This annex describes the main international organizations, intergovernmental bodies, treaty-implementing bodies and transfer control regimes whose aims include the promotion of security, stability, peace or arms control and lists their members or participants as of 1 January 2018. The bodies are divided into three categories: those with a global focus or membership (section I), those with a regional focus or membership (section II) and those that aim to control strategic trade (section III). The member states of the United Nations and organs within the UN system are listed first, followed by all other bodies in alphabetical order. Not all members or participants of these bodies are UN member states. States that joined or first participated in the body during 2017 are shown in italics. The address of an Internet site with information about each organization is provided where available. On the arms control and disarmament agreements mentioned here, see annex A.
{"title":"SIPRI Yearbook 2018. Armaments, Disarmament and International Security and Report from the 3rd Meeting of the Consortium of Academic Departments of Strategic (and Security) Studies","authors":"Maciej Magiera","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.26","url":null,"abstract":"This annex describes the main international organizations, intergovernmental bodies, treaty-implementing bodies and transfer control regimes whose aims include the promotion of security, stability, peace or arms control and lists their members or participants as of 1 January 2018. The bodies are divided into three categories: those with a global focus or membership (section I), those with a regional focus or membership (section II) and those that aim to control strategic trade (section III). The member states of the United Nations and organs within the UN system are listed first, followed by all other bodies in alphabetical order. Not all members or participants of these bodies are UN member states. States that joined or first participated in the body during 2017 are shown in italics. The address of an Internet site with information about each organization is provided where available. On the arms control and disarmament agreements mentioned here, see annex A.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article investigates the role of non-governmental organizations as subjects (actors) of Ukrainian politics of memory, as well as the mechanisms used by them to influence the formation of the historical memory of Ukrainian society. The authors resort to comparative qualitative research, using an empirical-interpretative version of the method of studying specific cases (case study). The objects of analysis are: the Center for the Study of the Liberation Movement, “Tkuma” Ukrainian Institute for Holocaust Studies, and the Babyn Yar Holocaust Memorial Center. The results of the study indicate that NGOs are actively influencing the process of forming the historical memory of Ukrainian society. Methods of such influence can be both direct (through various educational activities) and indirect (through interaction with state institutions responsible for the implementation of national memory policy). The effectiveness of this influence is determined by such important factors as the availability of sponsors with significant financial means and/or lobbyists in government agencies and institutions that are part of the state memory policy infrastructure.
{"title":"Non-Governmental Organizations as Actors of Ukrainian Politics of Memory","authors":"O. Kornievskyy, Olexii Rozumnyi","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.24","url":null,"abstract":"The article investigates the role of non-governmental organizations as subjects (actors) of Ukrainian politics of memory, as well as the mechanisms used by them to influence the formation of the historical memory of Ukrainian society. The authors resort to comparative qualitative research, using an empirical-interpretative version of the method of studying specific cases (case study). The objects of analysis are: the Center for the Study of the Liberation Movement, “Tkuma” Ukrainian Institute for Holocaust Studies, and the Babyn Yar Holocaust Memorial Center. The results of the study indicate that NGOs are actively influencing the process of forming the historical memory of Ukrainian society. Methods of such influence can be both direct (through various educational activities) and indirect (through interaction with state institutions responsible for the implementation of national memory policy). The effectiveness of this influence is determined by such important factors as the availability of sponsors with significant financial means and/or lobbyists in government agencies and institutions that are part of the state memory policy infrastructure.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49321199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Today, China is the leading economic power, its gross domestic product (GDP) increased from 1979 to 2018 in 50 times, to $13,2 trillion. This is 10 times the GDP of Russia and almost 30 times the GDP of Poland. China’s nominal GDP is the second in the world after the United States. The authors not only reveal the factors of the Chinese phenomenon, but also attempt to analyze the main components of China’s success in economic development. The purpose of this study is a comprehensive analysis of key features of China’s economic development strategy. Тhe authors examine the key features of China’s economic development strategy, the priority directions of its modernization: public administration reforms, state regulation of the economy, analyze the features of attracting national and foreign investments for a breakthrough in socio-economic development. Тhe authors used the analytical, comparative, institutional and sociological methods.
