Pub Date : 2020-10-12DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1830762
Robert P. Hager
ABSTRACT This paper examines shifting Soviet and American policies during the 1954–62 Algerian War. It attempts to further develop the theory of competitive decolonization to explain these shifts. This theory argues that states can maximize power in the international system by weakening the empires of other states. Willingness to use this technique is largely a function of security concerns involving the metropolitan power. The theory stresses the role of the great powers in the spread of sovereignty in the international system. In the case examined here, both Moscow and Washington initially held back from supporting Algerian independence due to concerns for relations with France. Nevertheless, both superpowers wound up playing an important role in bringing about Algerian independence. Effective manipulation of both superpowers by the Algerian Front for National Liberation explains much of this. Additionally, Moscow was moved by rivalry from China. Washington’s role included effectively promoting a change in the French government. This bolsters historical findings stressing the importance of agency by Third World actors in the Cold War. The theoretical importance is the need to include the diplomacy of nonstate actors in accounting for shifts in the international system. This work also highlights aspects of relationships between allies.
{"title":"Competitive Decolonization and the Algerian War, 1954-62: When Will the Competitors Compete?","authors":"Robert P. Hager","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1830762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1830762","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper examines shifting Soviet and American policies during the 1954–62 Algerian War. It attempts to further develop the theory of competitive decolonization to explain these shifts. This theory argues that states can maximize power in the international system by weakening the empires of other states. Willingness to use this technique is largely a function of security concerns involving the metropolitan power. The theory stresses the role of the great powers in the spread of sovereignty in the international system. In the case examined here, both Moscow and Washington initially held back from supporting Algerian independence due to concerns for relations with France. Nevertheless, both superpowers wound up playing an important role in bringing about Algerian independence. Effective manipulation of both superpowers by the Algerian Front for National Liberation explains much of this. Additionally, Moscow was moved by rivalry from China. Washington’s role included effectively promoting a change in the French government. This bolsters historical findings stressing the importance of agency by Third World actors in the Cold War. The theoretical importance is the need to include the diplomacy of nonstate actors in accounting for shifts in the international system. This work also highlights aspects of relationships between allies.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114661411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1818460
Robert P. Hager
{"title":"Bringing Stalin Back In: Memory Politics and the Creation of a Useable Past in Putin’s Russia","authors":"Robert P. Hager","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1818460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1818460","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114220641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1818228
Luís Miguel Tovar Cuevas, Sandra Balanta, Juan David Díaz Mutis, José Rafael Tovar Cuevas
ABSTRACT The objective of this research is to carry out a comparative security analysis of a city traditionally affected by armed conflict in Colombia, during two periods of time when two opposing strategies were employed to overcome armed conflicts: a counterinsurgency policy and the peace agreement, using the Human Security (HS) restricted approach. This is one of the first studies to establish specific Bayesian analyzes using primary data obtained directly from communities. The results show that the peace dialogs are more effective in addressing the actions that threaten a population’s human security, especially those that come from the insurgent groups (i.e., FARC). However, in a scenario of multiple armed actors and criminal activities, a strategy focused solely on one of them is not enough to guarantee optimal conditions for human security.
{"title":"From Counterinsurgency to the Peace Agreement in Colombia: A Bayesian Approximation of Human Security","authors":"Luís Miguel Tovar Cuevas, Sandra Balanta, Juan David Díaz Mutis, José Rafael Tovar Cuevas","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1818228","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1818228","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The objective of this research is to carry out a comparative security analysis of a city traditionally affected by armed conflict in Colombia, during two periods of time when two opposing strategies were employed to overcome armed conflicts: a counterinsurgency policy and the peace agreement, using the Human Security (HS) restricted approach. This is one of the first studies to establish specific Bayesian analyzes using primary data obtained directly from communities. The results show that the peace dialogs are more effective in addressing the actions that threaten a population’s human security, especially those that come from the insurgent groups (i.e., FARC). However, in a scenario of multiple armed actors and criminal activities, a strategy focused solely on one of them is not enough to guarantee optimal conditions for human security.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129905904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-12DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1811969
Bryan Stinchfield, Ted Auch, E. Bratman
ABSTRACT Proponents of the US shale oil and gas industry argued that American citizens’ economic prosperity and national security were at stake if the industry was not rapidly expanded. Following copious amounts of a certain type of “patriotic” rhetoric, the industry grew rapidly. Simultaneously, foreign ownership of US shale industry infrastructure occurred in tandem with calls for new policies and laws to limit US citizens’ democratic rights with regard to the industry’s activities. As a result, we argue that the development of the US shale industry has weakened national security by creating negative security externalities and eroding democratic values. We offer implications for other democratic societies rich in natural resources.
