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A Taxonomy of Armed Conflict 武装冲突的分类
Pub Date : 2012-01-20 DOI: 10.4337/9781849808576.00013
M. Milanović, Vidan Hadzi-Vidanovic
With some relatively minor exceptions international humanitarian law (IHL) applies only when a certain threshold is met: the existence of an armed conflict or belligerent occupation. The purpose of this chapter is to explore the many difficulties surrounding the classification of armed conflicts in modern IHL. While the two main archetypes – international armed conflict (IAC) and non-international armed conflict (NIAC) – are reasonably clear in their basic forms, their boundaries are complex and obscure. Many recent conflicts do not fit the classical archetypes well, provoking debates on spill-over, internationalized, mixed or hybrid and even transnational armed conflicts. The chapter strives to show that there are some differences between IACs and NIACs that cannot be erased simply by reasoning from analogy or from moral imperative, and that therefore the classification of armed conflict is an issue that matters and will continue to matter for the considerable future. The principal goal of the chapter is clarity, clarity in a conceptual and doctrinal framework which can enable legal and policy debates to be properly had and argued without their participants talking past each other. In attempting to advance such clarity, the chapter discusses the framework of war and peace in classical international law, the conceptual revolution brought about by the aftermath of the Second World War, and finally the modern law, by developing a comprehensive taxonomy of armed conflict.
除了一些相对较小的例外情况外,国际人道主义法只有在满足一定的门槛时才适用:存在武装冲突或交战占领。本章的目的是探讨现代国际人道法中围绕武装冲突分类的诸多困难。虽然国际武装冲突(IAC)和非国际武装冲突(NIAC)这两种主要的原型在其基本形式上相当明确,但它们的边界是复杂和模糊的。最近发生的许多冲突都不符合经典的典型,引发了关于外溢性、国际化、混合性或混合性甚至跨国武装冲突的辩论。本章努力表明,国际冲突分类和国家冲突分类之间存在一些差异,这些差异不能简单地通过类比推理或道德要求来消除,因此,武装冲突的分类是一个重要的问题,并将在相当长的未来继续重要。本章的主要目标是清晰,概念和理论框架的清晰,使法律和政策辩论能够适当地进行和辩论,而参与者不会各执一词。为了进一步阐明这一点,本章讨论了古典国际法中战争与和平的框架、第二次世界大战后所带来的概念革命,最后讨论了现代法律,并对武装冲突进行了全面的分类。
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引用次数: 15
Adaptation Effectiveness and Free-Riding Incentives in International Environmental Agreements 国际环境协定中的适应有效性和搭便车激励
Pub Date : 2011-11-11 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1957996
Hassan Benchekroun, Walid Marrouch, Amrita Ray Chaudhuri
While an international agreement over the reduction of greenhouse gases (GHGs) emissions proves to be elusive, there is a large and growing support for investment in developing more effective technologies to adapt to climate change. We show that an increase in effectiveness of adaptation will diminish the incentive of individual countries to free-ride on a global agreement over emissions. Moreover, we show that this positive effect of an increase in adaptation's effectiveness can also be accompanied by an increase in the gains from global cooperation over GHGs emissions.
虽然关于减少温室气体(ghg)排放的国际协议被证明是难以实现的,但在开发更有效的技术以适应气候变化方面的投资得到了大量且日益增长的支持。我们表明,适应效率的提高将减少个别国家搭便车达成全球排放协议的动机。此外,我们表明,适应有效性提高的这种积极影响也可能伴随着全球温室气体排放合作收益的增加。
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引用次数: 20
Constitutionality and Constitutionalism Beyond the State: Two Perspectives on the Material Constitution of the United Nations 宪政与超越国家的宪政:联合国物质宪法的两个视角
Pub Date : 2011-10-30 DOI: 10.1093/ICON/MOR079
J. Arato
This paper examines the competences of the UN Security Council under the “constitution” of the United Nations, focusing in particular on its recent innovations in legislation. Certain critics decry Council legislation as unconstitutional, null and void. Apologists retort that the Charter delegates broad power to the Council, and the impugned legislative Resolutions fall well within the broad textual limitations on its competence. I propose an approach to constitutional analysis to help cut through this debate, based on distinguishing between two perspectives on the “constitution” of an international organization: the juridical perspective emphasizing the transmission of validity in the creation, interpretation, and application of legal norms (constitutionality/unconstitutionality); and the political perspective from which the ordering of power among the constituted bodies may be assessed in terms of legitimacy and justice (e.g. the political-theoretical language of constitutionalism). Distinguishing between the perspectives illuminates the merits of the arguments on both sides of the debate on the Council’s competences. Juridically speaking, it is difficult to argue that the Council’s innovations are unconstitutional and void. Yet the political perspective helps explain the critics’ discomfort with the Council’s expansive innovations; from the latter angle it appears that the Charter’s broad, unreviewable, and effectively unamendable delegation of power to the Council yields a deeply flawed constitutional arrangement, entailing systemic risks of hegemonic international law-making and the demise of constitutionalism.