{"title":"China’s Strategic Economic Growth (1978-2018)","authors":"V. Moiseev, V. Nitsevich, O. Sudorgin","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.17","url":null,"abstract":"Today, China is the leading economic power, its gross domestic product (GDP) increased from 1979 to 2018 in 50 times, to $13,2 trillion. This is 10 times the GDP of Russia and almost 30 times the GDP of Poland. China’s nominal GDP is the second in the world after the United States. The authors not only reveal the factors of the Chinese phenomenon, but also attempt to analyze the main components of China’s success in economic development. The purpose of this study is a comprehensive analysis of key features of China’s economic development strategy. Тhe authors examine the key features of China’s economic development strategy, the priority directions of its modernization: public administration reforms, state regulation of the economy, analyze the features of attracting national and foreign investments for a breakthrough in socio-economic development. Тhe authors used the analytical, comparative, institutional and sociological methods.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main conceptual approaches to the development of a security environment evaluation methodology that would provide more skilled processing of information circulating in a security environment but not fixed during monitoring are considered. The method contains 14 main blocks, which carry analytical, logical, expert comparative and other procedures with the information received from the security environment in relation to destructive processes, phenomena, dangers, threats, as well as conditions in which the implementation of national interests takes place. The novelty of the procedures introduced is a comparison of facts, events detected during monitoring of global and local processes, sorting of events, facts, dangers, threats, etc., on the basis of which identification of geopolitical and other interests of other states is carried out, detection of misinformation, information coverage of various kinds of manipulations and psychological effects. The procedure of projecting events, facts, dangers, threats on the trajectory of global and local processes allows predicting the dynamics of global and local processes, providing information-time and security support for global and local processes, and assessing the risks of detected destructive phenomena and processes allows timely adjusting the parameters of the information – time and security support of global, local and other processes and make managerial decisions in the system of providing the national and military security more reasonably.
{"title":"The Conceptual Approach to the Development of Methodologies for the Assessment of Security Environment","authors":"А.M. Syrotenko","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.6","url":null,"abstract":"The main conceptual approaches to the development of a security environment evaluation methodology that would provide more skilled processing of information circulating in a security environment but not fixed during monitoring are considered. The method contains 14 main blocks, which carry analytical, logical, expert comparative and other procedures with the information received from the security environment in relation to destructive processes, phenomena, dangers, threats, as well as conditions in which the implementation of national interests takes place. The novelty of the procedures introduced is a comparison of facts, events detected during monitoring of global and local processes, sorting of events, facts, dangers, threats, etc., on the basis of which identification of geopolitical and other interests of other states is carried out, detection of misinformation, information coverage of various kinds of manipulations and psychological effects. The procedure of projecting events, facts, dangers, threats on the trajectory of global and local processes allows predicting the dynamics of global and local processes, providing information-time and security support for global and local processes, and assessing the risks of detected destructive phenomena and processes allows timely adjusting the parameters of the information – time and security support of global, local and other processes and make managerial decisions in the system of providing the national and military security more reasonably.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nagorno-Karabakh is currently considered the most militarized area in the South Caucasus region. The key political decision-makers of Armenia come from Stepanakert. The issue of the future of this territory is an important element of any electoral campaign in Armenia. Any plans to make concessions to the Azerbaijani side are opposed by Armenian nationalist and veteran circles. The memory of the armed conflict with Azerbaijan remains vivid and is reflected in numerous commemorative initiatives in the NKR, as exemplified by the Memorial Museum of the Perished Soldiers and the Memorial Museum – The Union of Relatives of Missing Warriors of the NKR in Stepanakert. These institutions are a synthesis of museum and funeral practices. To quote Aleksander Wallis, replacing ‘monuments’ with ‘museums,’ it may be concluded that they “were created to historicize current events” which “evoke the greatest emotions, tensions and conflicts” and stem from “profound moral needs.” However, unlike monuments whose “artistic shape and symbolic meaning [...] permit different interpre- tations in formal and artistic categories as well as in the categories of meaning, ideology and politics” (Wallis, 1968), the two museums do not give such freedom. Besides commemoration, they also serve the purpose of constructing and consolidating hostility towards Azerbaijan – the raison d’être of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. The conflict is the foundation of the idea of Artsakh and the main political implication of the spatial values represented by the MMPS and MMMW. The unique character of these museums, however, is not related to the politicization of re-membrance, which is a common feature of such establishments, but rather to the short temporal distance between the armed conflict and the emergence of the exhibitions. Consequently, the memory of the museums’ creators has not been ‘borrowed’ and the message of the museums reflects the current attitude to Azerbaijan.
