Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.1
G. Machitidze
The article analyzes the interconnection between the direction of Turkey's struggle against terrorism with modern Islamist and nationalist ideas of Turkey. A majority of Turkish citizens following the Hanafi school of Islam, have historically opposed the purist religious doctrine of the Salafists. The author emphasizes that neither Turkey’s secular tradition nor its predominant, moderate Islamic theology has made Turkish citizens immune to radicalization. Modern Turkish history has produced several violent Islamist organizations advocating Salafi views in line with the Islamic State’s ideology. Turkish jihadists have been found among the ranks of foreign fighters in several recent conflict zones abroad. The article proves that when the uprisings began in Syria in 2011, Turkey threw its full support behind the opposition – harboring and mobilizing dissidents, arming rebels, and allowing free passage along the Syrian-Turkish border. Jihadists began to exploit the security vacuum, including ISIL and Jabhat al-Nusra (now Hayat Tahrir al-Sham), the Syrian affiliate of al-Qaeda. The article also addresses the problems of Ankara’s indifference at the first stage towards the ISIL’s activities within and across Turkish territory. While the crossings between Turkey and ISIL territory officially were closed in 2014, smuggling through the frontier continued apace and Ankara only later started to engage ISIL militarily. The author concludes that the period of active struggle against al-Qaeda in Turkey (2003-2011) gave way after 2012 to a reduction in counterterrorism operations and now supporters of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham thank Turkey for protecting them against Syrian government forces, Russia and Iran.
{"title":"Turkey’s Response to International Terrorism Eastern","authors":"G. Machitidze","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.1","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the interconnection between the direction of Turkey's struggle against terrorism with modern Islamist and nationalist ideas of Turkey. A majority of Turkish citizens following the Hanafi school of Islam, have historically opposed the purist religious doctrine of the Salafists. The author emphasizes that neither Turkey’s secular tradition nor its predominant, moderate Islamic theology has made Turkish citizens immune to radicalization. Modern Turkish history has produced several violent Islamist organizations advocating Salafi views in line with the Islamic State’s ideology. Turkish jihadists have been found among the ranks of foreign fighters in several recent conflict zones abroad. The article proves that when the uprisings began in Syria in 2011, Turkey threw its full support behind the opposition – harboring and mobilizing dissidents, arming rebels, and allowing free passage along the Syrian-Turkish border. Jihadists began to exploit the security vacuum, including ISIL and Jabhat al-Nusra (now Hayat Tahrir al-Sham), the Syrian affiliate of al-Qaeda. The article also addresses the problems of Ankara’s indifference at the first stage towards the ISIL’s activities within and across Turkish territory. While the crossings between Turkey and ISIL territory officially were closed in 2014, smuggling through the frontier continued apace and Ankara only later started to engage ISIL militarily. The author concludes that the period of active struggle against al-Qaeda in Turkey (2003-2011) gave way after 2012 to a reduction in counterterrorism operations and now supporters of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham thank Turkey for protecting them against Syrian government forces, Russia and Iran.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545007","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.2
E. Arapova
In 2017, negotiations on the free trade area between India and the EAEU countries entered an active phase. The directions of the negotiation process cover the issues of import tariff liberalization, and the elimination of non-tariff restrictions. The study aims at quantifying the potential impact of mutual tariff liberalization on the dynamics of bilateral trade between Russia and India, in order to develop key principles for Russia's negotiating position (as part of the EAEU), taking into account its strategic priorities. The research methodology bases on the SMART partial equilibrium model and a qualitative analysis of contemporary trends in import demand and the degree of India’s trade protectionism towards imports from the EAEU countries. The study found that the symmetric bilateral tariff liberalization may result in the higher potential increase in Russian exports to India than in the corresponding effects on imports, which will increase the bilateral trade surplus. This is in the interests of Russia, but it hardly meets the strategic interests of India due to its chronic trade deficit. The free trade area may lead to the diversification of the commodity component of Russian exports due to the growing export supplies of Russian coal, to a lesser extent – of metals (aluminum, copper and articles thereof). However, the opportunities to increase the share of high-tech products in the structure of Russian exports remain limited. The free trade area can become an important tool for strengthening Russian exporters of fertilizers, as well as certain categories of agricultural products. In turn, Indian exporters can strengthen their positions on the Russian market of medicines, as well as increase the share of textile products, jewelry and certain categories of agricultural products. The results can serve for developing the position of Russia (as a EAEU member) in multilateral negotiations.
