Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.3
N. Kaveshnikov, A. Domanov
This article investigates the impact of various institutional factors on the duration of legislative process negotiations in the European Union. The empirical data consists of EU secondary law directives adopted in 1990-2019 (1124 directives). We use the methodology of survival analysis (Cox model). We detected that after 2004 the rules of voting in the Council (unanimity or qualified majority) do not affect the duration of the legislative process; this conclusion changes the traditional vision of the functioning of the Council. We prove that of all the EU enlargements, only that of 1995 has influenced the legislative process and slowed it down. Other EU enlargements, including one in 2004 when 10 CEE countries joined the EU, did not show a significant impact. We demonstrate that of all basic treaty reforms that have taken place since 1990 only the Amsterdam Treaty has accelerated the decision-making process. In addition, we conclude that the Interinstitutional Agreement of 2007 between the Council and the European Parliament had a stronger impact on the legislative process than most treaty reforms. It favoured the acceleration of decision-making by consolidating cooperative practices between EU institutions based on trilogues. Besides, the study confirms some previous conclusions tested on the new dataset: more active involvement of the European Parliament in the legislative process (ordinary legislative procedure), the novelty and complexity of the act slow down the decision-making process.
{"title":"Factors Behind Legislative Duration in the European Union","authors":"N. Kaveshnikov, A. Domanov","doi":"10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.3","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the impact of various institutional factors on the duration of legislative process negotiations in the European Union. The empirical data consists of EU secondary law directives adopted in 1990-2019 (1124 directives). We use the methodology of survival analysis (Cox model). We detected that after 2004 the rules of voting in the Council (unanimity or qualified majority) do not affect the duration of the legislative process; this conclusion changes the traditional vision of the functioning of the Council. We prove that of all the EU enlargements, only that of 1995 has influenced the legislative process and slowed it down. Other EU enlargements, including one in 2004 when 10 CEE countries joined the EU, did not show a significant impact. We demonstrate that of all basic treaty reforms that have taken place since 1990 only the Amsterdam Treaty has accelerated the decision-making process. In addition, we conclude that the Interinstitutional Agreement of 2007 between the Council and the European Parliament had a stronger impact on the legislative process than most treaty reforms. It favoured the acceleration of decision-making by consolidating cooperative practices between EU institutions based on trilogues. Besides, the study confirms some previous conclusions tested on the new dataset: more active involvement of the European Parliament in the legislative process (ordinary legislative procedure), the novelty and complexity of the act slow down the decision-making process.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.6
O. Gaman-Golutvina, M. Dudaeva
The article examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the development of center-regional relations on the example of the Italian Republic. The pandemic has become a serious test of the effectiveness and strength of interaction between central governments and regions, and analysis of the socio-political results of almost two years of the difficult test makes it possible to clarify the understanding of the nature of modern Italian regionalism, and allows us to present a forecast for its further development. The study of this research is inscribed in a broad analytical and historical context. The conceptualization of analytical tools has been clarified, including the concepts of decentralization, regionalization, federalization, devolution, separatism, irredentism, autonomism. Political decentralization in Italy is considered in a historical retrospective by analyzing the goals, drivers and main milestones of the emergence and development of autonomist and separatist projects, including taking into account the study of the "North-South" issue. Various alternatives for the further evolution of center-periphery relations are considered, taking into account the negative impact of the pandemic. The conclusion is argued that the central government as a whole has demonstrated the ability to mobilize and pursue a flexible policy that meets social demand in key parameters, as a result of which society has rallied around the anti-crisis agenda and increased support for the central government. At this stage, it is considered that a relative public agreement has been reached taking into account the increase of current problems in case of active support of separatist political actors. Provided that the national government develops a further effective policy that keeps in mind the needs of the regions, it will help maintain the stability of the center-regional relations for the future.