{"title":"The ‘Museums of the Frontline’ in Stepanakert, or on the Armenian Remembrance of the Armed Conflict with Azerbaijan","authors":"M. Lorenc","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.25","url":null,"abstract":"Nagorno-Karabakh is currently considered the most militarized area in the South Caucasus region. The key political decision-makers of Armenia come from Stepanakert. The issue of the future of this territory is an important element of any electoral campaign in Armenia. Any plans to make concessions to the Azerbaijani side are opposed by Armenian nationalist and veteran circles. The memory of the armed conflict with Azerbaijan remains vivid and is reflected in numerous commemorative initiatives in the NKR, as exemplified by the Memorial Museum of the Perished Soldiers and the Memorial Museum – The Union of Relatives of Missing Warriors of the NKR in Stepanakert. These institutions are a synthesis of museum and funeral practices. To quote Aleksander Wallis, replacing ‘monuments’ with ‘museums,’ it may be concluded that they “were created to historicize current events” which “evoke the greatest emotions, tensions and conflicts” and stem from “profound moral needs.” However, unlike monuments whose “artistic shape and symbolic meaning [...] permit different interpre- tations in formal and artistic categories as well as in the categories of meaning, ideology and politics” (Wallis, 1968), the two museums do not give such freedom. Besides commemoration, they also serve the purpose of constructing and consolidating hostility towards Azerbaijan – the raison d’être of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. The conflict is the foundation of the idea of Artsakh and the main political implication of the spatial values represented by the MMPS and MMMW. The unique character of these museums, however, is not related to the politicization of re-membrance, which is a common feature of such establishments, but rather to the short temporal distance between the armed conflict and the emergence of the exhibitions. Consequently, the memory of the museums’ creators has not been ‘borrowed’ and the message of the museums reflects the current attitude to Azerbaijan.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47944730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article analyzes the phenomenon of digital interference with national political systems in the conditions of the modern information society and the evolution of the Internet as a space of political communications. It is shown that digital intervention is relevant but at the same time a complex multidimensional phenomenon of contemporary politics. In many respects, the potential of the digital interference phenomenon is closely related to the substantive and functional features of the functioning and transformation of the contemporary Internet, which has been actively used when changing political regimes in many countries. The initiatives of countries to form the sovereign national segments of the Internet space are, on the one hand, an attempt to protect their political systems from external influence and invasion, to ensure their own political stability, and on the other hand, they pose risks to the democratic potential of the Internet. The article substantiates the thesis that the phenomenon of interference with elections in actual practice often becomes not so much an objective process as an instrument of information warfare, mass political propaganda and discredit of political opponents, a manipulative tool that can be actively used not only by authoritarian regimes with a low level of democratic development. It is noted that differences in understanding and defining the essence of the Internet by various countries give rise to a significant potential for political conflicts on a global scale. This leads the author to conclude that it is necessary to form institutions that are able to prevent and regu- late information conflicts in the Internet space, as well as reduce global political risks (including risks associated with potential interference in the electoral process of sovereign states), forming a collective responsibility in the functioning of the global Internet.
{"title":"Digital Intervention in National Political Systems in the Conditions of Contemporary Information Society","authors":"S. Volodenkov","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.23","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the phenomenon of digital interference with national political systems in the conditions of the modern information society and the evolution of the Internet as a space of political communications. It is shown that digital intervention is relevant but at the same time a complex multidimensional phenomenon of contemporary politics. In many respects, the potential of the digital interference phenomenon is closely related to the substantive and functional features of the functioning and transformation of the contemporary Internet, which has been actively used when changing political regimes in many countries. The initiatives of countries to form the sovereign national segments of the Internet space are, on the one hand, an attempt to protect their political systems from external influence and invasion, to ensure their own political stability, and on the other hand, they pose risks to the democratic potential of the Internet. The article substantiates the thesis that the phenomenon of interference with elections in actual practice often becomes not so much an objective process as an instrument of information warfare, mass political propaganda and discredit of political opponents, a manipulative tool that can be actively used not only by authoritarian regimes with a low level of democratic development. It is noted that differences in understanding and defining the essence of the Internet by various countries give rise to a significant potential for political conflicts on a global scale. This leads the author to conclude that it is necessary to form institutions that are able to prevent and regu- late information conflicts in the Internet space, as well as reduce global political risks (including risks associated with potential interference in the electoral process of sovereign states), forming a collective responsibility in the functioning of the global Internet.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49169741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Crime and hatred have been a permanent part of mass events organized in Poland. The situation is the most difficult in the case of football matches, especially at the national level. Despite legal changes and many measures adopted by sports clubs, the police and other institutions, not only has the situation not changed but there are symptoms of its deterioration. It is extremely worrying that these informal groups form structures that operate following the principles characteristic of organized crime. The subject of study in this article are the phenomena of crime and hatred occurring at mass events organized in Poland; its purpose is to identify the causes and present conclusions regarding necessary actions, based on an analysis of statistics and reports. Methods characteristic of theoretical studies have been employed developing this study, as well as the results of surveys conducted in 2014. The basic research problems involve finding answers to the following questions: – Did the determination of police in ensuring the safety of the EURO 2012 final tournament calm the mood and improve security of mass events? – What is the current scale of crime, hooligan acts and collective violations of security and public order in relation to mass events organized in Poland today? – Are the solutions in this area systemic, durable and consistent?The hypothesis was that, although public security authorities have been implementing a wide range of measures, crime and deep-rooted hatred towards enemy clubs and ideological opponents continue to be a hallmark of football fan circles and thus of some mass events organized in Poland. The inconsistent continuation of good practices adopted in the past, perceiving the problem only in terms of isolated incidents, and the lack of statistics that would help to prepare precise scientific analyses, all require moderation in predicting positive changes in this narrow area of public security.
