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On General Terms for Texts in Early China 论中国早期文本的通称
Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10805001
Paul Fahr
This article explores the lexical field of “text” in early China. It argues that words pertaining to it should not be understood as referring to textual genres, but as conveying an abstract notion of “(written) text.” In particular, it treats the word shi 事 in Liu Xiang’s 劉向 (79–8 BCE) editorial reports as well as yu 語 in many different early sources. Especially the second term has been understood as denoting a certain textual genre. This is incorrect as can be shown by analyzing occurrences of this word in relevant contexts. Rather, yu first referred to short proverbs and later, by way of semantic derivation, came to acquire the meaning “text” in general. This meaning also applies to the word’s usage in designations of early compilations such as Lunyu. Accordingly, the latter title should simply be understood as “compiled texts.”
本文探讨了中国早期“文”的词汇场域。它认为,与之相关的词语不应被理解为指文本类型,而应被理解为传达“(书面)文本”的抽象概念。特别地,它处理了刘翔的《刘姓》(公元前79-8年 )编辑报告中的“石字”一词,以及许多不同早期来源的“石字”。特别是第二个术语被理解为表示某种文本类型。这是不正确的,可以通过分析这个词在相关语境中的出现情况来证明。相反,你首先提到短谚语,后来通过语义推导,获得了一般意义上的“文本”。这个意思也适用于早期编撰的名称,如《论语》。因此,后一个标题应简单地理解为“汇编文本”。
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引用次数: 0
Pu Songling’s “Shibian” 尸變 and Vampiric Chases in the Chinese Tradition of Strange Narratives 蒲松龄的《变》与中国怪叙事传统中的吸血鬼追逐
Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10805005
Sheng-Chih Wang
“Shibian” is a famous seventeenth-century horror tale by Pu Songling that culminates in a terror-stricken traveler’s deadly pursuit by a reanimated corpse. This article explores the tale’s close connection to two groups of similar narratives about corpse reanimation, which the author designates as “Temple of Horror” anecdotes and “House of Death” accounts, respectively. Though recognizing “Shibian” as essentially a “House of Death” account, this article argues that a version of “Temple of Horror” also contributed narrative elements that were key to the intricacy and intense horror of Pu Songling’s tale.
《Shibian》是蒲松龄在17世纪创作的著名恐怖故事,故事的高潮是一个惊恐的旅行者被一具复活的尸体致命地追捕。这篇文章探讨了这个故事与两组类似的关于尸体复活的叙述的密切联系,作者分别将其称为“恐怖神庙”轶事和“死亡之屋”故事。虽然承认《Shibian》本质上是一个“死亡之屋”的叙述,但本文认为,《恐怖庙》的一个版本也提供了叙事元素,这些叙事元素是蒲松龄故事错综复杂和强烈恐怖的关键。
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引用次数: 0
From the “Five Dynasties” 五代 to the “Ten States” 十國: Interpreting Post-Tang Identities in Northern Song (960–1127) Historiography 从“五代”到“十国”:解读北宋(960-1127)的后唐身份史学
Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10805003
Chenru Xue
This article examines the representation of post-Tang identities in Northern Song historiography and provides a precise definition of the concept of “Ten States.” It argues that the “Five Dynasties” and “Ten States,” appellations invented by Northern Song historians, are not reflective of the actual tenth-century political landscape that took shape following the fall of the Tang Empire (618–907). Rather, they were coined to buttress the dynastic legitimacy of the Northern Song. They mirrored the increasingly strong Song central control over regional authorities and a perceived ever-growing cultural division between Song and its neighbors. Through an investigation of how post-Tang regimes were categorized by four representative Northern Song histories, this article questions the constructed binary between the “legitimate” and the “illegitimate” in Song historiography and challenges the resulting “Central Plain”-centric and Han/Chinese-centric ideologies.