{"title":"EAEU-India Free Trade Area: Potential Tariff Liberalization Effects for Russia","authors":"E. Arapova","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.2","url":null,"abstract":"In 2017, negotiations on the free trade area between India and the EAEU countries entered an active phase. The directions of the negotiation process cover the issues of import tariff liberalization, and the elimination of non-tariff restrictions. The study aims at quantifying the potential impact of mutual tariff liberalization on the dynamics of bilateral trade between Russia and India, in order to develop key principles for Russia's negotiating position (as part of the EAEU), taking into account its strategic priorities. The research methodology bases on the SMART partial equilibrium model and a qualitative analysis of contemporary trends in import demand and the degree of India’s trade protectionism towards imports from the EAEU countries. The study found that the symmetric bilateral tariff liberalization may result in the higher potential increase in Russian exports to India than in the corresponding effects on imports, which will increase the bilateral trade surplus. This is in the interests of Russia, but it hardly meets the strategic interests of India due to its chronic trade deficit. The free trade area may lead to the diversification of the commodity component of Russian exports due to the growing export supplies of Russian coal, to a lesser extent – of metals (aluminum, copper and articles thereof). However, the opportunities to increase the share of high-tech products in the structure of Russian exports remain limited. The free trade area can become an important tool for strengthening Russian exporters of fertilizers, as well as certain categories of agricultural products. In turn, Indian exporters can strengthen their positions on the Russian market of medicines, as well as increase the share of textile products, jewelry and certain categories of agricultural products. The results can serve for developing the position of Russia (as a EAEU member) in multilateral negotiations.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.9
A. Fenenko
This article continues the dispute about the application of quantitative methods in regard to international relations. In 2019, two groups of scholars published their critical reviews of my article “Statistic Against History”: 1) «Towards “Second Great Debate” in Russian IR» (by Denis Degterev); 2) «International Relations, Science without Method?” (by Igor Istomin, Andrey Baykov, Konstantin Khudoley). This paper consistently analyses the opponents's views and puts forward some counterarguments. The author emphasizes that natural sciences deal with long-term, relatively steady phenomena and processes, which are objective and mainly of repetitive character. This enables us to identify regular patterns in their structure, behaviour, development and changes. By contrast, in the sphere of arts it is extremely important to achieve agreement on basic concepts and ideas or, in other words, scientific convention. It is impossible to use here mathematical symbols or figures to describe the concepts in the sphere which is closely connected with historical context and systems of values, which changes with the time and depends on different variables. The objects of humanities are completely determined by such factors as society, historical context as well as the stance of the author on the issue. Any attempt to change even one of these may well lead to distortion of the meaning of a concept and thus will ruin the mathematical equation underlying it. These factors do not exist regardless of humans, so it is impossible to dismiss Aristotle's logic. Hence, any attempts of such an approach (through using quantitative methods) lead to methodological problems and even often to methodological nonsense.