{"title":"Center-Regional Relations in Italy","authors":"O. Gaman-Golutvina, M. Dudaeva","doi":"10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.6","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the development of center-regional relations on the example of the Italian Republic. The pandemic has become a serious test of the effectiveness and strength of interaction between central governments and regions, and analysis of the socio-political results of almost two years of the difficult test makes it possible to clarify the understanding of the nature of modern Italian regionalism, and allows us to present a forecast for its further development. The study of this research is inscribed in a broad analytical and historical context. The conceptualization of analytical tools has been clarified, including the concepts of decentralization, regionalization, federalization, devolution, separatism, irredentism, autonomism. Political decentralization in Italy is considered in a historical retrospective by analyzing the goals, drivers and main milestones of the emergence and development of autonomist and separatist projects, including taking into account the study of the \"North-South\" issue. Various alternatives for the further evolution of center-periphery relations are considered, taking into account the negative impact of the pandemic. The conclusion is argued that the central government as a whole has demonstrated the ability to mobilize and pursue a flexible policy that meets social demand in key parameters, as a result of which society has rallied around the anti-crisis agenda and increased support for the central government. At this stage, it is considered that a relative public agreement has been reached taking into account the increase of current problems in case of active support of separatist political actors. Provided that the national government develops a further effective policy that keeps in mind the needs of the regions, it will help maintain the stability of the center-regional relations for the future.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.7
E. Korol'kova
The withdrawal of troops on 31 August 2021 which was carried out in accordance with the Agreement signed on 29 February 2020 between the U.S. government and the Taliban (an international terrorist organization banned in the Russian Federation) marked the end of the international military campaign in Afghanistan which lasted twenty years. Assessing the preliminary outcomes of nearly a quarter-century of the US military and their NATO allies’ presence in Afghanistan, U.S. President Joseph Biden announced the end of “an era of major military operations to remake other countries”. Though the consequences of the Western coalition campaign in the area remain to be evaluated and they are unlikely to turn out to be unequivocal, the Atlantic strategy aimed at rebuilding and democratization of Afghanistan proved itself as bankrupt. Our research focuses on the way the twenty-year military campaign in Afghanistan affected the development of the U.S. private military and security companies (PMSC) industry. For these purposes, we, firstly, studied and traced the transformation of the private military and security services market in the U.S., and examined the changes of approaches and mechanisms used to contract PMSCs. Secondly, we analyzed the way the U.S. authorities addressed the challenges new market evoked, focusing on the measures of legal regulation that were applied to PMSCs, and the way the working of the U.S. institutional mechanisms was transforming. The final part of the research contains conclusions on the perspectives for the development of the American PMSC industry after the withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan. We believe that due to its duration and continuity, the Afghan operation ensured a launchpad for the PMSC industry and provided conditions for private military and security companies to acquire and master high-end experience which in turn, contributed to the development of a certain market that goes well beyond the involvement of conventional human capital. It provided solutions for the production, utilization, and maintenance of the equipment and technologies, allowing the minimization of the direct participation of specialists in hostilities. Alongside the development of the American PMSC industry itself, the research studies the investigations conducted by the U.S. authorities into the cases of abuse committed by the contractors during their participation in Afghan war. It discusses the way this practice encouraged the transformations of United States procedures and mechanisms aimed at reducing malpractice when performing contracts and launched changes in U.S. legislation. It also demonstrates the lessons learned by the U.S. from the contractual practice with regard to the regulation of PMSCs. The research reveals the strengths and weaknesses of the American policy regarding PMSCs during the whole period of the military conflict in Afghanistan and helps to evaluate the success of the U.S. efforts in monitoring contractors ac
{"title":"Evolution of United States’ Private Military and Security Companies: The Case of Afghanistan 2001–2021","authors":"E. Korol'kova","doi":"10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.7","url":null,"abstract":"The withdrawal of troops on 31 August 2021 which was carried out in accordance with the Agreement signed on 29 February 2020 between the U.S. government and the Taliban (an international terrorist organization banned in the Russian Federation) marked the end of the international military campaign in Afghanistan which lasted twenty years. Assessing the preliminary outcomes of nearly a quarter-century of the US military and their NATO allies’ presence in Afghanistan, U.S. President Joseph Biden announced the end of “an era of major military operations to remake other countries”. Though the consequences of the Western coalition campaign in the area remain to be evaluated and they are unlikely to turn out to be unequivocal, the Atlantic strategy aimed at rebuilding and democratization of Afghanistan proved itself as bankrupt. Our research focuses on the way the twenty-year military campaign in Afghanistan affected the development of the U.S. private military and security companies (PMSC) industry. For these purposes, we, firstly, studied and traced the transformation of the private military and security services market in the U.S., and examined the changes of approaches and mechanisms used to contract PMSCs. Secondly, we analyzed the way the U.S. authorities addressed the challenges new market evoked, focusing on the measures of legal regulation that were applied to PMSCs, and the way the working of the U.S. institutional mechanisms was transforming. The final part of the research contains conclusions on the perspectives for the development of the American PMSC industry after the withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan. We believe that due to its duration and continuity, the Afghan operation ensured a launchpad for the PMSC industry and provided conditions for private military and security companies to acquire and master high-end experience which in turn, contributed to the