Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.5
N. Galistcheva, M. Reshchikova
The article analyzes the current state of India-China relations, their main elements and prospects. We identify key factors strengthening bilateral India-China cooperation including the high level of political interaction, institutional framework of the relations, common approaches to solving the core issues on the international agenda and extensive economic ties. We also study the main fields of confrontation between India and China which include territorial disputes, fight for access to water and energy resources and rivalry for regional and global influence. The article identifies the elements that undermine the established system of the relations, especially mutual enmity between the states, imbalances in their trade, the third parties’ policies in Asia, divergent stances on some regional and international issues which are crucial for both countries, as well as the spreading COVID-19 infection – a new factor in the international politics and economy. We conclude that India-China relations are characterized by ambiguity and controversy. On the one hand, they have a solid political and economic foundation, but, on the other, they are complicated by a wide range of old and new problems that do not allow the sides to build effective cooperation in many spheres. We also provide a characterization of India-China ‘forced partnership’ and focus on the phenomenon of securitization of bilateral economic interaction. The paper pays particular attention to the assessment of complementarity of the two countries’ economic systems. It analyzes the prospects of India-China cooperation, opportunities for deepening their ties in trade and investments, energy sphere, science and technology, culture and interpersonal relations. We have also considered the possibility of the confrontation escalation in a range of relations fields into an open military conflict and assessed whether existing differences and mutual claims can impact future development of the ties between India and China. The conclusion underlines both disinterest of both sides in a full-scale war and unpredictability of India’s and China’s behavior in the conditions of instability in the international and regional arena.
{"title":"India-China Relations: Struggle Between the Tiger and the Dragon for the Place Under the Sun","authors":"N. Galistcheva, M. Reshchikova","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.5","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the current state of India-China relations, their main elements and prospects. We identify key factors strengthening bilateral India-China cooperation including the high level of political interaction, institutional framework of the relations, common approaches to solving the core issues on the international agenda and extensive economic ties. We also study the main fields of confrontation between India and China which include territorial disputes, fight for access to water and energy resources and rivalry for regional and global influence. The article identifies the elements that undermine the established system of the relations, especially mutual enmity between the states, imbalances in their trade, the third parties’ policies in Asia, divergent stances on some regional and international issues which are crucial for both countries, as well as the spreading COVID-19 infection – a new factor in the international politics and economy. We conclude that India-China relations are characterized by ambiguity and controversy. On the one hand, they have a solid political and economic foundation, but, on the other, they are complicated by a wide range of old and new problems that do not allow the sides to build effective cooperation in many spheres. We also provide a characterization of India-China ‘forced partnership’ and focus on the phenomenon of securitization of bilateral economic interaction. The paper pays particular attention to the assessment of complementarity of the two countries’ economic systems. It analyzes the prospects of India-China cooperation, opportunities for deepening their ties in trade and investments, energy sphere, science and technology, culture and interpersonal relations. We have also considered the possibility of the confrontation escalation in a range of relations fields into an open military conflict and assessed whether existing differences and mutual claims can impact future development of the ties between India and China. The conclusion underlines both disinterest of both sides in a full-scale war and unpredictability of India’s and China’s behavior in the conditions of instability in the international and regional arena.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.11
A. Yemelyanov
{"title":"Controverses and Compromises in Russian-American relations","authors":"A. Yemelyanov","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67544780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.8
E. Sidorenko
The study provides a systematic analysis of central banks digital currencies (CBDC) as a new financial instrument. The main goal of the study was to review the CBDC economic development scenarios both domestically and internationally based on the assessment of the main features, advantages and risks of introducing this financial instrument into the modern monetary policy. The study considers the following three main characteristics of CBDC: a tool for domestic settlements, a single unit of account for the economic bloc of countries and a universal international digital currency. Each of these models was considered by the author in terms of the motivation of market participants, degree of readiness of the project and its compatibility with the existing financial system. Differentiation of models, depending on the payment architecture, the technological parameters and the implementation scale, allowed to conclude that currently there is no common understanding of the CBDC nature and economic advantages neither for individual countries nor for the international community as a whole. Noting the technological advantages of digitalization of the financial system, states are yet to answer the question of the CBDC implementation scale. Will it replace cash domestically or will it become a single international payment instrument? And are states ready today to consider such a possibility? The author concludes the study by substantiating the idea that in the next 3-5 years interest in the digital financial services sector will grow mainly in developing countries looking for a qualitative leap in the development of the digital financial services. As for the developed countries, those are neither objectively nor subjectively ready to change the already built and well-proven financial system, and therefore, given their weak interest in paradigm shifts, digital currency in the next 10 years will not be able to provide an alternative to the US dollar as a unit of international settlements. At the same time, there is a high probability of the CBDC development as a means of payment within the economic bloc of countries provided the unity of purpose of its participants.