本文考察了后唐身份在北宋史学中的表现,并对“十国”概念给出了一个精确的定义。它认为,“五代”和“十国”,由北宋历史学家发明的称谓,并不能反映唐帝国(618-907)灭亡后形成的实际十世纪政治格局。相反,它们是为了支持北宋王朝的合法性而创造的。它们反映了宋朝中央对地方当局日益强大的控制,以及宋朝与其邻国之间日益增长的文化分歧。本文通过对四部具有代表性的北宋史学如何对后唐政权进行分类的考察,对宋史学中构建的“合法”与“非法”二元对立提出了质疑,并对由此产生的“中原中心”与“汉/中国中心”的意识形态提出了挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Unauthorized Exchanges: Restrictions on Foreign Trade and Intermarriage in the Tang and Northern Song Empires 未经批准的交流:唐、北宋帝国对对外贸易和通婚的限制
Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10805002
Shao-yun Yang
This essay reexamines late Tang and Northern Song laws that appear to prohibit private trade, communication, and intermarriage with foreigners, and concludes that they were rooted in early Tang policies rather than an increase in anti-foreign or proto-nationalist sentiment. It also argues that in the Northern Song, restrictions on foreign trade and intermarriage gave way to more liberal or targeted approaches, the main exceptions being strategic restrictions on trade along the northern borders and maritime trade with Đại Việt and Koryŏ. When the Song state implemented or contemplated restrictions on intermarriage in certain frontier locations, this was typically for strategic reasons of counterintelligence, not xenophobia or ethnic segregation.
这篇文章重新审视了唐末和北宋的法律,这些法律似乎禁止与外国人进行私人贸易、交流和通婚,并得出结论,这些法律植根于唐初的政策,而不是反外国或原始民族主义情绪的增加。它还认为,在北宋,对对外贸易和通婚的限制让位于更自由或更有针对性的做法,主要的例外是对北方边界贸易和与Đại Việt和高丽的海上贸易的战略限制。当宋朝在某些边境地区实施或考虑限制异族通婚时,这通常是出于反间谍的战略原因,而不是仇外心理或种族隔离。
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引用次数: 2
Parting Ways: Daoism, Politics, and the Ming Book in Zhu Quan’s Letter to Yongle 别离:朱权《永乐信》中的道教、政治与明书
Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10805004
Bony Schachter
In the “Epistle” (“Shang tianfu shenyin jiashu” 上天府神隱家書), the Prince of Ning Zhu Quan 寧王朱權 (1378–1448) presents the book Shenyin 神隱 (Divine Hermitage) to Yongle (Zhu Di 朱棣, 1360–1424). The “Epistle” is the first document to announce Zhu Quan’s transition to the status of divine author True Lord from the Southern Pole. This article argues that the letter must be interpreted as a political act. Its three sections examine the letter in terms of its materiality, context, and purpose. It demonstrates that the letter is the means by which Zhu Quan attempts to bring carefully crafted claims about his alleged competence as an imperial preceptor into reality. In so doing, it reexamines the relevance of Daoism for Ming political culture.
