Pub Date : 2023-10-06DOI: 10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.5
A. Bogdanov
International relations (IR) scholars have traditionally viewed military alliances as vehicles, serving to ensure the states’ survival under anarchy and to maintain the balance of power essential for the systemic stability. At the same time, alliances that include a dominant state are often employed by the latter as the means of attaining its core objectives and the tools of legitimizing its extraordinary might and ambitious policies. Apparently, this situation favors ambiguity and uncertainty in terms of developing proper theoretical understanding of the nature of alliances as the core institutions, which pattern the states’ interactions, sustain international order, and ensure smooth functioning of the power relations. Seeking to elaborate more comprehensive approach to studying “asymmetric alliances” as the tools of both wielding the dominant state’s influence and legitimizing its preeminence, the paper engages the insights borrowed from the theory of structuration that helps overcome methodological limitations conditioned by dual understanding of “power” as either “attribute” or “relationship”. Specifically, the paper examines the United States’ “asymmetric alliances” in Europe and East Asia as distinct social structures, comprised of “resources” and “rules” that sustain practices of U.S. engagement in regional affairs so as to ensure reproduction of inequitable relationships between the allies and to legitimize the United States’ hegemony. This approach allows to reach more integrative understanding of the role of these alliances as the tools of Washington’s influence and the means of reproduction of the inequitable relationships between the allies, as well as to identify contradictions inherent in these hierarchical arrangements, engendered by growing tension between “resources” and “rules” involved in the process of wielding and legitimizing the “American power”.
{"title":"Legitimizing Power Projection in the US Foreign Policy","authors":"A. Bogdanov","doi":"10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.5","url":null,"abstract":"International relations (IR) scholars have traditionally viewed military alliances as vehicles, serving to ensure the states’ survival under anarchy and to maintain the balance of power essential for the systemic stability. At the same time, alliances that include a dominant state are often employed by the latter as the means of attaining its core objectives and the tools of legitimizing its extraordinary might and ambitious policies. Apparently, this situation favors ambiguity and uncertainty in terms of developing proper theoretical understanding of the nature of alliances as the core institutions, which pattern the states’ interactions, sustain international order, and ensure smooth functioning of the power relations. Seeking to elaborate more comprehensive approach to studying “asymmetric alliances” as the tools of both wielding the dominant state’s influence and legitimizing its preeminence, the paper engages the insights borrowed from the theory of structuration that helps overcome methodological limitations conditioned by dual understanding of “power” as either “attribute” or “relationship”. Specifically, the paper examines the United States’ “asymmetric alliances” in Europe and East Asia as distinct social structures, comprised of “resources” and “rules” that sustain practices of U.S. engagement in regional affairs so as to ensure reproduction of inequitable relationships between the allies and to legitimize the United States’ hegemony. This approach allows to reach more integrative understanding of the role of these alliances as the tools of Washington’s influence and the means of reproduction of the inequitable relationships between the allies, as well as to identify contradictions inherent in these hierarchical arrangements, engendered by growing tension between “resources” and “rules” involved in the process of wielding and legitimizing the “American power”.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134945274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-06DOI: 10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.7
V. Yungblyud, D. Ilyin
Détente in Soviet-American relations throughout the 1970s was a complex and multifaceted process. The interaction of the two states as regards foreign trade, technology transfer and scientific exchanges was an important part of it. On the one hand, according to some détente ideologists, a critical mass of commercial ties along with scientific and technological projects established in accordance with the tenets of equality and mutual benefit could have created conditions for overcoming the Cold War and maintaining peaceful coexistence in the foreseeable future. At the same time, it was in the sphere of foreign trade that sharp disagreements first manifested themselves, indicating a clear-cut rift between the external political goals of the superpowers and the ability of their internal legislative systems to address these challenges. This article is devoted to reviewing the processes of transforming US foreign trade legislation during the détente period. It aims to insert this track into the pattern of forming Washington's course towards the Soviet state from the late 1960s to 1979. The research draws on the documents of both chambers of Congress, revealing the content of the debate on the adoption of export regulation laws and reflecting the views on this issue that existed at that time. The digital documents of the US State Department and Presidents R. Nixon and J. Carter are used to reflect their attitude vis-à-vis trade matters. It is shown how the executive and legislative branches interacted when updating the regulatory framework of foreign trade. The conclusion holds that while maintaining the general liberal vector in drafting foreign trade laws, they have always contained control standards for high-tech products export to socialist countries aimed at curbing scientific and technological progress in the USSR. As a result, the economic, scientific and technical foundation of détente in Soviet-American relations remained feeble and proved inadequate for preventing the confrontational recession in the early 1980s.
