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The Significance and Dynamics of the Marriages of Imperial Princes in the Political Plans of the Hongwu Emperor 洪武帝政治规划中诸侯联姻的意义与动态
Pub Date : 2019-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10534p05
Zhang Beibei
The Hongwu emperor’s marriage arrangements between members of the noblity and his own children, particularly the imperial princes, are widely recognized as efforts to centralize imperial power. On the other hand, a rivalry for power has been assumed between the nobles and imperial princes. Some scholars even suggested that the ruler intended to first affiliate with the nobles and then to eliminate them. This essay first explains that the significance of these marriages lay in the reproduction and sustainability of the system of princedoms, which Hongwu held in high regard. Then through an extensive analysis of the development of the system of princedoms and the marriages involved, a comparison between the marriages of the princes and princesses, and a study of the fates of purged in-laws, this essay demonstrates that Hongwu’s marriage arrangements for the princes were crucial to his institutional and political designs for the empire.
洪武皇帝将贵族成员与自己的子女,特别是皇子之间的婚姻安排,被广泛认为是为集中皇权所做的努力。另一方面,贵族和皇子之间的权力竞争已经被假定。一些学者甚至认为,统治者打算首先与贵族结盟,然后消灭他们。本文首先阐述了这些联姻的意义在于洪武所重视的王权制度的再生产和延续。然后,通过对王权制度的发展及其所涉及的婚姻的广泛分析,对王子和公主的婚姻的比较,以及对被清洗的姻亲命运的研究,本文表明洪武对王子的婚姻安排对他对帝国的制度和政治设计至关重要。
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引用次数: 2
Becoming Chinese Buddhas: Claims to Authority and the Making of Chan Buddhist Identity 成为中国的佛:对权威的要求和禅宗身份的形成
Pub Date : 2019-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10534p04
Kevin Buckelew
According to many recent scholars, by the Song dynasty Chan Buddhists had come to identify not primarily as meditation experts—following the literal meaning of chan—but rather as full-fledged buddhas. This article pursues a deeper understanding of how, exactly, Chan Buddhists claimed to be buddhas during the eighth through eleventh centuries, a critical period in the formation of Chan identity. It also addresses the relationship between Chan Buddhists’ claims to the personal status of buddhahood, their claims to membership in lineages extending back to the Buddha, and their appeals to doctrines of universal buddhahood. Closely examining Chan Buddhists’ claims to be buddhas helps explain the tradition’s rise to virtually unrivaled elite status in Song-era Buddhist monasticism, and illuminates the emergence of new genres of Chan Buddhist literature—such as “discourse records” (yulu)—that came to be treated with the respect previously reserved for canonical Buddhist scriptures.
根据最近的许多学者的说法,到宋代,禅宗佛教徒已经不再主要被认为是冥想专家——遵循禅宗的字面意思——而是被认为是成熟的佛陀。本文试图更深入地了解,在八世纪到十一世纪,禅宗佛教徒究竟是如何自称为佛的,这是禅宗身份形成的关键时期。它还讨论了禅宗佛教徒对个人佛性地位的主张,他们对追溯到佛陀的血统的主张,以及他们对普遍佛性教义的呼吁之间的关系。仔细研究禅宗自称为佛的说法,有助于解释禅宗传统在宋朝佛教修道中崛起为几乎无可匹敌的精英地位,并阐明了禅宗文学新体裁的出现——比如“话语记录”(yulu)——它们开始像对待佛教经典一样受到尊重。
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引用次数: 3
A Mountain of Saints and Sages: Muslims in the Landscape of Popular Religion in Late Imperial China 圣贤之山:帝制晚期中国民间宗教景观中的穆斯林
Pub Date : 2019-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10534p06
T. G. Brown
Near the beginning of the Qing dynasty (1636-1912), the mausoleum of a Sufi saint, the Pavilion of Lingering Illumination, was constructed on an ancient Daoist mountain in the town of Baoning, Sichuan province. Over the following centuries, the shrine became one of the most heavily patronized religious sites in the province. There, state officials oversaw rain-making rituals, local gentry supplicated for success in the civil examinations, and Manchu bannermen bestowed dedications celebrating the empire’s military campaigns in Xinjiang. While Qing officials recognized it as an Islamic site, many of the town’s residents treated it like any other Chinese shrine, emphasizing its connections to the region’s fengshui and its efficacy for rain-making. Through exploring the shrine’s history, this article provides a new window into Islam as a “local religion” in China, a survey of the flexible religious contours of the imperial state, and a richer understanding of Qing patronage for the institutions of minority groups. It argues that this Islamic site played a central role in the wider social life and governance of the area.