{"title":"The Illusion of a Discipline: Continuation of the Discussion on Quantitative Methods in International Relation","authors":"A. Fenenko","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.9","url":null,"abstract":"This article continues the dispute about the application of quantitative methods in regard to international relations. In 2019, two groups of scholars published their critical reviews of my article “Statistic Against History”: 1) «Towards “Second Great Debate” in Russian IR» (by Denis Degterev); 2) «International Relations, Science without Method?” (by Igor Istomin, Andrey Baykov, Konstantin Khudoley). This paper consistently analyses the opponents's views and puts forward some counterarguments. The author emphasizes that natural sciences deal with long-term, relatively steady phenomena and processes, which are objective and mainly of repetitive character. This enables us to identify regular patterns in their structure, behaviour, development and changes. By contrast, in the sphere of arts it is extremely important to achieve agreement on basic concepts and ideas or, in other words, scientific convention. It is impossible to use here mathematical symbols or figures to describe the concepts in the sphere which is closely connected with historical context and systems of values, which changes with the time and depends on different variables. The objects of humanities are completely determined by such factors as society, historical context as well as the stance of the author on the issue. Any attempt to change even one of these may well lead to distortion of the meaning of a concept and thus will ruin the mathematical equation underlying it. These factors do not exist regardless of humans, so it is impossible to dismiss Aristotle's logic. Hence, any attempts of such an approach (through using quantitative methods) lead to methodological problems and even often to methodological nonsense.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.2
G. Kotsur
This article is the part of the recent emotional turn when the scholars of social science are paying more attention to the study of collective emotions in international affairs. The former dominance of the biological and essentialist paradigms in this field were replaced by a number of culture-centered approaches based on social constructivism, which were elaborated within two pioneering disciplines – anthropology of emotions and history of emotions. The influence of such a scientific revolution included the key axis of the common – unique with an emphasis on the latter. The IR has been also affected by an emotional turn when the field of constructivist emotional studies had been established in the early 2000s. The object of this work is the transnational structural common – collective emotional patterns that have recurrent nature and emerge beyond state borders. This part of reality has not been conceptualized by scholars. Therefore, the aim of the article is to fill an epistemological vacuum and outline the ways for conceptualization of transnational structural common. It is IR that seem to be the most suitable field to do this. The empirical case of the crisis response after terrorist attacks are analyzed as the example of the transnational structural common. This case is explored by the author through the framework of "emotion culture" by S. Koschut in combination with the concept of "emotives" by W. Reddy. Speeches by the leaders of Israel, the United States, Russia, India and France after six terrorist attacks from 1972 to 2015 allow to identify an integrated tripartite emotional structure, which is observed in each of the cases. This structure includes an emotive of pity; compensatory structure with the emotives of fighting fear through reciprocal determination; finally, an emotive of solidarity. This discursive structure functions in a stable way because the emotional code connects the type of event (terrorist attack) with the cultural script (tripartite structure). Finally, some approaches in sociological institutionalism would enrich future studies of emotion culture.
{"title":"Emotions and International Relations","authors":"G. Kotsur","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article is the part of the recent emotional turn when the scholars of social science are paying more attention to the study of collective emotions in international affairs. The former dominance of the biological and essentialist paradigms in this field were replaced by a number of culture-centered approaches based on social constructivism, which were elaborated within two pioneering disciplines – anthropology of emotions and history of emotions. The influence of such a scientific revolution included the key axis of the common – unique with an emphasis on the latter. The IR has been also affected by an emotional turn when the field of constructivist emotional studies had been established in the early 2000s. The object of this work is the transnational structural common – collective emotional patterns that have recurrent nature and emerge beyond state borders. This part of reality has not been conceptualized by scholars. Therefore, the aim of the article is to fill an epistemological vacuum and outline the ways for conceptualization of transnational structural common. It is IR that seem to be the most suitable field to do this. The empirical case of the crisis response after terrorist attacks are analyzed as the example of the transnational structural common. This case is explored by the author through the framework of \"emotion culture\" by S. Koschut in combination with the concept of \"emotives\" by W. Reddy. Speeches by the leaders of Israel, the United States, Russia, India and France after six terrorist attacks from 1972 to 2015 allow to identify an integrated tripartite emotional structure, which is observed in each of the cases. This structure includes an emotive of pity; compensatory structure with the emotives of fighting fear through reciprocal determination; finally, an emotive of solidarity. This discursive structure functions in a stable way because the emotional code connects the type of event (terrorist attack) with the cultural script (tripartite structure). Finally, some approaches in sociological institutionalism would enrich future studies of emotion culture.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.4