{"title":"Debate around U.S. Foreign Trade Legislation as an Element of Détente in Soviet-American Relations (1969–1979)","authors":"V. Yungblyud, D. Ilyin","doi":"10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.7","url":null,"abstract":"Détente in Soviet-American relations throughout the 1970s was a complex and multifaceted process. The interaction of the two states as regards foreign trade, technology transfer and scientific exchanges was an important part of it. On the one hand, according to some détente ideologists, a critical mass of commercial ties along with scientific and technological projects established in accordance with the tenets of equality and mutual benefit could have created conditions for overcoming the Cold War and maintaining peaceful coexistence in the foreseeable future. At the same time, it was in the sphere of foreign trade that sharp disagreements first manifested themselves, indicating a clear-cut rift between the external political goals of the superpowers and the ability of their internal legislative systems to address these challenges. This article is devoted to reviewing the processes of transforming US foreign trade legislation during the détente period. It aims to insert this track into the pattern of forming Washington's course towards the Soviet state from the late 1960s to 1979. The research draws on the documents of both chambers of Congress, revealing the content of the debate on the adoption of export regulation laws and reflecting the views on this issue that existed at that time. The digital documents of the US State Department and Presidents R. Nixon and J. Carter are used to reflect their attitude vis-à-vis trade matters. It is shown how the executive and legislative branches interacted when updating the regulatory framework of foreign trade. The conclusion holds that while maintaining the general liberal vector in drafting foreign trade laws, they have always contained control standards for high-tech products export to socialist countries aimed at curbing scientific and technological progress in the USSR. As a result, the economic, scientific and technical foundation of détente in Soviet-American relations remained feeble and proved inadequate for preventing the confrontational recession in the early 1980s.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134945402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-06DOI: 10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.4
Yu. Borovsky
In 2022, the countries united by the concept of “the West” imposed unprecedented energy sanctions on Russia, thereby reacting to Moscow's special military operation in Ukraine launched in February. This article presents a comprehensive study aimed at identifying the essential motives of the “collective West’s” energy policy. The first part of the paper gives an utilitarian vision of the problem in question. The author comes to the conclusion that, despite the U.S. shale revolution and the development of renewable energy sources, Western states, taken together, continue to depend heavily on oil and gas imports and, therefore, they are mostly driven in their energy policy by the need to neutralize the critical importance of hydrocarbons with a view to avoiding political and economic ramifications. The paper, in its second part, considers the Western energy policy at the tactical level where it can be either defensive or offensive as well as at the strategic level where the united West seeks mostly to effect energy transition. The article demonstrates that, from the perspective of international relations theory, the West’s energy policy in its tactical and strategic dimensions fits most into the realist concept. Basic liberal imperatives define it as a relatively feeble one whereas constructivism is not able to identify its objective patterns. Additional theoretical footholds in understanding the West’s motives in the field of energy supply are provided by the concepts of liberal interventionism and neoconservatism as well as by neoMarxism. The latter sees the energy policy of the West through the prism of the struggle of states forming the "center", "periphery" and "semiperiphery" of the world.