development of a certain market that goes well beyond the involvement of conventional human capital. It provided solutions for the production, utilization, and maintenance of the equipment and technologies, allowing the minimization of the direct participation of specialists in hostilities. Alongside the development of the American PMSC industry itself, the research studies the investigations conducted by the U.S. authorities into the cases of abuse committed by the contractors during their participation in Afghan war. It discusses the way this practice encouraged the transformations of United States procedures and mechanisms aimed at reducing malpractice when performing contracts and launched changes in U.S. legislation. It also demonstrates the lessons learned by the U.S. from the contractual practice with regard to the regulation of PMSCs. The research reveals the strengths and weaknesses of the American policy regarding PMSCs during the whole period of the military conflict in Afghanistan and helps to evaluate the success of the U.S. efforts in monitoring contractors ac","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.8
T. Naumenko, M. Kozyreva
The article aims at examining the issue which is both urgent and in demand in scientific space and social life: at digitalization and informatization of all spheres of modern society and, above all, in the economic sphere. In fact, digital transformations of the modern world are reflected both in the activities of businesses and in value creation processes, as the latter demands an improvement in tax policy, because the previous systems did not take into account the factor of digital commerce, thus causing the reduction of tax revenues in the budget. The main objective of the research is to analyze the specific traits of the digital transformation of Latin America economies in order to identify the features of their adjustment to the environment in order to improve the VAT collection systems. For its implementation, a systematization of the main characteristics of the digital economy was carried out noted by the OECD as urgent challenges to national fiscal systems. Among them, a special place is occupied by mobility, the development of multilateral business models, which have an impact both on the economy of the whole world in general and on Latin America in particular. The study has found that, despite a significant increase in the percentage of digital goods in total GDP, only five countries in the region, Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, Peru and Uruguay, have made legal changes on the issue under consideration. Besides, their different visions and some approaches to solving the problem of taxation were considered, main differences were identified, which include a definition of the digital goods and services, as well as the chosen methods of tax collection, each of them having their advantages and disadvantages. The authors explore the issue of VAT, based on the classification of the principles for applying this tax presented by the OECD – by place of origin or by purpose – since these aspects are of the utmost importance in the restructuring of national fiscal systems to the realities of the digital economy. This criterion contributed to the identification of the main models of reform, followed by highlighting their strengths and shortcomings. The chosen multifaceted analytical prism of the digital economy and the problems of taxation in the states of Latin America forms the novelty of the study, actualizing the need for the simultaneous application of various methodological approaches that identify problem areas and prove that within new standards of the digital economy there occur lots of problems, and a systematic approach to them requires further research.
{"title":"Reforming VAT for Digital Economy in Latin America","authors":"T. Naumenko, M. Kozyreva","doi":"10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.8","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims at examining the issue which is both urgent and in demand in scientific space and social life: at digitalization and informatization of all spheres of modern society and, above all, in the economic sphere. In fact, digital transformations of the modern world are reflected both in the activities of businesses and in value creation processes, as the latter demands an improvement in tax policy, because the previous systems did not take into account the factor of digital commerce, thus causing the reduction of tax revenues in the budget. The main objective of the research is to analyze the specific traits of the digital transformation of Latin America economies in order to identify the features of their adjustment to the environment in order to improve the VAT collection systems. For its implementation, a systematization of the main characteristics of the digital economy was carried out noted by the OECD as urgent challenges to national fiscal systems. Among them, a special place is occupied by mobility, the development of multilateral business models, which have an impact both on the economy of the whole world in general and on Latin America in particular. The study has found that, despite a significant increase in the percentage of digital goods in total GDP, only five countries in the region, Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, Peru and Uruguay, have made legal changes on the issue under consideration. Besides, their different visions and some approaches to solving the problem of taxation were considered, main differences were identified, which include a definition of the digital goods and services, as well as the chosen methods of tax collection, each of them having their advantages and disadvantages. The authors explore the issue of VAT, based on the classification of the principles for applying this tax presented by the OECD – by place of origin or by purpose – since these aspects are of the utmost importance in the restructuring of national fiscal systems to the realities of the digital economy. This criterion contributed to the identification of the main models of reform, followed by highlighting their strengths and shortcomings. The chosen multifaceted analytical prism of the digital economy and the problems of taxation in the states of Latin America forms the novelty of the study, actualizing the need for the simultaneous application of various methodological approaches that identify problem areas and prove that within new standards of the digital economy there occur lots of problems, and a systematic approach to them requires further research.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545714","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.4
M. Sigachev, S. Arteev
{"title":"Socio-Political Cleavages in France and Germany","authors":"M. Sigachev, S. Arteev","doi":"10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.4","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.9
I. Bolgova
{"title":"Future from the Past","authors":"I. Bolgova","doi":"10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.9","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.2
Y. Golub, S. Shenin