M. Shibkova
Despite economic troubles and constant political instability Italy manages to keep its historical role as a key EU state and one of the three major economies of the region, which justifies its G7 membership and therefore formally endues it with a great power status. This owes to accommodationism as the main behavioral pattern since the establishment of the Italian Republic and the skillful use of ad hoc alliances – a pragmatic statecraft tool which renders Italy flexible and unpredictable. Too big to be defensive, but not big enough to be offensive, Italy does not provoke antagonism in any EU country, becoming a potential universal ally. Cooperation with Greece on fiscal flexibility, with Spain and France on coronabonds and Hungary on EU common migration policy strengthens its bargaining power in the EU, since the latter needs Italy for reasons of security and solidarity. Being furthermore a devoted US partner since the end of World War II, Italy considers US a guarantor of its national security and position on the international arena and is inclined to lend its support to Washington even if such actions contradict the policies of closer geostrategic partners in the EU. Thanks to such allegiance Italy manages to preserve a certain room for maneuvering in interactions with other noneuroatlantic partners to an extent that does not imperil its strategic alliance with Washington, which has always been an invariable of Italian foreign policy. However, scarce attention from the USA under the current administration makes Italy utilize its statecraft tools towards Washington as well, and a pragmatic rapprochement with China on the Belt and Road Initiative and humanitarian aid during the pandemic presents a clear example thereof.
{"title":"Ad Hoc Alliances as Italian Key Statecraft Tool","authors":"M. Shibkova","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.4","url":null,"abstract":"Despite economic troubles and constant political instability Italy manages to keep its historical role as a key EU state and one of the three major economies of the region, which justifies its G7 membership and therefore formally endues it with a great power status. This owes to accommodationism as the main behavioral pattern since the establishment of the Italian Republic and the skillful use of ad hoc alliances – a pragmatic statecraft tool which renders Italy flexible and unpredictable. Too big to be defensive, but not big enough to be offensive, Italy does not provoke antagonism in any EU country, becoming a potential universal ally. Cooperation with Greece on fiscal flexibility, with Spain and France on coronabonds and Hungary on EU common migration policy strengthens its bargaining power in the EU, since the latter needs Italy for reasons of security and solidarity. Being furthermore a devoted US partner since the end of World War II, Italy considers US a guarantor of its national security and position on the international arena and is inclined to lend its support to Washington even if such actions contradict the policies of closer geostrategic partners in the EU. Thanks to such allegiance Italy manages to preserve a certain room for maneuvering in interactions with other noneuroatlantic partners to an extent that does not imperil its strategic alliance with Washington, which has always been an invariable of Italian foreign policy. However, scarce attention from the USA under the current administration makes Italy utilize its statecraft tools towards Washington as well, and a pragmatic rapprochement with China on the Belt and Road Initiative and humanitarian aid during the pandemic presents a clear example thereof.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.9
A. Vigneau, F. L. Le Saux
This paper investigates how language as a tool of statecraft has changed over time and whether it remains relevant and legitimate in the current globalised context. Viewing the issue from an interdisciplinary perspective, it considers the role language policies have played at different stages in history, from enabling European nation-states to forcibly to carve out a new identity around a unified language, to fulfilling the imperialist mission of ‘educating’ colonised populations in an attempt to generate lasting economic and cultural benefits for colonial powers. Language policies survived the decolonization process and took new soft power forms in an attempt to address current day challenges. The authors argue, based on the analysis of expert interviews and data sources (both primary and secondary), that while the discourse and means of implementing language policies have changed under new conditions – particularly the rejection of force in language promotion, the domination of English, the protection of minority dialects, and the technological changes linked to globalization – the belief in the power of language to shape allegiances remains, on the political level, unchanged.