{"title":"What Drives the West in Its Energy Policy?","authors":"Yu. Borovsky","doi":"10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.4","url":null,"abstract":"In 2022, the countries united by the concept of “the West” imposed unprecedented energy sanctions on Russia, thereby reacting to Moscow's special military operation in Ukraine launched in February. This article presents a comprehensive study aimed at identifying the essential motives of the “collective West’s” energy policy. The first part of the paper gives an utilitarian vision of the problem in question. The author comes to the conclusion that, despite the U.S. shale revolution and the development of renewable energy sources, Western states, taken together, continue to depend heavily on oil and gas imports and, therefore, they are mostly driven in their energy policy by the need to neutralize the critical importance of hydrocarbons with a view to avoiding political and economic ramifications. The paper, in its second part, considers the Western energy policy at the tactical level where it can be either defensive or offensive as well as at the strategic level where the united West seeks mostly to effect energy transition. The article demonstrates that, from the perspective of international relations theory, the West’s energy policy in its tactical and strategic dimensions fits most into the realist concept. Basic liberal imperatives define it as a relatively feeble one whereas constructivism is not able to identify its objective patterns. Additional theoretical footholds in understanding the West’s motives in the field of energy supply are provided by the concepts of liberal interventionism and neoconservatism as well as by neoMarxism. The latter sees the energy policy of the West through the prism of the struggle of states forming the \"center\", \"periphery\" and \"semiperiphery\" of the world.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134945266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-06DOI: 10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.3
E. Kosevich
Autonomy has always been the focus of theoretical research in the field of international relations and foreign policy of Latin American countries. At the same time, deepening and strengthening cooperation with neighbors in the region has traditionally been an unshakable priority for all Latin American states, around which their entire foreign policy was built. The article considers the crucial stages of development that the concept of autonomy has gone through in the framework of international relations theories developed by Latin American scholars. Simultaneously, the changing role and essential characteristics of integration are studied as a process that modifies its direction under the pressure of various external and internal forces. The author analyzes the key theoretical approaches of Latin American countries to the study of international relations and foreign policy in the period from the middle of the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. The research also considers the determining factors influencing the evolution of the intraregional and extraregional directions as regards the foreign policy of the states in the region. Identifying the system of elements that form the core of modern Latin American foreign policy and combining global and national components allow us to determine the substantial changes in the paradigmatic nature of international relations, which is the key to understanding the modern activities of Latin American countries in the international arena, substantiating the relevance and novelty of this study. The author examines five main stages in the evolution of the concept of autonomy, which have become a reflection of real historical events. Each of them is interconnected with the concept of integration in its own way: the first stage was characterized by the prevalence of a realistic approach; the second stage was marked by the strategy of "development coming from within"; during the third stage, the concept of relative autonomy dominated; the fourth stage was characterized by the dominance of two approaches: separatist and relative; the fifth stage takes place under the slogan of the concept of «liquid autonomy».
{"title":"Theoretical Foundations of the Foreign Policy of Latin American Nations","authors":"E. Kosevich","doi":"10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.3","url":null,"abstract":"Autonomy has always been the focus of theoretical research in the field of international relations and foreign policy of Latin American countries. At the same time, deepening and strengthening cooperation with neighbors in the region has traditionally been an unshakable priority for all Latin American states, around which their entire foreign policy was built. The article considers the crucial stages of development that the concept of autonomy has gone through in the framework of international relations theories developed by Latin American scholars. Simultaneously, the changing role and essential characteristics of integration are studied as a process that modifies its direction under the pressure of various external and internal forces. The author analyzes the key theoretical approaches of Latin American countries to the study of international relations and foreign policy in the period from the middle of the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. The research also considers the determining factors influencing the evolution of the intraregional and extraregional directions as regards the foreign policy of the states in the region. Identifying the system of elements that form the core of modern Latin American foreign policy and combining global and national components allow us to determine the substantial changes in the paradigmatic nature of international relations, which is the key to understanding the modern activities of Latin American countries in the international arena, substantiating the relevance and novelty of this study. The author examines five main stages in the evolution of the concept of autonomy, which have become a reflection of real historical events. Each of them is interconnected with the concept of integration in its own way: the first stage was characterized by the prevalence of a realistic approach; the second stage was marked by the strategy of \"development coming from within\"; during the third stage, the concept of relative autonomy dominated; the fourth stage was characterized by the dominance of two approaches: separatist and relative; the fifth stage takes place under the slogan of the concept of «liquid autonomy».","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134945270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-06DOI: 10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.9
A. Sokolov
Лидер на фоне эпохи. Традиции и новации современного политического лидерства в странах Запада: Монография: к 80-летию факультета международных отношений / Л.С. Окунева. В.О. Печатнов, Н.К. Капитонова [и др.]; под ред. Л.С. Окуневой; Москва: МГИМО-Университет, 2022. — 660 с.