清朝(1636-1912)初年,在四川省宝宁镇的一座道教古山上修建了一座苏菲派圣人的陵墓——留明亭。在接下来的几个世纪里,靖国神社成为该省最受光顾的宗教场所之一。在那里,国家官员监督降雨仪式,当地士绅祈求在科举考试中取得成功,满族旗人为庆祝帝国在新疆的军事行动而献礼。虽然清朝官员承认它是一个伊斯兰教遗址,但该镇的许多居民却像对待其他中国神社一样对待它,强调它与该地区风水的联系以及它的降雨功效。通过对靖国神社历史的探索,本文提供了一个新的窗口来了解伊斯兰教作为中国的“地方宗教”,对帝国国家灵活的宗教轮廓进行了调查,并对清朝对少数民族机构的赞助有了更丰富的了解。它认为,这个伊斯兰遗址在该地区更广泛的社会生活和治理中发挥了核心作用。
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引用次数: 2
The Emergence of Civilizational Consciousness in Early China: History Word by Word, written by Uffe Bergeton, 2019 《中国早期文明意识的出现:逐字逐句的历史》,柏格顿著,2019年
Pub Date : 2019-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10534p08
Y. Pines
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引用次数: 0
Science and Civilisation in China. Volume VI, Biology and Biological Technology. Part 4, Traditional Botany: An Ethnobotanical Approach (translated by Janet Lloyd), written by Georges Métailié, 2015 中国的科学与文明。第六卷,生物学和生物技术。第四部分,传统植物学:民族植物学方法(珍妮特·劳埃德译),乔治斯·马姆斯塔伊尔斯著,2015年
Pub Date : 2019-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10534p09
C. Despeux
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引用次数: 0
Unruly People: Crime, Community, and State in Late Imperial South China, written by Robert J. Antony, 2016 《不守规矩的人:帝国晚期华南的犯罪、社区与国家》,罗伯特·j·安东尼著,2016年
Pub Date : 2019-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10534p07
Thomas M. Buoye
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引用次数: 0
Master Shanghong (738?-815 CE) and the Formation of Regional Vinaya Traditions in Tang Buddhism 尚红大师(738?(公元815年)和区域律法传统在唐朝佛教中的形成
Pub Date : 2019-11-08 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10534p03
A. Sokolova
After the An Lushan Rebellion in 755, southern China witnessed the rise of the Vinaya movement. Essential sources on the local southern Vinaya communities include writings by scholar–officials who held posts in the southern prefectures. This paper focuses on two stele inscriptions for the Vinaya Master Shanghong 上宏 (738?-815) composed by the literatus Bai Juyi 白居易 (772-846) and Liu Ke 劉軻 (?-?) during their journeys to Jiangxi. These inscriptions enable us to identify Shanghong as one of the foremost Vinaya authorities in Jiangxi, to trace the dynamics and course of the development of ordination centers there, and to witness the shaping of a local Vinaya community there as part of a larger development of the Vinaya tradition in southern China during the mid-Tang period.
755年安禄山之乱之后,中国南方见证了律宗运动的兴起。关于当地南方律宗社区的重要资料来源包括在南方府任职的学者官员的著作。本文重点研究了文人白居易(772-846)和刘客(?-?)在江西旅行时为《上弘法师》(738?-815)所作的两幅碑文。这些铭文使我们能够确定上虹是江西最重要的律法权威之一,追踪那里的戒律中心的动态和发展过程,并见证了当地律法社区的形成,作为中唐时期中国南方律法传统更大发展的一部分。
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引用次数: 1
The Author’s Two Bodies: The Death of Qu Yuan and the Birth of Chuci zhangju 楚辭章句 作者的两具尸体:屈原之死与楚赤章举之生
Pub Date : 2019-11-08 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10534p02
H. Du
While recent studies of early Chinese texts increasingly eschew the term “author,” the present article defends the utility of this term by proposing a generalizable framework for conceptualizing author claims. Using Qu Yuan as a case study, I demonstrate that the construction of the author, both historical and putative, uniquely contributes to the finalization—rather than the creation—of texts, transforming open and evolving textual traditions into closed and stabilized entities. The creation of the author thus stands at the threshold between textual production and reception, often serving as an indispensable condition for the latter. By applying this approach to the study of the Chuci zhangju, I offer a new definition of the textual strata within this compilation.
虽然最近对早期中文文本的研究越来越多地回避“作者”一词,但本文通过提出一个概念化作者主张的可概括框架,捍卫了这一术语的实用性。以屈原为例,我证明了作者的建构,无论是历史的还是假定的,都对文本的终结(而不是创造)做出了独特的贡献,将开放和不断发展的文本传统转变为封闭和稳定的实体。因此,作者的创作站在文本生产和接受之间的门槛上,往往是后者不可或缺的条件。笔者将这一方法应用于楚辞章举的研究,对《楚辞章举》的文本层次进行了新的界定。
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引用次数: 3
In memoriam 为纪念
Pub Date : 2019-11-08 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10534p01
Z. Bing
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引用次数: 0
The Corrected Interpretations of the Five Classics (Wujing zhengyi) and the Tang Legacy of Obscure Learning (Xuanxue) 《五经正解》与唐玄学遗产
Pub Date : 2019-06-21 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10512P03
Lucas Rambo Bender
The Corrected Interpretations of the Five Classics (Wujing zhengyi) is a surprisingly neglected source for the study of medieval Chinese intellectual history. Often considered more of a political performance than an intellectual one, the series has been charged with heterogeneity in its attempt to put an end to the intellectual disputes of the period of division and to craft an orthodoxy for the nascent Tang dynasty. This paper will show, however, that the Zhengyi subcommentaries do articulate a coherent intellectual position with regard to a set of crucial questions about the cosmos, the ancient sages, and the culture that they inaugurated. Repurposing xuanxue arguments about the inherent obscurity of the dao and the cosmos, the Zhengyi argues that most of us cannot understand the source of normative values, and that therefore our only recourse is to limit our intellectual presumptions and follow the models provided by the ancient Sage Kings.
令人惊讶的是,《五经正解》是研究中国中世纪思想史的一个被忽视的来源。这部电视剧通常被认为更多的是政治表演,而不是知识分子的表演,它试图结束分裂时期的知识分子之争,并为新生的唐朝打造一种正统观念,因此被指责具有异质性。然而,本文将表明,《正义传》附注在一系列关于宇宙、古代圣贤和他们开创的文化的关键问题上,确实表达了一个连贯的知识立场。《正义》重新诠释了关于道和宇宙固有的模糊性的玄学论点,认为我们大多数人无法理解规范价值的来源,因此我们唯一的办法是限制我们的智力假设,并遵循古代圣人国王提供的模式。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
T’oung Pao
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