{"title":"Language and Statecraft: an Old Tool for New Goals?","authors":"A. Vigneau, F. L. Le Saux","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.9","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates how language as a tool of statecraft has changed over time and whether it remains relevant and legitimate in the current globalised context. Viewing the issue from an interdisciplinary perspective, it considers the role language policies have played at different stages in history, from enabling European nation-states to forcibly to carve out a new identity around a unified language, to fulfilling the imperialist mission of ‘educating’ colonised populations in an attempt to generate lasting economic and cultural benefits for colonial powers. Language policies survived the decolonization process and took new soft power forms in an attempt to address current day challenges. The authors argue, based on the analysis of expert interviews and data sources (both primary and secondary), that while the discourse and means of implementing language policies have changed under new conditions – particularly the rejection of force in language promotion, the domination of English, the protection of minority dialects, and the technological changes linked to globalization – the belief in the power of language to shape allegiances remains, on the political level, unchanged.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.7
P. Gudev, I. Ibragimov, Y. Kvashnin, L. Samrskaya, I. Svistunova, N. Surkov, P. Timofeev
The Eastern Mediterranean has become an arena of fierce competition for an access to sea spaces and their resources, including hydrocarbons. Coastal states and a number of non-regional players are deeply involved in this rivalry. Currently the region is witnessing a confrontation between Turkey and a "balancing coalition", which consists of Greece, Cyprus, Israel and Egypt. The article deals with the problem of maritime spaces delimitation in the Aegean Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean. It also studies the policies of the main actors. The primary goal is to make an assessment of the risks and to analyze possible ways to reduce tension by balancing the interests of major players. The analysis shows that Turkey intends to consistently defend its claims on the continental shelf based on the so-called "principle of justice", thus challenging the Greek claims. Ankara managed to prevent the construction of the EastMed gas pipeline, thus hurting the interests of other countries of the region. In turn, Greece appeals to the norms of international maritime law. Itis actively looking now for allies that could help it contain Turkey. There is a potential “anti-Turkey” coalition comprising France, Israel and Egypt. The authors conclude that, despite the extreme complexity of the situation, especially from the legal point of view, tension in the Eastern Mediterranean can be reduced because the countries of the region are reluctant to engage in a military confrontation with Turkey and alternative routes for energy transportation exist. In addition, there are signs that Greece might be open to a reasonable compromise with Turkey.
{"title":"Mediterranean in a Search of a New Balance of Interests","authors":"P. Gudev, I. Ibragimov, Y. Kvashnin, L. Samrskaya, I. Svistunova, N. Surkov, P. Timofeev","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.7","url":null,"abstract":"The Eastern Mediterranean has become an arena of fierce competition for an access to sea spaces and their resources, including hydrocarbons. Coastal states and a number of non-regional players are deeply involved in this rivalry. Currently the region is witnessing a confrontation between Turkey and a \"balancing coalition\", which consists of Greece, Cyprus, Israel and Egypt. The article deals with the problem of maritime spaces delimitation in the Aegean Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean. It also studies the policies of the main actors. The primary goal is to make an assessment of the risks and to analyze possible ways to reduce tension by balancing the interests of major players. The analysis shows that Turkey intends to consistently defend its claims on the continental shelf based on the so-called \"principle of justice\", thus challenging the Greek claims. Ankara managed to prevent the construction of the EastMed gas pipeline, thus hurting the interests of other countries of the region. In turn, Greece appeals to the norms of international maritime law. Itis actively looking now for allies that could help it contain Turkey. There is a potential “anti-Turkey” coalition comprising France, Israel and Egypt. The authors conclude that, despite the extreme complexity of the situation, especially from the legal point of view, tension in the Eastern Mediterranean can be reduced because the countries of the region are reluctant to engage in a military confrontation with Turkey and alternative routes for energy transportation exist. In addition, there are signs that Greece might be open to a reasonable compromise with Turkey.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67545374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.1
I. Istomin
