. The result is inferior democratic rule and a worse bargaining position in world affairs. This article surveys the institution’s current problems with treaties, congressional-executive agreements, and sole executive agreements. It explains the judicial response and why historical practice has not led to a resolution, but an exacerbation of problems. It lays out the costs of these problems and articulates how cementing the Senate’s role in agreements would greatly augment both democarcy and security.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"375 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116325725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-27DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1848558
Brittnee Carter, Maya Van Nuys, Cagil Albayrak
ABSTRACT This study investigates the outcomes of suicide terrorism by examining the interaction between religious ideology and state sponsorship. Specifically, we are interested in how state sponsorship may facilitate religiously motivated terrorist groups to carry out suicide attacks. Religiously motivated terrorism groups are predisposed to the utilization of suicide terrorism because of the justification of unrestrained violence to achieve religious goals and the veneration of martyrdom. States will sponsor religiously motivated terrorist groups especially for the purposes of public goods provisions, increasing the state’s bargaining power and credibility, and as a way to export state ideology. The interaction between religion and state sponsorship ultimately facilitates suicide attacks as a low cost, yet highly visible and effective means for both the state and the terrorist group to achieve their goals. The results suggest that not only are religiously motivated terrorist groups more inclined to use suicide terrorism than other group types, but that this inclination is heightened when religiously motivated groups are state-sponsored. Consequently, states should seek to devote specific attention and resources to halting state-sponsors of religiously motivated terrorism and consider including building state capacity as part of a counterterrorism strategy.
{"title":"State Sponsorship of Religiously Motivated Terrorism: A Deadly Combination","authors":"Brittnee Carter, Maya Van Nuys, Cagil Albayrak","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1848558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1848558","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study investigates the outcomes of suicide terrorism by examining the interaction between religious ideology and state sponsorship. Specifically, we are interested in how state sponsorship may facilitate religiously motivated terrorist groups to carry out suicide attacks. Religiously motivated terrorism groups are predisposed to the utilization of suicide terrorism because of the justification of unrestrained violence to achieve religious goals and the veneration of martyrdom. States will sponsor religiously motivated terrorist groups especially for the purposes of public goods provisions, increasing the state’s bargaining power and credibility, and as a way to export state ideology. The interaction between religion and state sponsorship ultimately facilitates suicide attacks as a low cost, yet highly visible and effective means for both the state and the terrorist group to achieve their goals. The results suggest that not only are religiously motivated terrorist groups more inclined to use suicide terrorism than other group types, but that this inclination is heightened when religiously motivated groups are state-sponsored. Consequently, states should seek to devote specific attention and resources to halting state-sponsors of religiously motivated terrorism and consider including building state capacity as part of a counterterrorism strategy.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125499703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-18DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1841367
Marcin Rojszczak
ABSTRACT The principle of proportionality is fundamental to modern democracies. Proportionality and strict necessity are also essential requirements for the legality of public authorities’ surveillance activities. However, nowadays it is becoming more and more difficult to assess the proportionality of a given measure, especially since its surveillance effect may take some time to become apparent. That is why legislatures are increasingly introducing additional legal safeguards to reduce the risk of abuse of power. But can more mechanisms limiting surveillance powers effectively minimize the risk that these powers will be used for non-legal purposes? This key problem will be discussed based on the example of Poland – a EU Member State whose case will be used to illustrate the limited usefulness of the “checks and balances” model in a situation where a resolutely determined authority systematically aims to achieve its goals in violation of the rule of law.
{"title":"Surveillance, Legal Restraints and Dismantling Democracy: Lessons from Poland","authors":"Marcin Rojszczak","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1841367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1841367","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The principle of proportionality is fundamental to modern democracies. Proportionality and strict necessity are also essential requirements for the legality of public authorities’ surveillance activities. However, nowadays it is becoming more and more difficult to assess the proportionality of a given measure, especially since its surveillance effect may take some time to become apparent. That is why legislatures are increasingly introducing additional legal safeguards to reduce the risk of abuse of power. But can more mechanisms limiting surveillance powers effectively minimize the risk that these powers will be used for non-legal purposes? This key problem will be discussed based on the example of Poland – a EU Member State whose case will be used to illustrate the limited usefulness of the “checks and balances” model in a situation where a resolutely determined authority systematically aims to achieve its goals in violation of the rule of law.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"14 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114103753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-22DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1830763
Michael K. McKoy
ABSTRACT Wheaton College, Department of Politics and International Relations A poor understanding of the causes of the “democratic peace” has contributed to poor policymaking, including attempts to impose democratic governments in order to establish interstate peace. This article explores how Allied policymakers sought to establish peace following World War II while imposing democratic regimes in Germany and Japan. Their strategy for permanently pacifying these countries relied on non-democratic mechanisms: imposing structural weaknesses and forbidding militaristic and hyper-nationalistic organizations and rhetoric. These remained central even following the contingencies of the Cold War. These findings further complicate the relationship between democratization and peacebuilding.
{"title":"Constructing a “Democratic” Peace: Allied Peacebuilding Strategy in Germany and Japan","authors":"Michael K. McKoy","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1830763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1830763","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Wheaton College, Department of Politics and International Relations A poor understanding of the causes of the “democratic peace” has contributed to poor policymaking, including attempts to impose democratic governments in order to establish interstate peace. This article explores how Allied policymakers sought to establish peace following World War II while imposing democratic regimes in Germany and Japan. Their strategy for permanently pacifying these countries relied on non-democratic mechanisms: imposing structural weaknesses and forbidding militaristic and hyper-nationalistic organizations and rhetoric. These remained central even following the contingencies of the Cold War. These findings further complicate the relationship between democratization and peacebuilding.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129114187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-15DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1818227
Lilla Młodzik
The world of science stresses that greater attention should be paid to the development of concepts than high competences of the public sector. Participants of public institutions should be aware of...
科学界强调，应该更多地关注概念的发展，而不是公共部门的高能力。公共机构的参与者应该意识到……
{"title":"Cooperative Competencies of Public Officials on the Example of the Border Guards Department in Poland","authors":"Lilla Młodzik","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1818227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1818227","url":null,"abstract":"The world of science stresses that greater attention should be paid to the development of concepts than high competences of the public sector. Participants of public institutions should be aware of...","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"123 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131497005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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