本文考察了联合国“宪法”下联合国安理会的权限,特别关注其最近在立法方面的创新。某些批评人士谴责安理会的立法违宪、无效。辩护者反驳说,《宪章》赋予安理会广泛的权力,而受到质疑的立法决议完全属于安理会权限的广泛文本限制。我提出了一种宪法分析方法,在区分国际组织“宪法”的两种观点的基础上,帮助解决这场辩论:司法观点强调法律规范(合宪性/违宪性)的创建、解释和应用中的有效性传递;从政治角度来看,权力在被构成的机构之间的排序可以从合法性和正义的角度进行评估(例如宪政的政治理论语言)。区分两种观点说明了关于安理会权限的辩论双方论点的优点。从法律上讲,很难说安理会的创新是违宪和无效的。然而,政治视角有助于解释批评者对理事会扩张性创新的不安;从后一个角度来看,《宪章》对安理会的广泛、不可审查和实际上不可修改的权力下放似乎产生了一种有严重缺陷的宪法安排,带来了霸权国际立法和宪政消亡的系统性风险。
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引用次数: 26
A New Investment Deal in Asia and Africa: Land Leases to Foreign Investors 亚洲和非洲的新投资协议:向外国投资者出租土地
Pub Date : 2011-09-30 DOI: 10.1017/CBO9781139043809.031
Anastasia Telesetsky
This paper explores the potential international investment consequences of the recent boom in long-term land leases (25 years or more) offered by national governments in Asia and Africa to private, foreign agribusinesses. The paper explores the implications of umbrella clauses in bilateral investment treaties, stabilization clauses, and the lack of performance standards to regulate for potential environmental and labor impacts caused by the long-term land leases. The paper argues for the need for States offering leases to ensure protection of national public interests in healthy environmental and labor conditions while also honoring their investment law commitments.
本文探讨了亚洲和非洲国家政府最近向私营外国农业综合企业提供长期土地租赁(25年或更长)热潮的潜在国际投资后果。本文探讨了双边投资协定中总括条款、稳定条款的影响,以及长期土地租赁对潜在环境和劳动力影响的绩效标准的缺乏。该文件认为,各国有必要提供租赁,以确保在健康的环境和劳动条件下保护国家公共利益,同时履行其投资法承诺。
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引用次数: 3
Does Access to Justice Improve Countries’ Compliance with Human Rights Norms? – An Empirical Study 诉诸司法能改善各国对人权规范的遵守吗?——实证研究
Pub Date : 2011-08-15 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1621821
Samuel P. Baumgartner
When and why do countries comply with international law? This question has been the focus of much research on international law in the United States. It is a question that is particularly pertinent to the area of human rights, where, at first blush at least, nations appear to have little incentive to live up to international norms. Not until recently, however, have scholars undertaken the task to consider in depth the way in which international human rights law affects actual state practice. The result has been a number of theories to explain the behavior of states in the face of human rights obligations and international norms more generally. However, few of these theories have been tested empirically. In this Article, I set out to test one hypothesis explaining conformance of nations with human rights norms derived from a number of these theories – that the more a country grants individuals access to its courts, the less likely that country is to violate international human rights norms. I do so with a systematic empirical analysis of an original dataset involving 90 countries over a period of ten years. The outcome is sobering: My results do support the hypothesis that access to court improves compliance with human rights norms. But the correlation is weaker and considerably less robust than expected, that is, the results change significantly depending on the statistical model used and the kinds of human rights involved. There is a silver lining, however. One component of access to court – the right to counsel – performs more impressively than the others. It is more robustly associated with better human rights practices, although this association, too, is weaker than expected.