Since the second half of the 20th century, military alliance ceased to play an essential role in ensuring the security of major powers. Meanwhile, asymmetric alliances, in which a major power remained an incontestable leader surrounded by weak parties, proliferated across international system. The literature explains these relationships in terms of an exchange in dissimilar benefits between states, following the formula “security for autonomy”. This explanation seems generally plausible, but it does not reveal exact benefits for a major power from establishing control over the weak states. This article intends to deepen our theoretical understanding of why states resort to asymmetric alliances and to test the significance of suggested propositions through an in-depth analysis of the Russian record of alliances. Russia built allied relations with several neighbors but does not extend similar mechanisms to partners in other geographic areas. This policy is puzzling, since it comes into dissonance with the foreign policy stance that international security and global order should be built on the principle of the indivisibility of security and inclusive international institutions. In its foreign policy discourse Russia strongly condemns closed formats with limited participation. The study solves two interrelated problems. First, it helps to deepen understanding of Russian foreign policy strategy and the role of various instruments of military-political cooperation in ensuring national interests. Secondly, it allows to test the provisions of the theory of asymmetric alliances, assessing its applicability to a hard case. The article reveals Russia’s sensitivity to direct and opportunity costs as well as to potential risks of binding security commitments. However, it relies on asymmetric alliances with neighboring countries to reap the benefits of increasing power projection opportunities, legitimizing its foreign policy initiatives, limiting freedom of maneuver for its competitors, and stabilizing its strategic surrounding. The Russian experience of building relations with allies differs significantly from the American one, which, due to the scale of the US alliance network, is often presented as a model one. Nevertheless, it is quite consistent with the provisions of the theory of asymmetric alliances.
{"title":"Management of Security Commitments in Asymmetric Alliances: The Case of Russia","authors":"I. Istomin","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.1.64.1","url":null,"abstract":"Since the second half of the 20th century, military alliance ceased to play an essential role in ensuring the security of major powers. Meanwhile, asymmetric alliances, in which a major power remained an incontestable leader surrounded by weak parties, proliferated across international system. The literature explains these relationships in terms of an exchange in dissimilar benefits between states, following the formula “security for autonomy”. This explanation seems generally plausible, but it does not reveal exact benefits for a major power from establishing control over the weak states. This article intends to deepen our theoretical understanding of why states resort to asymmetric alliances and to test the significance of suggested propositions through an in-depth analysis of the Russian record of alliances. Russia built allied relations with several neighbors but does not extend similar mechanisms to partners in other geographic areas. This policy is puzzling, since it comes into dissonance with the foreign policy stance that international security and global order should be built on the principle of the indivisibility of security and inclusive international institutions. In its foreign policy discourse Russia strongly condemns closed formats with limited participation. The study solves two interrelated problems. First, it helps to deepen understanding of Russian foreign policy strategy and the role of various instruments of military-political cooperation in ensuring national interests. Secondly, it allows to test the provisions of the theory of asymmetric alliances, assessing its applicability to a hard case. The article reveals Russia’s sensitivity to direct and opportunity costs as well as to potential risks of binding security commitments. However, it relies on asymmetric alliances with neighboring countries to reap the benefits of increasing power projection opportunities, legitimizing its foreign policy initiatives, limiting freedom of maneuver for its competitors, and stabilizing its strategic surrounding. The Russian experience of building relations with allies differs significantly from the American one, which, due to the scale of the US alliance network, is often presented as a model one. Nevertheless, it is quite consistent with the provisions of the theory of asymmetric alliances.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67544624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.8
K. Vertyaev
The self-proclaimed Kurdish autonomy in the Northeastern Syria has already being estimated as one-third of the country, and, despite its unrecognized status, appears to become one of the key players in the Syrian peace settlement and, at the same time, a political hostage to the situation that has developed in Syria as a result of the civil war. The article explores the formation of the self-proclaimed autonomy in the Northeastern Syria (aka Rojava, Syrian Kurdistan, Federation of Northeastern Syria, Autonomous Administration of Northern and Eastern Syria (AANES)) and puts forward the thesis of Rojava’s emergence as an insurgent state. The first part of the study analyzes it’s political system by implementation of the concept of proto-state actors for the Kurdish Self-Defense Forces (YPG) and the Democratic Union Party (PYD). Due to the inclusiveness of the Kurdish Self-Defense Forces the Kurdish non-state actors (PYD-YPG) have acquired the proto-state features, going beyond the definition of the “Syrian wing” of the Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK). The article focuses on the complex and diversified ethnic composition of the local population within the boundaries of the de facto autonomy. It is manifested by the presence of various political actors and movements, including those based on ethnic particularism. It is concluded that such a political structure is a fragile one due to the interethnic contradictions between the Kurds and the Arabs in the region.