The article is devoted to the analysis of the contemporary US-Chinese relations in the climate sphere and forecasting the prospects for their development in the near future. In the context of the evolution of the problem in the past, as well as taking into account the differences in approaches to the problem in the United States from the two leading parties and the most influential political and ideological groups, the authors investigate the causes of the aggravation of climate relations between Washington and Beijing. It is noted that having occupied the White House, the Democratic administration of J. Biden began to increase pressure on the Chinese government in order to force it to accelerate the passage of "green transit", i.e. the transition from the use of fossil fuels in the economy to renewable energy sources. It is assumed that such a strategy should slow down China's economic development, thus giving America time for internal reforms aimed at achieving its global "green" leadership, which, in turn, should ensure economic dominance in the post-crisis period. Tactically, the administration uses a "separate" methodology, i.e. declares the need to isolate from each other the climate and all other components of the Chinese policy of the United States. This approach is not supported by most political and ideological groups. Thus, the progressive wing of the Democratic Party insists on close climate cooperation with China, which implies a possibility of geopolitical concessions. Moderate Republicans ("realists") consider "constructive competition" with Beijing in the climate sphere possible. Conservatives are confident that China will not fulfill its promises, and therefore they advocate "climate realism", which means carrying out internal reforms in the United States only taking into account what has been done by other countries, primarily China. The neoconservative group demands to abandon climate pressure and rely on tough geopolitical steps against Beijing. It is concluded that disagreement within the ruling elite with Biden's Chinese policy will greatly complicate the approval of the climate reform program in Congress, therefore the "containment" of the PRC will be primarily economic and geopolitical in nature.
{"title":"The Biden Administration’s Climate Policy toward China","authors":"Y. Golub, S. Shenin","doi":"10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.2","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of the contemporary US-Chinese relations in the climate sphere and forecasting the prospects for their development in the near future. In the context of the evolution of the problem in the past, as well as taking into account the differences in approaches to the problem in the United States from the two leading parties and the most influential political and ideological groups, the authors investigate the causes of the aggravation of climate relations between Washington and Beijing. It is noted that having occupied the White House, the Democratic administration of J. Biden began to increase pressure on the Chinese government in order to force it to accelerate the passage of \"green transit\", i.e. the transition from the use of fossil fuels in the economy to renewable energy sources. It is assumed that such a strategy should slow down China's economic development, thus giving America time for internal reforms aimed at achieving its global \"green\" leadership, which, in turn, should ensure economic dominance in the post-crisis period. Tactically, the administration uses a \"separate\" methodology, i.e. declares the need to isolate from each other the climate and all other components of the Chinese policy of the United States. This approach is not supported by most political and ideological groups. Thus, the progressive wing of the Democratic Party insists on close climate cooperation with China, which implies a possibility of geopolitical concessions. Moderate Republicans (\"realists\") consider \"constructive competition\" with Beijing in the climate sphere possible. Conservatives are confident that China will not fulfill its promises, and therefore they advocate \"climate realism\", which means carrying out internal reforms in the United States only taking into account what has been done by other countries, primarily China. The neoconservative group demands to abandon climate pressure and rely on tough geopolitical steps against Beijing. It is concluded that disagreement within the ruling elite with Biden's Chinese policy will greatly complicate the approval of the climate reform program in Congress, therefore the \"containment\" of the PRC will be primarily economic and geopolitical in nature.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.2
K. Golub
The article analyzes the international legal framework for the participation of regional organizations in peacekeeping operations. Based on a review of scientific literature, the author examines the evolution of the legal approaches of the United Nations to international peacekeeping operations, considering the changes in their content in recent decades. The author explores the coupling between the peacekeeping mechanisms of the UN and regional organizations. The main object of the study is the peacekeeping activity of the Collective Security Treaty Organization based on the relevant international treaty. The article is an attempt to assess the political capabilities of a regional organization to expand its influence in the world using formal legal research methods. Three possible formats of a peacekeeping operation based on the Agreement on Peacekeeping Activities of the CSTO are revealed by the author. First, a peacekeeping operation by decision of the Organization within the borders of its member states. Its parameters correspond to the traditional (first generation) peacekeeping missions. Secondly, a peacekeeping operation by decision of the UN Security Council. Its deployment requires a mandate of the international community to endow the CSTO, which allows the implementation of multidimensional (second generation) peacekeeping operation by the forces of a regional organization. The third format of the CSTO peacekeeping operations is the participation of the CSTO in UN peacekeeping operations. The necessary legal framework is established by the recent Protocol on Amendments to the Agreement on the Peacekeeping Activities of the CSTO. The Organization is to endow one of the member states with the mandate to apply its multinational (consolidated) peacekeeping forces to the UN Peacekeeping Capability Readiness System. Thus applied CSTO peacekeeping forces can be involved in solving tasks during the UN peacekeeping operations under the CSTO flag. Based on the analysis of the legal framework for interaction between the United Nations and regional organizations in the field of peacekeeping, the author concludes that the potential for regional organizations to independently conduct multidimensional peacekeeping missions without direct violating state sovereignty or the UN Security Council mandate is significantly limited. The main opportunity for the collective use of the CSTO peacekeeping potential lies in its involvement in UN peacekeeping operations based on the approaches applied within the UN system to the organization of international peacekeeping activities.