{"title":"Social Determinants of Crime and Hatred Incidents at Mass Sports Events in Poland","authors":"Waldemar Jarczewski, Piotr Bogdalski","doi":"10.14746/ps.2019.1.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.14","url":null,"abstract":"Crime and hatred have been a permanent part of mass events organized in Poland. The situation is the most difficult in the case of football matches, especially at the national level. Despite legal changes and many measures adopted by sports clubs, the police and other institutions, not only has the situation not changed but there are symptoms of its deterioration. It is extremely worrying that these informal groups form structures that operate following the principles characteristic of organized crime. The subject of study in this article are the phenomena of crime and hatred occurring at mass events organized in Poland; its purpose is to identify the causes and present conclusions regarding necessary actions, based on an analysis of statistics and reports. Methods characteristic of theoretical studies have been employed developing this study, as well as the results of surveys conducted in 2014. The basic research problems involve finding answers to the following questions: \u0000 \u0000– Did the determination of police in ensuring the safety of the EURO 2012 final tournament calm the mood and improve security of mass events? \u0000– What is the current scale of crime, hooligan acts and collective violations of security and public order in relation to mass events organized in Poland today? \u0000– Are the solutions in this area systemic, durable and consistent?The hypothesis was that, although public security authorities have been implementing \u0000 \u0000a wide range of measures, crime and deep-rooted hatred towards enemy clubs and ideological opponents continue to be a hallmark of football fan circles and thus of some mass events organized in Poland. The inconsistent continuation of good practices adopted in the past, perceiving the problem only in terms of isolated incidents, and the lack of statistics that would help to prepare precise scientific analyses, all require moderation in predicting positive changes in this narrow area of public security.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49269182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article is devoted to the research of media space of several countries in the Western Balkans and the Baltics, where we can observe the emergence and effective use of dubious media, in order to promote aggressive narratives, identified as a destructive influence of the Russian Federation. It is considered as the threat to the national security of these states. The information tools of a destabilizing nature include diplomatic, intelligence, and energy tools. The media component of information influence has become the central object of research. It is stated that the destructive use of dubious national media, as well as their replenishment, takes place systematically and efficiently in those areas, where Russia’s state interests are focused on the restoration of its domination. On this basis we can conclude that dubious media is used within Russia’s hybrid aggression in relation to Ukraine, where it is seen as a mean of animating the externally initiated destabilizing political influences. However, Russia will be forced to spend more and more resources (financial, organizational and informational) on such operations, and their effectiveness will fall as local governments, society and citizens will learn how to recognize the threats, retransmitted by dubious media, public associations, populist politicians or radicals.
{"title":"National Media as a Projection of a Devastating Effect of External Influences","authors":"Serhiy Danylenko, Yuliia Nesteriak, Maryna Grynchuk","doi":"10.14746/PS.2018.1.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/PS.2018.1.13","url":null,"abstract":"This article is devoted to the research of media space of several countries in the Western Balkans and the Baltics, where we can observe the emergence and effective use of dubious media, in order to promote aggressive narratives, identified as a destructive influence of the Russian Federation. It is considered as the threat to the national security of these states. The information tools of a destabilizing nature include diplomatic, intelligence, and energy tools. The media component of information influence has become the central object of research. It is stated that the destructive use of dubious national media, as well as their replenishment, takes place systematically and efficiently in those areas, where Russia’s state interests are focused on the restoration of its domination. On this basis we can conclude that dubious media is used within Russia’s hybrid aggression in relation to Ukraine, where it is seen as a mean of animating the externally initiated destabilizing political influences. However, Russia will be forced to spend more and more resources (financial, organizational and informational) on such operations, and their effectiveness will fall as local governments, society and citizens will learn how to recognize the threats, retransmitted by dubious media, public associations, populist politicians or radicals.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49324938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The text is a review of selected articles from leading Polish academic journals dealing with the topic of international security. It aims to present the most important topics of current debate taking place in Polish strategic studies.
{"title":"Polish Strategic Analyses – Review of 2017 Publications","authors":"R. Wiśniewski","doi":"10.14746/PS.2018.1.31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/PS.2018.1.31","url":null,"abstract":"The text is a review of selected articles from leading Polish academic journals dealing with the topic of international security. It aims to present the most important topics of current debate taking place in Polish strategic studies.","PeriodicalId":37800,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Strategiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66610325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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