{"title":"Syrian Kurds as Proto-State Actors","authors":"K. Vertyaev","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.8","url":null,"abstract":"The self-proclaimed Kurdish autonomy in the Northeastern Syria has already being estimated as one-third of the country, and, despite its unrecognized status, appears to become one of the key players in the Syrian peace settlement and, at the same time, a political hostage to the situation that has developed in Syria as a result of the civil war. The article explores the formation of the self-proclaimed autonomy in the Northeastern Syria (aka Rojava, Syrian Kurdistan, Federation of Northeastern Syria, Autonomous Administration of Northern and Eastern Syria (AANES)) and puts forward the thesis of Rojava’s emergence as an insurgent state. The first part of the study analyzes it’s political system by implementation of the concept of proto-state actors for the Kurdish Self-Defense Forces (YPG) and the Democratic Union Party (PYD). Due to the inclusiveness of the Kurdish Self-Defense Forces the Kurdish non-state actors (PYD-YPG) have acquired the proto-state features, going beyond the definition of the “Syrian wing” of the Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK). The article focuses on the complex and diversified ethnic composition of the local population within the boundaries of the de facto autonomy. It is manifested by the presence of various political actors and movements, including those based on ethnic particularism. It is concluded that such a political structure is a fragile one due to the interethnic contradictions between the Kurds and the Arabs in the region.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67544914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.1
N. Radko
The paper explores the effect of different stakeholders (the definition of the term "stakeholder" within this research paper is presented in the Introduction) on the income generation of the university. There is a growing focus from the research perspective and university management on the ability of universities to sustain their financial sustainability due to the shortage of financial support from the government. Adopting different instruments, university faculty is one of the vital stakeholders for generating revenues for the university via engaging with different actors. This research adopted quantitative techniques by applying secondary data on university-industry collaboration in the UK to evaluate the effect of different stakeholders on university financial positions. The results show that government and Industry are among the initial stakeholders to contribute to university financial results while the support of other actors is vital but different across university types. This research can be helpful for university managers as a guide to explain different paths of collaboration with stakeholders that can lead to different strategies to increase university income.
{"title":"Income Generation Activities by Academics at Universities and engagement with stakeholders","authors":"N. Radko","doi":"10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.1","url":null,"abstract":"The paper explores the effect of different stakeholders (the definition of the term \"stakeholder\" within this research paper is presented in the Introduction) on the income generation of the university. There is a growing focus from the research perspective and university management on the ability of universities to sustain their financial sustainability due to the shortage of financial support from the government. Adopting different instruments, university faculty is one of the vital stakeholders for generating revenues for the university via engaging with different actors. This research adopted quantitative techniques by applying secondary data on university-industry collaboration in the UK to evaluate the effect of different stakeholders on university financial positions. The results show that government and Industry are among the initial stakeholders to contribute to university financial results while the support of other actors is vital but different across university types. This research can be helpful for university managers as a guide to explain different paths of collaboration with stakeholders that can lead to different strategies to increase university income.","PeriodicalId":37798,"journal":{"name":"Mezhdunarodnye Protsessy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67544924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：