{"title":"Digital Currency of Central Banks","authors":"E. Sidorenko","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.8","url":null,"abstract":"The study provides a systematic analysis of central banks digital currencies (CBDC) as a new financial instrument. The main goal of the study was to review the CBDC economic development scenarios both domestically and internationally based on the assessment of the main features, advantages and risks of introducing this financial instrument into the modern monetary policy. The study considers the following three main characteristics of CBDC: a tool for domestic settlements, a single unit of account for the economic bloc of countries and a universal international digital currency. Each of these models was considered by the author in terms of the motivation of market participants, degree of readiness of the project and its compatibility with the existing financial system. Differentiation of models, depending on the payment architecture, the technological parameters and the implementation scale, allowed to conclude that currently there is no common understanding of the CBDC nature and economic advantages neither for individual countries nor for the international community as a whole. Noting the technological advantages of digitalization of the financial system, states are yet to answer the question of the CBDC implementation scale. Will it replace cash domestically or will it become a single international payment instrument? And are states ready today to consider such a possibility? The author concludes the study by substantiating the idea that in the next 3-5 years interest in the digital financial services sector will grow mainly in developing countries looking for a qualitative leap in the development of the digital financial services. As for the developed countries, those are neither objectively nor subjectively ready to change the already built and well-proven financial system, and therefore, given their weak interest in paradigm shifts, digital currency in the next 10 years will not be able to provide an alternative to the US dollar as a unit of international settlements. At the same time, there is a high probability of the CBDC development as a means of payment within the economic bloc of countries provided the unity of purpose of its participants.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67544913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.4
Y. Golub, S. Shenin
The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of transformation of NATO in the post-bipolar period and forecasting the prospects of the alliance. In the context of the bloc’s evolution, as well as taking into account the different approaches to US foreign policy on the part of the two leading parties and the most influential political and ideological groups, the authors investigate the reasons for the deterioration of transatlantic relations, including how Washington used the potential of the alliance to solve its strategic tasks in the past and present. It is noted that after the end of the Cold War, all US presidents to some extent used unilateral approaches to achieve the national interests of the United States at the expense of NATO, which contributed to the accumulation of discontent in Europe with American dominance in the alliance and the desire for a certain autonomy in the field of defense and security. In fact, President D. Trump continued the traditional conservative policy of B. Obama towards NATO, which was supposed to ensure the implementation of the strategy of “Pivot to Asia”. The Republicans’ use of harsh rhetoric and threats has seriously undermined transatlantic solidarity. Although conservative political and ideological groups in the United States actively supported Trump’s approach as “effective”, nevertheless, the majority of groups in both parties (liberals, realists and neoconservatives) for various reasons believed that such a policy does not meet American interests and it is necessary to consider the possibility of granting the EU greater independence in the field of defense and security. Since after Biden’s victory, the initiative on the issue of NATO policy passed into the hands of representatives of liberal groups, the President will have to look for ways to synthesize the points of view of progressives, “restorationists” and “reformists” within the framework of internal party competition. It is concluded that in the context of the new balance of power in the world the Biden administration will most likely be forced to abandon the traditional vision of the role of NATO in favor of the “reformist” concept of “strategic autonomy” of Europe.