{"title":"Energy Security, International Investment, and Democracy: The Case of the United States Shale Oil and Gas Industry","authors":"Bryan Stinchfield, Ted Auch, E. Bratman","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1811969","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1811969","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Proponents of the US shale oil and gas industry argued that American citizens’ economic prosperity and national security were at stake if the industry was not rapidly expanded. Following copious amounts of a certain type of “patriotic” rhetoric, the industry grew rapidly. Simultaneously, foreign ownership of US shale industry infrastructure occurred in tandem with calls for new policies and laws to limit US citizens’ democratic rights with regard to the industry’s activities. As a result, we argue that the development of the US shale industry has weakened national security by creating negative security externalities and eroding democratic values. We offer implications for other democratic societies rich in natural resources.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128924627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-09DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1818461
C. Macaulay
{"title":"Finding Soldiers of Peace: Three Dilemmas for UN Peacekeeping Missions","authors":"C. Macaulay","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1818461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1818461","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114929815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-05DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1811968
Elise Rainer, Anish Goel
ABSTRACT This article examines the case of Myanmar, specifically, how the country’s domestic human rights record and lack of democratic structure has been the root cause of its economic and political instability. The systematic and genocidal persecution of the country’s Rohingya population and denial of their democratic rights has become the central human rights issue upon which the international community defines Myanmar’s reputation. The article identifies how Myanmar’s actions have directly impacted its national security in three ways: internal insecurity, regional insecurity, and economic insecurity. Myanmar is a case study that demonstrates how ethnic conflict and democratic erosion threatens the legitimacy of the nation and hinders the realization of a stable country.
{"title":"Self-Inflicted Instability: Myanmar and the Interlinkage between Human Rights, Democracy and Global Security","authors":"Elise Rainer, Anish Goel","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1811968","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1811968","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the case of Myanmar, specifically, how the country’s domestic human rights record and lack of democratic structure has been the root cause of its economic and political instability. The systematic and genocidal persecution of the country’s Rohingya population and denial of their democratic rights has become the central human rights issue upon which the international community defines Myanmar’s reputation. The article identifies how Myanmar’s actions have directly impacted its national security in three ways: internal insecurity, regional insecurity, and economic insecurity. Myanmar is a case study that demonstrates how ethnic conflict and democratic erosion threatens the legitimacy of the nation and hinders the realization of a stable country.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128044240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1802690
P. J. Schraeder, Michael J. Schumacher
ABSTRACT This project examines the global “foreign fighter” phenomenon, in which individuals fight in a foreign conflict. We explore the question – “Why do ordinary people travel abroad to fight and potentially die for a foreign cause?” – by analyzing a dataset of 27,223 foreign fighters from 75 countries who fought for the Islamic State. The statistical results demonstrate that one must draw on three different bodies of collective action theory to provide a robust explanation. The Islamic State’s foreign fighters come from countries that are predominantly Muslim (social network theory), that have greater levels of educational attainment (grievance theory), and that are experiencing elevated levels of domestic political instability (political opportunity theory). These findings have theoretical implications for understanding the international dimension of collection action, most notably regarding international democracy promotion. Whereas a country’s degree of democracy or authoritarianism does not affect the numbers of foreign fighters from that country, the democratization process and democratic transition foster domestic political instability that in turn favors higher numbers of foreign fighters.