各国何时以及为何遵守国际法?这个问题一直是美国许多国际法研究的焦点。这是一个与人权领域特别相关的问题,在这个领域,至少乍一看,各国似乎没有什么动力去遵守国际准则。然而,直到最近,学者们才开始深入研究国际人权法对实际国家实践的影响。其结果是出现了一些理论,可以更广泛地解释国家在面对人权义务和国际准则时的行为。然而,这些理论很少得到实证检验。在这篇文章中,我开始测试一个假设,解释国家与人权规范的一致性,这个假设是从许多这些理论中衍生出来的——一个国家越多地允许个人进入法院,这个国家违反国际人权规范的可能性就越小。我对90个国家10年间的原始数据集进行了系统的实证分析。结果发人深思:我的研究结果确实支持这样一种假设,即诉诸法庭可以改善对人权规范的遵守。但是,这种相关性比预期的要弱得多,也不那么牢固,也就是说,根据所使用的统计模型和所涉及的人权种类,结果会发生重大变化。然而,还是有一线希望的。诉诸法庭的一个组成部分——请律师的权利——比其他组成部分表现得更令人印象深刻。它与更好的人权做法的联系更为紧密,尽管这种联系也比预期的弱。
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引用次数: 6
Protect, Respect, Remedy and Participate: ‘New Governance’ Lessons for the Ruggie Framework 保护、尊重、补救和参与:Ruggie框架的“新治理”课程
Pub Date : 2011-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/9789004225794_013
Tara J. Melish, E. Meidinger
This piece addresses the legacy of Harvard Professor John Gerard Ruggie’s work as the first UN Special Representative to the Secretary General (SRSG) on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations, a UN mandate he held from 2005-2011. In it, we interrogate the theoretical underpinnings of the conceptual and policy framework for addressing human rights abuse in the business context that Professor Ruggie has endorsed as SRSG and query whether a conceptually and operationally more effective framework might have been produced had Ruggie and his team approached the task from a new governance or new accountability perspective. After situating Ruggie’s work within a sociological institutionalist perspective to system transformation, we describe the key insights offered by new governance approaches for the construction of effective governance and accountability regimes – including those of expanded stakeholder participation, the addition of new kinds of non-traditional processes for holding social actors to account, and the role of orchestration in promoting learning and experimentation across sectors and individual governance entities. Taking these insights into account, we conclude that Ruggie’s “Protect, Respect, and Remedy” framework would have been significantly strengthened by the addition of a fourth “Participation” pillar. That pillar would have acknowledged the critical role that civil society actors play at all levels of global governance today and, importantly, provided a firm normative foundation for such actors to insist on direct participation in the monitoring, enforcement, and implementation of the diverse array of policies and practices that affect the enjoyment of human rights in the business context.