{"title":"From Trump to Biden: What Will Happen to NATO?","authors":"Y. Golub, S. Shenin","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of transformation of NATO in the post-bipolar period and forecasting the prospects of the alliance. In the context of the bloc’s evolution, as well as taking into account the different approaches to US foreign policy on the part of the two leading parties and the most influential political and ideological groups, the authors investigate the reasons for the deterioration of transatlantic relations, including how Washington used the potential of the alliance to solve its strategic tasks in the past and present. It is noted that after the end of the Cold War, all US presidents to some extent used unilateral approaches to achieve the national interests of the United States at the expense of NATO, which contributed to the accumulation of discontent in Europe with American dominance in the alliance and the desire for a certain autonomy in the field of defense and security. In fact, President D. Trump continued the traditional conservative policy of B. Obama towards NATO, which was supposed to ensure the implementation of the strategy of “Pivot to Asia”. The Republicans’ use of harsh rhetoric and threats has seriously undermined transatlantic solidarity. Although conservative political and ideological groups in the United States actively supported Trump’s approach as “effective”, nevertheless, the majority of groups in both parties (liberals, realists and neoconservatives) for various reasons believed that such a policy does not meet American interests and it is necessary to consider the possibility of granting the EU greater independence in the field of defense and security. Since after Biden’s victory, the initiative on the issue of NATO policy passed into the hands of representatives of liberal groups, the President will have to look for ways to synthesize the points of view of progressives, “restorationists” and “reformists” within the framework of internal party competition. It is concluded that in the context of the new balance of power in the world the Biden administration will most likely be forced to abandon the traditional vision of the role of NATO in favor of the “reformist” concept of “strategic autonomy” of Europe.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"50 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.6
T. Shakleina
After short slowdown of the US offensive liberal world order formation strategy during the Trump administration, President Biden declared that democrats would pursue offensive strategy of establishing liberal world order. J. Biden’s declarations and recommendations prepared by most prestigious think tanks testify to the fact that the United States are ready to start a new decisive great power competition to achieve and consolidate predominance and omnipower status, to stake everything to achieve irreversible results and overplay China and Russia. To fulfill this ambitious task, democrats suggest policy that combines military and diplomatic instruments. The hypothesis is the following: great power competition is not a new phenomenon in world politics, however contemporary stage of international development can be defined as “new multilevel governable competition” when the United States will try to determine/program world development, development and policies of various countries and organizations. One of the important characteristics of contemporary period is not only new quality and greater scale of competition between three great powers. It is also new quality and density of international milieu: medium range and small countries have got more important status and use new conditions for getting privileges maneuvering among US, China, Russia and some other influential players. The primary aim of the American programming strategy is to restrict as much as possible maneuvering space for China and Russia, preventing formation of “Eurasian center”, to influence the choice of other countries in favor of the West/US. The international situation seems to be rather favorable for the United States, but the danger of overexertion and overextension in fulfilling ambitious task of global offensive and programming governance remains. The “nerve” of the present situation is whether Russia and China can stand against American policy, neutralize its effect. It is not quite clear how other growing powers and medium range countries will act. Coming decades will be decisive for the formation of contemporary world order.
{"title":"New Stage in the Global Order Formation","authors":"T. Shakleina","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.6","url":null,"abstract":"After short slowdown of the US offensive liberal world order formation strategy during the Trump administration, President Biden declared that democrats would pursue offensive strategy of establishing liberal world order. J. Biden’s declarations and recommendations prepared by most prestigious think tanks testify to the fact that the United States are ready to start a new decisive great power competition to achieve and consolidate predominance and omnipower status, to stake everything to achieve irreversible results and overplay China and Russia. To fulfill this ambitious task, democrats suggest policy that combines military and diplomatic instruments. The hypothesis is the following: great power competition is not a new phenomenon in world politics, however contemporary stage of international development can be defined as “new multilevel governable competition” when the United States will try to determine/program world development, development and policies of various countries and organizations. One of the important characteristics of contemporary period is not only new quality and greater scale of competition between three great powers. It is also new quality and density of international milieu: medium range and small countries have got more important status and use new conditions for getting privileges maneuvering among US, China, Russia and some other influential players. The primary aim of the American programming strategy is to restrict as much as possible maneuvering space for China and Russia, preventing formation of “Eurasian center”, to influence the choice of other countries in favor of the West/US. The international situation seems to be rather favorable for the United States, but the danger of overexertion and overextension in fulfilling ambitious task of global offensive and programming governance remains. The “nerve” of the present situation is whether Russia and China can stand against American policy, neutralize its effect. It is not quite clear how other growing powers and medium range countries will act. Coming decades will be decisive for the formation of contemporary world order.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.9