在《上天府神隐家书》中,宁王朱全(1378-1448)向永乐(朱棣,朱棣,棣,1360-1424)赠送了《神隐家书》。《书信》是第一个宣布朱权从南极过渡到神圣作者真主地位的文件。本文认为,这封信必须被解释为一种政治行为。它的三个部分从其重要性、背景和目的方面考察了这封信。这封信表明,朱权试图通过这封信把他所谓的御用导师的能力变成现实。在此过程中,它重新审视了道教与明代政治文化的相关性。
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引用次数: 1
Physiognomy in Ming China: Fortune and the Body, by Xing Wang 《中国明代相术:命运与身体》,王兴著
Pub Date : 2022-03-31 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10801005
Marta Hanson
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
Pub Date : 2022-03-31 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10801000
Brandon Beauregard, Abigail Lahvis, J. Blanchard, Mary Christine Mallory, Christa Bunce, Michael Mccluskey, G. Clements, E. Priest, Jian Micah DE Jesus, Sonya Punjwani, Kaleb Degler, C. Rao, Ryan Demarest, Christopher Rogers, Isabelle Dominguez, Abigail Schultz, Kathryn E. Faulk, Skyanne, L., Simonson, Nathan Flanigin, Hunter Simpson, Christian Garcia, Cordell, Benjamin Gerzik, S. Stevens, Maggie Gianvecchio, Michael J. Tardy, E. González, Krista Thompson, A. Guerrero, E. Tooley, Pauline Hodencq, Ariel Veytsman, Allison Hopkins, S. Walden, Ashley Hutcheson, M. Wallace, Emma Jenevein, Nicholas Wang, K. Jones, B. White, Samuel Keltner, N. Wilbur, Stephanie Kim
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引用次数: 0
Li Bo and the zan 郦波与赞
Pub Date : 2022-03-31 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10801007
P. Kroll
One of the more overlooked forms of Chinese poetry is that called by the word zan 讚 or “appreciation.” Here we examine the pre-Tang use of the term in its application both to a summary prose or verse statement in historical texts as well as to a form of verse often regarded as akin to the song 頌 or “laud” but especially associated with illustrations or paintings. Discussion then proceeds to a focus on and analysis of Li Bo’s 李白 seventeen extant zan poems, nearly all of which are about or were inscribed on paintings. These poems can be divided among three categories: those on portrayed individuals, those on objects and scenes, and those on Buddhist topics. Li Bo’s zan give evidence of certain new as well as differently emphasized developments in the form.
中国诗歌中比较容易被忽视的一种形式是“赏诗”。在这里,我们研究了唐前这个词的用法,它既用于历史文本中的摘要散文或诗歌陈述,也用于一种通常被认为与歌曲“赞颂”或“赞美”类似的诗歌形式,但特别与插图或绘画有关。然后,讨论的重点是李波的十七首现存的瓒诗,几乎所有的诗都是关于或题画的。这些诗可以分为三类:描绘人物的诗,描绘物体和场景的诗,以及佛教主题的诗。李波的《瓒》在形式上有了新的发展和不同的侧重点。
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引用次数: 0
Reading Indian Literature in Fourth-Century China: Gleanings from a Newly Available Commentary to the Oldest Chinese Translation of the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa 阅读四世纪中国的印度文学:从新获得的对Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa最古老中文翻译的评论中收集
Pub Date : 2022-03-31 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10801006
Eric Greene
This article introduces new evidence concerning how the very earliest Chinese translations of Buddhist texts were read in early medieval China: a Turfan manuscript first made public in 2005 of an otherwise unknown interlinear commentary to the oldest Chinese translation of the Vimalakīrti Sutra. I show that the earliest (pre- ca. 350 CE) translations of Indian Buddhist texts, well known for their problematic literary forms that frequently make them very difficult to understand, sometimes circulated with interlinear commentaries that explained how to manipulate their often tortuous syntax into a more normal Chinese idiom. The earliest readers of Indian Buddhist literature in China did not always approach these texts as purely “Chinese” documents, as it has sometimes been thought. Even though few such readers were themselves learned in Indian languages, the linguistic alterity of Indian Buddhist literature was nevertheless available to them to some degree.
本文介绍了关于中世纪早期中国如何阅读最早的汉译佛教文本的新证据:2005年,一份吐鲁番手稿首次公开,该手稿是对最古老的汉译《维摩拉克茹日经》的一份不为人知的行间注释。我展示了最早的(约公元前350年 )印度佛教典籍的翻译,这些典籍以其有问题的文学形式而闻名,经常使它们非常难以理解,有时会有行间注释流传,解释如何将其经常扭曲的句法操纵成更正常的中国成语。中国最早的印度佛教文献读者并不总是像人们有时认为的那样,把这些文献当作纯粹的“中国”文献。尽管这样的读者中很少有人自己学习印度语言,但在某种程度上,他们仍然可以获得印度佛教文学的语言多样性。
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引用次数: 1
Forced Innovation and Missed Opportunity in the Daoguang Reign 道光年间的强迫创新与错失良机
Pub Date : 2022-03-31 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10801010
Pierre-Étienne Will
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T’oung Pao
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