这篇文章讲述了哈佛大学教授约翰·杰拉德·鲁吉(John Gerard Ruggie)作为首任联合国秘书长人权与跨国公司问题特别代表(SRSG)的工作遗产,这是他在2005年至2011年期间担任的联合国任务。在这篇文章中,我们询问了Ruggie教授作为特别代表认可的解决商业环境中侵犯人权问题的概念和政策框架的理论基础,并询问如果Ruggie和他的团队从新的治理或新的问责制角度来处理这项任务,是否会产生一个概念上和操作上更有效的框架。在将Ruggie的工作置于制度转型的社会学制度主义视角之后,我们描述了新治理方法为构建有效的治理和问责制度提供的关键见解——包括扩大利益相关者参与,增加新的非传统过程来让社会行动者承担责任,以及协调在促进跨部门和个人治理实体的学习和实验中的作用。考虑到这些见解,我们得出结论,如果增加第四个“参与”支柱,Ruggie的“保护、尊重和补救”框架将得到显著加强。这一支柱将承认民间社会行为体在当今各级全球治理中发挥的关键作用,重要的是,它将为这些行为体坚持直接参与监测、执行和实施影响在商业环境中享有人权的各种政策和做法提供坚实的规范基础。
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引用次数: 23
Pashtun Social Structure: Cultural Perceptions and Segmentary Lineage Organization - Understanding and Working Within Pashtun Society 普什图社会结构:文化观念和分段血统组织-普什图社会的理解和工作
Pub Date : 2011-08-03 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1934940
J. Tainter, D. MacGregor
The Pashtun are an ethnic group that straddles the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, and are the largest group in Afghanistan. Historically, when Afghanistan has been united, it has been under Pashtun rule. Pashtun rulers of Afghanistan have come from the Durrani Pashtun, who are a western Pashtun group. The Durrani learned governance from serving under Turko-Mongolian dynasties. These dynasties tried to rule only the most populous, productive areas, leaving marginal areas ungoverned. Pashtun social structure is what anthropologists term a segmentary lineage system. In such a system, there is a hierarchy of social groupings starting at the local level, then proceeding upward through various levels to an entire ethnic group. These relationships are based on kinship and shared culture. At any given level (local, regional, ethnic group), social segments operate only in opposition to equivalent segments (local kinship group vs. local kinship group, regional group vs. regional group, etc.). Leadership is situational rather than institutionalized. Both leadership and segmentary organization end when conflict ends. The cultural ideal is egalitarianism. Pashtun society is atomized in the sense that it is based on the most basic element, the individual (especially the individual man). Each man considers himself independent and self-sufficient, and simultaneously in competition with all others Pashtun men. This belief in self-sufficiency, and the perpetual competition, make it difficult for Pashtun to unite for cooperative projects, or even to engage in economic exchange. The ideal economic exchange among the Pashtun is reciprocal and balanced. The Pashtun consider all non-Pashtun to be inferior. A Pashtun man may engage in economic relations with non-Pashtun without losing honor, but also considers it acceptable to cheat non-Pashtun. On the other hand, because of competition within Pashtun society, Pashtun men look to establish friendships with outsiders. The social structure determines how the Pashtun understand the actions of outsiders, and limits their capacity for responding to external intervention. Members of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) should understand and consider this social structure when dealing with the Pashtun. Segmentary lineage organization presents outsiders with both opportunities and challenges. It is highly important to understand this in such areas as (a) economic development), (b) Taliban force composition, (c) negotiation, and (d) the establishment of friendships and alliances. The report discusses these topics in some detail. The Pashtun on the one hand, and Western interveners on the other, are likely to have fundamentally different understandings in these areas. Pshtun conceptions of time are not fully understood. This is an important element of economic development, so it is vital to understand how the Pashtun view it.
普什图人是一个跨越阿富汗和巴基斯坦边界的民族,是阿富汗最大的民族。历史上,当阿富汗统一时,它一直在普什图人的统治下。阿富汗的普什图统治者来自杜拉尼普什图人,他们是普什图西部的一个群体。杜拉尼人在突厥-蒙古王朝的统治下学习了统治。这些王朝试图只统治人口最多、生产力最高的地区,而把边缘地区置于无人管辖的状态。普什图人的社会结构是人类学家所说的分段血统系统。在这样一个体系中,有一个社会团体的等级制度,从地方一级开始,然后通过各级向上发展到整个民族。这些关系建立在血缘关系和共同文化的基础上。在任何给定的层次(地方、区域、民族群体),社会阶层都是相对于同等阶层(当地亲属群体vs.当地亲属群体,地区群体vs.地区群体,等等)而运作的。领导力是情境化的,而不是制度化的。当冲突结束时,领导和分部组织都会结束。文化理想是平等主义。普什图社会是原子化的,因为它是基于最基本的元素,即个人(尤其是个人)。每个人都认为自己是独立的,自给自足的,同时与所有其他普什图人竞争。这种对自给自足和永远竞争的信念,使得普什图人很难团结起来进行合作项目,甚至很难进行经济交流。普什图人之间理想的经济交流是互惠和平衡的。普什图人认为所有非普什图人都低人一等。普什图人可以与非普什图人进行经济往来而不丧失荣誉,但也认为欺骗非普什图人是可以接受的。另一方面,由于普什图社会内部的竞争,普什图人希望与外人建立友谊。社会结构决定了普什图人如何理解外来者的行为,并限制了他们应对外部干预的能力。国际安全援助部队(安援部队)成员和非政府组织在与普什图人打交道时应了解和考虑到这种社会结构。分段世系组织给外界带来了机遇和挑战。在以下领域理解这一点是非常重要的:(a)经济发展;(b)塔利班力量构成;(c)谈判;(d)建立友谊和联盟。报告对这些主题进行了一些详细的讨论。一方面是普什图人,另一方面是西方干涉者,在这些领域可能有着根本不同的理解。普什图人的时间概念还没有被完全理解。这是经济发展的一个重要因素,因此了解普什图人如何看待这一点至关重要。
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引用次数: 5
Sources of International Investment Law 国际投资法渊源
Pub Date : 2011-07-21 DOI: 10.4337/9781781003220.00007
Moshe Hirsch
This important book examines the development of soft law instruments in international investment law and the feasibility of a ‘codification’ of the present state of this field of international economic law.