{"title":"Collective Action, Foreign Fighting, and the Global Struggle for the Islamic State","authors":"P. J. Schraeder, Michael J. Schumacher","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1802690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1802690","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This project examines the global “foreign fighter” phenomenon, in which individuals fight in a foreign conflict. We explore the question – “Why do ordinary people travel abroad to fight and potentially die for a foreign cause?” – by analyzing a dataset of 27,223 foreign fighters from 75 countries who fought for the Islamic State. The statistical results demonstrate that one must draw on three different bodies of collective action theory to provide a robust explanation. The Islamic State’s foreign fighters come from countries that are predominantly Muslim (social network theory), that have greater levels of educational attainment (grievance theory), and that are experiencing elevated levels of domestic political instability (political opportunity theory). These findings have theoretical implications for understanding the international dimension of collection action, most notably regarding international democracy promotion. Whereas a country’s degree of democracy or authoritarianism does not affect the numbers of foreign fighters from that country, the democratization process and democratic transition foster domestic political instability that in turn favors higher numbers of foreign fighters.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"71 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127068252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1802169
Juan Merizalde
The effectiveness of a military and its ability to successfully meet the needs of the state remains an integral part of political systems. Thomas C. Bruneau and Aurel Croissant embark on a thorough...
军队的有效性及其成功满足国家需求的能力仍然是政治制度的一个组成部分。Thomas C. Bruneau和Aurel Croissant开始了一场彻底的…
{"title":"Civil-Military Relations: Control and Effectiveness Across Regimes","authors":"Juan Merizalde","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1802169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1802169","url":null,"abstract":"The effectiveness of a military and its ability to successfully meet the needs of the state remains an integral part of political systems. Thomas C. Bruneau and Aurel Croissant embark on a thorough...","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"257 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114295332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1802167
M. J. Fox, Jacob Zenn
Among the hundreds of books written since 9/11, there are a few that stand out as classics and will be read well beyond the end of the War on Terror. Explaining and analyzing the ideological evolut...
在911之后的数百本书中，有几本是经典之作，在反恐战争结束后仍将被广泛阅读。解释和分析思想演变……
{"title":"The Jihadis’ Path to Self-Destruction:","authors":"M. J. Fox, Jacob Zenn","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1802167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1802167","url":null,"abstract":"Among the hundreds of books written since 9/11, there are a few that stand out as classics and will be read well beyond the end of the War on Terror. Explaining and analyzing the ideological evolut...","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114350320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/17419166.2020.1802168
Gizem Tuğba Özkut, Jülide Aşçı
ABSTRACT The failed coup attempt in July 2016 initiated a two-year long state of emergency (SoE) in Turkey. While studies have revealed its effects of power concentration in the government’s hands, what lacks to this point is a holistic and contextual analysis of how the SoE made it possible for the AKP Government to expand its power and through which mechanisms. This article adopts the conceptions of Securitization and the Sociology of Power and argues that the 2016–18 SoE is the latest manifestation of a long tradition of practices of securitization as well as the implementation of exceptional states.
{"title":"Long-Lasting State of Emergency: Use of (In)security for Consolidation of Power in Turkey","authors":"Gizem Tuğba Özkut, Jülide Aşçı","doi":"10.1080/17419166.2020.1802168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2020.1802168","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The failed coup attempt in July 2016 initiated a two-year long state of emergency (SoE) in Turkey. While studies have revealed its effects of power concentration in the government’s hands, what lacks to this point is a holistic and contextual analysis of how the SoE made it possible for the AKP Government to expand its power and through which mechanisms. This article adopts the conceptions of Securitization and the Sociology of Power and argues that the 2016–18 SoE is the latest manifestation of a long tradition of practices of securitization as well as the implementation of exceptional states.","PeriodicalId":375529,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Security","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129194410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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