{"title":"Leaders Against the Backdrop of an Era","authors":"A. Sokolov","doi":"10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.9","url":null,"abstract":"Лидер на фоне эпохи. Традиции и новации современного политического лидерства в странах Запада: Монография: к 80-летию факультета международных отношений / Л.С. Окунева. В.О. Печатнов, Н.К. Капитонова [и др.]; под ред. Л.С. Окуневой; Москва: МГИМО-Университет, 2022. — 660 с.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134945268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-06DOI: 10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.1
Ph. Trunov
We can face the fact of huge military strengthening of NATO in the situation of the two confrontations. The first one is between the Euro-Atlantic community and Russian Federation, the second one is between the USA, the growing number of their partners and China. The article tries to explore the growing of NATO`s power, focusing on the case of its troops` groups, first of all multilateral. The methodical basis of the article is the theory of armed forces building. It perceives the armed forces as permanently evolving essence. The theory combines induction and deduction methods, can successfully answer the questions, which are difficult for some “big theories”, also in the situation when the predicting the world order is rather problematic. The author shows the evolution of multilateralism (from non-advanced to advanced) in the sphere of creation of common military groups by member states on the example of NATO. The change in the degree of European continental member countries "military machines" integration in NATO is presented as well as the perception of the tendency by the USA. In its activity the Alliance turns around 150 degrees. The new old key tasks are the deterrence of Russia and also containment of China. It means that the real challenges which are the risks of instability now are purely secondary tasks. The article covers the process of NATO Response Force (as the key element of power) strengthening, also the creation of Forward Presence Force in Eastern Europe. The scientific paper stresses that the decisions of Madrid summit (2022) are aimed at not only growing of NATO`s military potential, but also the ultimate integration of all types of military groups into a single whole. In this regard the factor of Russian special military operation in Ukraine has become the occasion, but not the reason of carefully planned and consistently implemented process of the return to the Alliance the role of the enormous collective power bearer for the Euro-Atlantic community.
{"title":"NATO Development by the Early 2020s","authors":"Ph. Trunov","doi":"10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.1","url":null,"abstract":"We can face the fact of huge military strengthening of NATO in the situation of the two confrontations. The first one is between the Euro-Atlantic community and Russian Federation, the second one is between the USA, the growing number of their partners and China. The article tries to explore the growing of NATO`s power, focusing on the case of its troops` groups, first of all multilateral. The methodical basis of the article is the theory of armed forces building. It perceives the armed forces as permanently evolving essence. The theory combines induction and deduction methods, can successfully answer the questions, which are difficult for some “big theories”, also in the situation when the predicting the world order is rather problematic. The author shows the evolution of multilateralism (from non-advanced to advanced) in the sphere of creation of common military groups by member states on the example of NATO. The change in the degree of European continental member countries \"military machines\" integration in NATO is presented as well as the perception of the tendency by the USA. In its activity the Alliance turns around 150 degrees. The new old key tasks are the deterrence of Russia and also containment of China. It means that the real challenges which are the risks of instability now are purely secondary tasks. The article covers the process of NATO Response Force (as the key element of power) strengthening, also the creation of Forward Presence Force in Eastern Europe. The scientific paper stresses that the decisions of Madrid summit (2022) are aimed at not only growing of NATO`s military potential, but also the ultimate integration of all types of military groups into a single whole. In this regard the factor of Russian special military operation in Ukraine has become the occasion, but not the reason of carefully planned and consistently implemented process of the return to the Alliance the role of the enormous collective power bearer for the Euro-Atlantic community.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134945269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-06DOI: 10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.2
E. Arlyapova, E. Ponomareva, M. Mladenovic
Modern Kosovo faces many challenges in post-conflict economic recovery and development. The current international and regional agenda significantly complicate the recovery process. It is a combination of both chronic underdevelopment and post-conflict reconstruction. Such a mix produces limited state governance, a vast shadow economy and criminal networks, massive unemployment, and widespread poverty worsened by original Kosovo's problems such as gender disbalance in the labor force, ethnic discrimination, and unsettled rights of local property owners. The article highlights the current results of internal and external efforts to enhance the ability of Kosovo’s authorities to provide economic and physical security for local households and businesses. It focuses on international support through direct financial aid and external investments and argues that this support challenges the political independence and viability of this self-declared polity. Kosovo is still on the list of Europe's poorest and most vulnerable regions. Reforms are proceeding slowly. A large share of state-owned enterprises is unprofitable. The private sector is fragmented, and microenterprises dominate. Kosovo's economy relies heavily on imports and excessively depends on the trade sector. Financial discipline, efficiency, and transparency of the resource’s distribution, optimization of intersectoral interaction, fight against corruption – all these issues are still on the current economic and political agenda, as they were ten years ago, despite Kosovo’s ranking as one of the top twenty most improved economies in the world. Financial dependence becomes a formidable barrier to Kosovo's membership in the European Union.