J. Mearsheimer
{"title":"\"You can only have so many dedicated theorists in any particular field…\"","authors":"J. Mearsheimer","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.9","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67544948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.4
S. Boyko
The article covers the policy of the Russian Federation in the field of international information security. The purpose of the study is to identify the key directions for strengthening international cooperation in the area of information security. The article examines the state of bilateral cooperation on international information security issues in particular on the example of the Agreement between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on cooperation in the field of international information security. The article analyzes Russian initiatives put forward in regional and multilateral organizations. Thus, special attention is paid to cooperation within BRICS, the SCO, the CSTO and ASEAN. Regional and interregional interaction in this area increases stability and security of the respective regions, taking into account the national interests of the parties involved. The article also studies the Russian projects promoted at the global level, namely, the UN General Assembly resolutions adopted by the initiative of the Russian Federation. Russia and its partners contributed to the adoption of a set of 13 international rules, principles and norms of responsible behavior of states in the information space. Convocation of an Open-Ended Working Group, whose mandate has been extended until 2025, has become an important contribution of Russia to institutionalization of the profile discussion mechanism within the UN. The author concludes that Russian projects and cooperation agreements reached can foster the development of political and legal framework of the international information security system. The focus on promoting the formation of such a system is confirmed by the updated Basic principles of the State Policy of the Russian Federation in the field of international information security. However, these initiatives are not exhaustive. Therefore, the formation of such a system requires the efforts of the entire world community.
{"title":"Political and Legal Framework of the International Information Security","authors":"S. Boyko","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article covers the policy of the Russian Federation in the field of international information security. The purpose of the study is to identify the key directions for strengthening international cooperation in the area of information security. The article examines the state of bilateral cooperation on international information security issues in particular on the example of the Agreement between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on cooperation in the field of international information security. The article analyzes Russian initiatives put forward in regional and multilateral organizations. Thus, special attention is paid to cooperation within BRICS, the SCO, the CSTO and ASEAN. Regional and interregional interaction in this area increases stability and security of the respective regions, taking into account the national interests of the parties involved. The article also studies the Russian projects promoted at the global level, namely, the UN General Assembly resolutions adopted by the initiative of the Russian Federation. Russia and its partners contributed to the adoption of a set of 13 international rules, principles and norms of responsible behavior of states in the information space. Convocation of an Open-Ended Working Group, whose mandate has been extended until 2025, has become an important contribution of Russia to institutionalization of the profile discussion mechanism within the UN. The author concludes that Russian projects and cooperation agreements reached can foster the development of political and legal framework of the international information security system. The focus on promoting the formation of such a system is confirmed by the updated Basic principles of the State Policy of the Russian Federation in the field of international information security. However, these initiatives are not exhaustive. Therefore, the formation of such a system requires the efforts of the entire world community.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.2
A. Vinogradov
The Chinese dream of great Rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is inseparable from the restoration of China's positions on the international arena, primarily in East Asia and in Eurasia. Since the beginning of reforms in 1978, Beijing has constantly expanded its contacts with the outside world, at first as a promising and capacious market for industrial equipment, technologies and investment, and since the beginning of the 21st century as an active member of the global governance institutions. Multilateral formats have allowed China to accumulate significant experience in participating in international affairs, especially at the regional level. At the global level, China's activity was constrained not only by opposition from the United States, but also by the specific character of Chinese civilization and its development model. In this context, the concept of "community of the common destiny of mankind" put forward by Xi Jinping did not mean universalization and unification, but, on the contrary, the right of countries and regions to a variety of development paths and forms of international interaction between small, medium and great powers. The rivalry between China and the United States in Asia does not only mean a struggle for leadership in the region, it also means a clash of two concepts of the international order, built on different approaches and values. The Belt and Road project, originally proposed as two regional, unrelated initiatives for Central and South-East Asia, has evolved after their combination into China's first global foreign policy strategy. Its practical implementation challenges Russia's integration efforts in the post-Soviet space and requires both countries to search for new tools and forms of interaction.