这本重要的书考察了国际投资法中软法律文书的发展,以及对国际经济法这一领域的现状进行“编纂”的可行性。
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引用次数: 7
Reforming Paradoxes of Socio-Economic Development: Modeling Change and Continuity at the World Bank 改革社会经济发展的悖论:世界银行的变化和连续性建模
Pub Date : 2011-06-29 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1874671
P. Hammer
In 1995, James Wolfensohn became President of the World Bank. He inherited an institution at a time of crisis and drift. The crises were triggered by the sustained backlash against the so-called “Washington Consensus,�? a strong wave of anti-globalization sentiment and a shocking lack of evidence that Bank policies have had any real impact in generating growth or reducing poverty. His two-term presidency (1995-2005) oversaw the creation of an ambitious agenda for socio-economic development. The truth is, however, that this is not the first time the Bank has undergone radical policy shifts. In the past, the Bank has cycled through phases shifting from physical capital, to human capital, to macroeconomic structural adjustment policies. This article examines the paradoxes inherent in Wolfensohn’s socio-economic agenda and the general question of change and continuity at the World Bank. Part II provides a basic introduction to the Bank and to Wolfensohn era reforms. It is intended to provide the uninitiated reader with sufficient literacy to understand the fundamentals of the debate. Part III develops a framework for modeling World Bank behavior, focusing on political, organizational and epistemic constraints. A key insight from the model is the dominant role that neoclassical economics plays in limiting the Bank’s conception of what types of policies are or are not imaginable. Significant aspects of the socio-economic agenda directly challenge these traditional epistemic constraints. Part IV applies the framework to examine three episodes of reform, each framed to distill a different set of lessons. First, the Bank’s experiment with debt relief and the participatory Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers is examined to assess the Bank’s ability to learn, change and adapt. Second, the Bank’s experiences with social capital theories are examined to assess how the Bank deals with internal reform efforts, where the intellectual core of the idea comes from outside the epistemic domain of economics. Finally, the Bank’s experiences with institutional economics and governance are examined to assess how the Bank deals with reforms where the intellectual core of the idea reflects a challenge from inside the epistemic domain of economics. The analysis demonstrates that change can and has happened at the Bank, but that such changes are typically modest, incremental and intellectually path-dependent. Part V argues that lasting change, if possible, will likely start outside the World Bank, where such efforts are free from the Bank’s organizational and epistemic constraints. For real change to take place, new interdisciplinary approaches to development will have to be established and such policies will have to be implemented by a more professionally diverse staff than currently exists at the World Bank. Such approaches, if they are to be successful, must develop a more open, process-oriented framework for policy making, a framework capable of facilitating meaningful le