{"title":"Post-Conflict Economic Recovery in Kosovo","authors":"E. Arlyapova, E. Ponomareva, M. Mladenovic","doi":"10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.2","url":null,"abstract":"Modern Kosovo faces many challenges in post-conflict economic recovery and development. The current international and regional agenda significantly complicate the recovery process. It is a combination of both chronic underdevelopment and post-conflict reconstruction. Such a mix produces limited state governance, a vast shadow economy and criminal networks, massive unemployment, and widespread poverty worsened by original Kosovo's problems such as gender disbalance in the labor force, ethnic discrimination, and unsettled rights of local property owners. The article highlights the current results of internal and external efforts to enhance the ability of Kosovo’s authorities to provide economic and physical security for local households and businesses. It focuses on international support through direct financial aid and external investments and argues that this support challenges the political independence and viability of this self-declared polity. Kosovo is still on the list of Europe's poorest and most vulnerable regions. Reforms are proceeding slowly. A large share of state-owned enterprises is unprofitable. The private sector is fragmented, and microenterprises dominate. Kosovo's economy relies heavily on imports and excessively depends on the trade sector. Financial discipline, efficiency, and transparency of the resource’s distribution, optimization of intersectoral interaction, fight against corruption – all these issues are still on the current economic and political agenda, as they were ten years ago, despite Kosovo’s ranking as one of the top twenty most improved economies in the world. Financial dependence becomes a formidable barrier to Kosovo's membership in the European Union.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134945271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-05DOI: 10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.6
E. Stepanova
Ceasefires are increasingly relevant for contemporary conflicts and conflict management. During the first two decades of the 21st century, ceasefires also became the most widespread form of outcome for conflicts with any conclusive outcome. Half of all ceasefires, however, either had not yet been part of a political negotiated process to address key incompatibilities contested in an armed conflict, or had no relation to any peace process at all. A ceasefire in its traditional interpretation – as a technical stage on the way to peace – increasingly becomes a ceasefire in the absence of peace and a pragmatic alternative to a stalled peace process. What are the goals and functions of ceasefires at different conflict stages, including, but not limited to, a peace process? What are the main types of ceasefire based on its key function in conflict and on underlying goals and motivations of its parties? The article explores these questions at the theoretical/conceptual and empirical levels, on the basis of analysis of available statistical data and drawing upon concrete examples in various contexts, with special attention to conflicts in Syria and Donbass. It offers an original functional-motivational typology of ceasefires classified into three types: ceasefires as part of hostilities; ceasefires ‘for the sake of peace’ that aim at supporting and preparing conditions for peace negotiations; and ceasefires as a format of an intermediate state of ‘neither peace, nor war’, including as a means of structuring this semi-frozen state to achieve a degree of stabilization. In practical terms, this typology helps clarify (а) the issue of effectiveness – success of failure – of a ceasefire that should not be expected to advance or deliver one type of outcome if one or all of its parties deliberately seek to use it to achieve another type of outcome; (b) the role of the factor of armed violence at the stage of a ceasefire that may achieve its main, underlying goals even if it does not lead to lasting cessation of hostilities.