{"title":"China’s Project for Greater Eurasia","authors":"A. Vinogradov","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.2","url":null,"abstract":"The Chinese dream of great Rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is inseparable from the restoration of China's positions on the international arena, primarily in East Asia and in Eurasia. Since the beginning of reforms in 1978, Beijing has constantly expanded its contacts with the outside world, at first as a promising and capacious market for industrial equipment, technologies and investment, and since the beginning of the 21st century as an active member of the global governance institutions. Multilateral formats have allowed China to accumulate significant experience in participating in international affairs, especially at the regional level. At the global level, China's activity was constrained not only by opposition from the United States, but also by the specific character of Chinese civilization and its development model. In this context, the concept of \"community of the common destiny of mankind\" put forward by Xi Jinping did not mean universalization and unification, but, on the contrary, the right of countries and regions to a variety of development paths and forms of international interaction between small, medium and great powers. The rivalry between China and the United States in Asia does not only mean a struggle for leadership in the region, it also means a clash of two concepts of the international order, built on different approaches and values. The Belt and Road project, originally proposed as two regional, unrelated initiatives for Central and South-East Asia, has evolved after their combination into China's first global foreign policy strategy. Its practical implementation challenges Russia's integration efforts in the post-Soviet space and requires both countries to search for new tools and forms of interaction.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.7
S. Ryazantsev, V. Gnevasheva
Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, international migration was a global process with multilateral population movements between states. Migration provided countries with significant opportunities for development, providing an influx of intellectual capital, labor, and financial resources. For example, in some developing countries, remittances from migrant workers have been comparable to, and in recent years even exceeded, FDI and aid. According to the UN in 2020, every seventh inhabitant of the Earth was a migrant. In fact, migration has become a global factor in the development of societies and economies. The COVID-19 pandemic has made significant adjustments to international migration, and has also significantly transformed both international and national labor markets. In relation to the international labor market, the pandemic can be seen as a negative externality, and the result of its negative impact was the failure of the economy in general and the labor market in particular. The failure of the labor market was expressed in the instability of supply and demand, which led to a change in working conditions and employment, an increase in structural imbalances in terms of compensation for work and the distribution of labor resources across sectors of the economy, as well as a decrease in the importance of professional forms of organization of the workforce. With regard to the processes of international migration, one can state the formation of the phenomenon of the “post-COVID syndrome”, which refers to the restoration of the scale of migration flows after a pandemic, accompanied by a transformation of the factors and structure of migration. Due to the high importance of migration flows for national economies and the world economy, these changes will be able to significantly transform the international and national labor markets, in which migrants occupied significant niches. In this regard, the issue of monitoring and improving the mechanisms for managing migration in crisis and post-COVID conditions at the international and national levels is being updated.
{"title":"International Migration and Labor Markets During the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"S. Ryazantsev, V. Gnevasheva","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.7","url":null,"abstract":"Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, international migration was a global process with multilateral population movements between states. Migration provided countries with significant opportunities for development, providing an influx of intellectual capital, labor, and financial resources. For example, in some developing countries, remittances from migrant workers have been comparable to, and in recent years even exceeded, FDI and aid. According to the UN in 2020, every seventh inhabitant of the Earth was a migrant. In fact, migration has become a global factor in the development of societies and economies. The COVID-19 pandemic has made significant adjustments to international migration, and has also significantly transformed both international and national labor markets. In relation to the international labor market, the pandemic can be seen as a negative externality, and the result of its negative impact was the failure of the economy in general and the labor market in particular. The failure of the labor market was expressed in the instability of supply and demand, which led to a change in working conditions and employment, an increase in structural imbalances in terms of compensation for work and the distribution of labor resources across sectors of the economy, as well as a decrease in the importance of professional forms of organization of the workforce. With regard to the processes of international migration, one can state the formation of the phenomenon of the “post-COVID syndrome”, which refers to the restoration of the scale of migration flows after a pandemic, accompanied by a transformation of the factors and structure of migration. Due to the high importance of migration flows for national economies and the world economy, these changes will be able to significantly transform the international and national labor markets, in which migrants occupied significant niches. In this regard, the issue of monitoring and improving the mechanisms for managing migration in crisis and post-COVID conditions at the international and national levels is being updated.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.8
S. Shein, A. Alikin
{"title":"False Alarm? Populism as a Challenge to Solidarity in EU Policy towards Russia","authors":"S. Shein, A. Alikin","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.8","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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