1995年,詹姆斯·沃尔芬森成为世界银行行长。他在危机和随波逐流的时期继承了一个机构。这些危机是由对所谓“华盛顿共识”的持续抵制引发的。强烈的反全球化情绪以及令人震惊的缺乏证据表明世行政策在促进增长或减少贫困方面产生了任何实际影响。在他的两届总统任期内(1995-2005),他制定了雄心勃勃的社会经济发展议程。然而,事实是,这并不是英国央行第一次经历激进的政策转变。过去,世界银行经历了从物质资本到人力资本再到宏观经济结构调整政策的周期。本文考察了沃尔芬森的社会经济议程中固有的悖论,以及世界银行变革和连续性的一般问题。第二部分对世行和沃尔芬森时代的改革进行了基本介绍。它的目的是为没有经验的读者提供足够的知识来理解辩论的基本原理。第三部分建立了世界银行行为建模的框架,重点关注政治、组织和认知约束。该模型的一个关键洞见是,新古典经济学在限制世行对哪些类型的政策是可想象的或不可想象的概念方面发挥了主导作用。社会经济议程的重要方面直接挑战了这些传统的认知限制。第四部分运用这一框架考察了三次改革,每一次都提炼出一套不同的经验教训。首先,审查世界银行的债务减免实验和参与式减贫战略文件,以评估世界银行的学习、变革和适应能力。其次,研究世行在社会资本理论方面的经验,以评估世行如何处理内部改革工作,其中该思想的知识核心来自经济学认知领域之外。最后,研究世行在制度经济学和治理方面的经验,以评估世行如何应对改革,这些改革的思想核心反映了来自经济学认知领域内部的挑战。分析表明,世行能够而且已经发生了变革,但这种变革通常是适度的、渐进的,并且依赖于思维路径。第五部分认为,如果可能的话,持久的变革很可能从世界银行之外开始,在那里这种努力不受世界银行的组织和认识限制。要想发生真正的变化,就必须建立新的跨学科发展办法,而执行这些政策的工作人员必须比世界银行现有的工作人员专业更多样化。这些办法如果要取得成功,就必须发展一个更开放、面向过程的决策框架,一个能够促进有意义的学习和适应的框架。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of International Courts as Interpreters and Developers of the Law: Working Out the Jurisgenerative Practice of Interpretation 国际法院作为法律的诠释者和发展者的角色:解释的法理实践
Pub Date : 2011-06-20 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1868423
I. Venzke
The contribution illustrates the still influential view on the role of international courts that belittles their qualities as actors in the making of international law. It summarizes why the outward show of judicial argument itself eclipses this dimension of judicial practice and then speaks on the metaphor of sources and how it has (mis)shaped accounts of international lawmaking (II). The second section then takes a step back and picks up the proposition that it is impossible to find meaning anywhere else other than in the concrete use of legal provisions. It highlights how law comes to life in the practice of interpretation and argues that this practice itself has to bear the burden of distinguishing correct from incorrect applications (III.). The third step first elucidates international courts’ semantic authority by focussing on the mighty spell of judicial precedents in international legal discourse and then turns to sketching the principal normative implications (IV). The concluding prognosis recommends paying closer regard to the qualities of international courts as actors in the jurisgenerative practice of interpretation. It ends with the suggestion to develop a better understanding of the role of international courts in a normative pluriverse in which they interact with actors on other levels of governance and negotiate spheres of authority (V).
这篇文章说明了对国际法院的作用仍然有影响的观点,这种观点低估了国际法院在制定国际法方面作为行动者的素质。它总结了为什么司法论证本身的外在表现使司法实践的这一维度黯然失色,然后谈到了来源的隐喻以及它如何(错误地)塑造了国际立法的描述(II)。第二部分然后退后一步,拾起了一个命题,即除了在法律条款的具体使用中,在其他任何地方都不可能找到意义。它强调了法律如何在解释实践中变得生动,并认为这种实践本身必须承担区分正确和不正确应用的责任(III.)。第三步首先通过关注国际法律话语中司法先例的强大魔力来阐明国际法院的语义权威,然后转向概述主要的规范含义(IV)。最后的预测建议更密切地关注国际法院作为法理学解释实践中的行动者的素质。最后建议更好地理解国际法院在规范多元世界中的作用,在这个世界中,国际法院与其他管理级别的行动者相互作用,并就权力范围进行谈判(五)。
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引用次数: 17
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