{"title":"Ceasefires as a Part of War, Peace Process, or a “No Peace, No War” Format","authors":"E. Stepanova","doi":"10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.6","url":null,"abstract":"Ceasefires are increasingly relevant for contemporary conflicts and conflict management. During the first two decades of the 21st century, ceasefires also became the most widespread form of outcome for conflicts with any conclusive outcome. Half of all ceasefires, however, either had not yet been part of a political negotiated process to address key incompatibilities contested in an armed conflict, or had no relation to any peace process at all. A ceasefire in its traditional interpretation – as a technical stage on the way to peace – increasingly becomes a ceasefire in the absence of peace and a pragmatic alternative to a stalled peace process. What are the goals and functions of ceasefires at different conflict stages, including, but not limited to, a peace process? What are the main types of ceasefire based on its key function in conflict and on underlying goals and motivations of its parties? The article explores these questions at the theoretical/conceptual and empirical levels, on the basis of analysis of available statistical data and drawing upon concrete examples in various contexts, with special attention to conflicts in Syria and Donbass. It offers an original functional-motivational typology of ceasefires classified into three types: ceasefires as part of hostilities; ceasefires ‘for the sake of peace’ that aim at supporting and preparing conditions for peace negotiations; and ceasefires as a format of an intermediate state of ‘neither peace, nor war’, including as a means of structuring this semi-frozen state to achieve a degree of stabilization. In practical terms, this typology helps clarify (а) the issue of effectiveness – success of failure – of a ceasefire that should not be expected to advance or deliver one type of outcome if one or all of its parties deliberately seek to use it to achieve another type of outcome; (b) the role of the factor of armed violence at the stage of a ceasefire that may achieve its main, underlying goals even if it does not lead to lasting cessation of hostilities.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135547311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-05DOI: 10.17994/it.2023.21.1.72.8
A. Fenenko
This article is devoted to the study of world order in modern political theory. The author shows that modern Anglo-American and Russian political science share common problems related to its study. First, modern internationalists often unjustifiably take the modern world order out of the context of historical development, contrasting it with the entire world history. Second, modern theories of world order are characterized by a high degree of normativity: political processes are assessed from moral and ethical or openly ideological (usually liberal) positions. Third, researchers today often exaggerate the originality, or uniqueness, of the modern world order, although many of its problems existed in the past. Also, in modern political literature the concepts of "order" and "system" are often confused. Moreover, the mechanism of change of world orders, their qualitative difference from each other, even their number and names have not been revealed. In this regard, the author focuses on two interrelated tasks: 1) to define the relationship between the terms "system" and "order of international relations"; 2) to designate the systemic characteristics of world orders, which will make it possible to identify their number, the mechanism of their change and their qualitative difference. The article aims at clarifying the terminology on the subject of world orders and suggests considering them as completed political systems, which have covered their development cycle – from inception to disintegration. The basic concept of the order is that of balance of power between the great powers and the values and rules of interaction established on its basis. The world order emerges as the result of a total war and is terminated by a total war. Some limited wars regulate relations within the world order. The two types of world orders, namely, the hegemonic order and the balance of power order, acted as two equal types of order. Their disintegration is due to objective reasons, namely, the change in the balance of power and degradation of legal norms, which leads to the emergence of extra-systemic revisionists. The author believes that today’s Yalta-Potsdam order is likely to follow the entire cycle of the development of its predecessors.
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Pub Date : 2023-06-05DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.3.70.4
M. Zhabskiy, K. Tarasov
The article examines the globalization – in its Americanization format – of the international cinematic communication within the perspective of the cultural diversity issue. The globalization process is comprehended as a result of the historical succession of market formations: from free competition in American cinema to an oligopoly and on to a national and an international monopoly. During the period of polipoly, the trail for globalization was blazed by the grande dame of the cinématographe: France. The United States, where in 1908 the market share of French films equaled 70%, mounted a resolute challenge. Under consideration are three factors – institutional, geopolitical, and creative – of the loss by the French of their domination over the American and, then, their own market. To the soft power of American cinema, the French state responded with the quota stimulation for the exhibition of national films, motivating it, among other things, by the necessity of providing for the external and internal security of the state, by the guardianship of customs and national traditions. To the quotas as a means of mitigating the soft power of the United States did recourse some other countries too: larger ones, for economic considerations; smaller ones, for cultural. The globalizational might of the American film industry is explained through the rational choice of the main line for its stylistic development and the filmmakers’ masterfulness, as well as through the professionalism of managemental and marketing actors, investment from big capital, and through support from government in its push for the «cultural hegemony» of the United States. The major studios that emerged during the period of oligopoly (1909– 1929) competed with one another on the terms of a certain accord. With the means of competing by supercostly investments, far beyond the capabilities of smaller studios, the majors established for the domestic market a regime of national monopoly (1930–1946). On the world market the elected method of competition enabled the American film industry, in the second half of the 1940s, to gain the position of the international monopolist. An important role in the process was played by Motion Picture Export Association, established in 1945: a sort of «a diplomatic service» that functioned with permission from and under the support of the U.S. government. From its position of the global monopolist the American film industry strives not only to dominate in the intercultural cinematic communication, but, in this status and as a means of the popular geopolitics, to control it through lobbying and by exporting capital and goods. The transborder circulation of products by various national cinemas and cultural diversity of cinematography have largely fallen prey the globalization process. On the basis of vast factual research is recreated the state of the art for the imbalance in the intercultural film communication. When, in a socialfunctional respect, the i
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