{"title":"Legal Framework of Regional Organizations’ Participation in Peacekeeping","authors":"K. Golub","doi":"10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.2","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the international legal framework for the participation of regional organizations in peacekeeping operations. Based on a review of scientific literature, the author examines the evolution of the legal approaches of the United Nations to international peacekeeping operations, considering the changes in their content in recent decades. The author explores the coupling between the peacekeeping mechanisms of the UN and regional organizations. The main object of the study is the peacekeeping activity of the Collective Security Treaty Organization based on the relevant international treaty. The article is an attempt to assess the political capabilities of a regional organization to expand its influence in the world using formal legal research methods. Three possible formats of a peacekeeping operation based on the Agreement on Peacekeeping Activities of the CSTO are revealed by the author. First, a peacekeeping operation by decision of the Organization within the borders of its member states. Its parameters correspond to the traditional (first generation) peacekeeping missions. Secondly, a peacekeeping operation by decision of the UN Security Council. Its deployment requires a mandate of the international community to endow the CSTO, which allows the implementation of multidimensional (second generation) peacekeeping operation by the forces of a regional organization. The third format of the CSTO peacekeeping operations is the participation of the CSTO in UN peacekeeping operations. The necessary legal framework is established by the recent Protocol on Amendments to the Agreement on the Peacekeeping Activities of the CSTO. The Organization is to endow one of the member states with the mandate to apply its multinational (consolidated) peacekeeping forces to the UN Peacekeeping Capability Readiness System. Thus applied CSTO peacekeeping forces can be involved in solving tasks during the UN peacekeeping operations under the CSTO flag. Based on the analysis of the legal framework for interaction between the United Nations and regional organizations in the field of peacekeeping, the author concludes that the potential for regional organizations to independently conduct multidimensional peacekeeping missions without direct violating state sovereignty or the UN Security Council mandate is significantly limited. The main opportunity for the collective use of the CSTO peacekeeping potential lies in its involvement in UN peacekeeping operations based on the approaches applied within the UN system to the organization of international peacekeeping activities.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.9
T. Alekseeva
{"title":"The World of Pre-National States","authors":"T. Alekseeva","doi":"10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.9","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.5
V. Kolosov, M. Zotova
For more than 30 years, Transnistria and Abkhazia separated from their parent states and proclaimed independence. Generations born and raised in unrecognized states have already entered an active age. In this regard, the question of how citizens of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic and the Republic of Abkhazia understand independence, how important it is for them, how do they see the prospects of their states and what life strategies do they choose, becomes especially relevant. In the article, the authors compare the results of 13 focus groups conducted in Transnistria and Abkhazia in the fall of 2020 with the main socio-economic indicators of de facto states and their neighbors. This approach made it possible to connect the perception of the problems of everyday life with changes in the identity of citizens and the internal sovereignty of unrecognized states, to highlight the factors uniting and dividing various social groups, to assess their attitude to the current results and prospects of state building. The different composition of the groups made it possible to compare the opinions, firstly, of citizens who were socialized after the collapse of the Soviet Union and in Soviet times, secondly, different ethnic groups, men and women, and, thirdly, residents of different districts of de-facto states. It was revealed that the main economic indicators of Abkhazia and Transnistria lag behind the average values of neighboring countries. The lack of significant economic progress can potentially affect the loyalty of citizens to the political regime and negatively change the viability of the republics. In this context, signs of fatigue from the inconveniences of life in the unrecognized republic and low-income levels compared to neighboring countries and the mother state were revealed in the Abkhaz and Transnistrian societies.
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