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Post-COVID economic crisis, citizen-state relations, and the Electronic Transactions Levy (E-levy) controversy in Ghana 后 COVID 经济危机、公民与国家关系以及加纳电子交易税(E-levy)争议
IF 2.2 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-24 DOI: 10.1016/j.wdp.2024.100621

In 2021, the Government of Ghana sparked controversy by introducing the Electronic Transactions Levy (E-Levy) as part of an aggressive programme of revenue mobilisation in response to the debt-induced economic crisis that swept through the Global South in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper contributes to the literature on the politics of economic crisis by demonstrating the consequences of prioritising revenue mobilisation over social protection during times of economic shocks. Drawing on in-depth interviews with a range of respondents, we argue that the outrage triggered by the introduction of the E-levy was rooted in longstanding grievances against the lack of reciprocity in citizen-state relations and an apparent breakdown of the fiscal contract. The tax provoked denunciatory narratives of economic mismanagement and government insensitivity, thereby underscoring the crisis of political legtimacy in Ghana. By ‘loosening the safety net’ and ‘tightening the tax net’ at a time when the country was battling an economic crisis and still grappling with the fallouts of the COVID-19 pandemic, the government created the conditions that exacerbated the already fraught citizen-state relations. Given the low tax morale, citizens are actively adopting various strategies to avoid paying the tax, including reverting to the use of cash and reducing the value and frequency of transactions.

2021 年,加纳政府推出了电子交易税(E-Levy),作为积极调动财政收入计划的一部分,以应对 COVID-19 大流行后席卷全球南部的债务引发的经济危机,从而引发了争议。本文通过展示在经济震荡时期优先调动财政收入而非社会保障的后果,为有关经济危机政治的文献做出了贡献。通过对一系列受访者的深入访谈,我们认为,电子税的引入所引发的愤怒源于对公民与国家关系中缺乏互惠以及财政契约明显破裂的长期不满。电子税引发了对经济管理不善和政府麻木不仁的谴责,从而凸显了加纳的政治合法性危机。在国家面临经济危机、仍在努力应对 COVID-19 大流行病的影响之际,政府 "放松安全网"、"收紧税网",创造了条件,加剧了本已紧张的公民与国家关系。由于纳税士气低落,公民积极采取各种策略逃避纳税,包括重新使用现金,减少交易额和交易频率。
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引用次数: 0
How much growth is required to achieve good lives for all? Insights from needs-based analysis 实现人人过上美好生活需要多少增长?基于需求的分析得出的见解
IF 2.2 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.wdp.2024.100612

Some narratives in international development hold that ending poverty and achieving good lives for all will require every country to reach the levels of GDP per capita that currently characterise high-income countries. However, this would require increasing total global output and resource use several times over, dramatically exacerbating ecological breakdown. Furthermore, universal convergence along these lines is unlikely within the imperialist structure of the existing world economy. Here we demonstrate that this dilemma can be resolved with a different approach, rooted in recent needs-based analyses of poverty and development. Strategies for development should not pursue capitalist growth and increased aggregate production as such, but should rather increase the specific forms of production that are necessary to improve capabilities and meet human needs at a high standard, while ensuring universal access to key goods and services through public provisioning and decommodification. At the same time, in high-income countries, less-necessary production should be scaled down to enable faster decarbonization and to help bring resource use back within planetary boundaries. With this approach, good lives can be achieved for all without requiring large increases in total global throughput and output. Provisioning decent living standards (DLS) for 8.5 billion people would require only 30% of current global resource and energy use, leaving a substantial surplus for additional consumption, public luxury, scientific advancement, and other social investments. Such a future requires planning to provision public services, to deploy efficient technology, and to build sovereign industrial capacity in the global South.

国际发展领域的一些观点认为,要消除贫困和实现人人过上美好生活,每个国家都必须达到目前高收入国家的人均国内生产总值水平。然而,这需要将全球总产出和资源使用量提高数倍,大大加剧生态破坏。此外,在现有世界经济的帝国主义结构中,不可能按照这些思路实现普遍趋同。在此,我们要说明的是,这一困境可以通过一种不同的方法来解决,这种方法植根于最近对贫困和发展进行的基于需求的分析。发展战略不应追求资本主义增长和生产总量的增加,而应增加提高能力和高标准满足人类需求所需的具体生产形式,同时通过公共供给和非商品化确保关键商品和服务的普及。与此同时,在高收入国家,应减少不那么必要的生产,以便更快地实现去碳化,并帮助将资源的使用控制在地球极限之内。采用这种方法,无需大幅增加全球总产量和产出,就能让所有人过上好日子。为 85 亿人提供体面的生活标准(DLS)只需要目前全球资源和能源使用量的 30%,剩下的大量盈余将用于额外消费、公共奢侈品、科学进步和其他社会投资。这样的未来需要进行规划,以提供公共服务,部署高效技术,并在全球南部建立主权工业能力。
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引用次数: 0
How do governance mechanisms between farmer and traders advance sustainability goals and enhance the resilience of agricultural value chains? 农民和贸易商之间的治理机制如何推进可持续性目标并增强农业价值链的复原力?
IF 2.2 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.wdp.2024.100618

Despite the importance of traders in Agricultural Value Chains (AVCs), empirical evidence about the interaction and networking between them and farmers in producing countries is scant. The role of traders in general, and exporters in particular, in championing sustainability goals and enhancing the resilience of AVCs is rarely addressed in the literature, as they are usually depicted as unproductive and predatory brokers that increase price gaps between farmers and consumers. This paper focuses on the case of the coffee sector in Colombia and the governance mechanisms in the segment Farmers − Export Companies (ECs) for the adoption of Voluntary Sustainability Standards (VSSs) oriented to spur environmental, economic, and social sustainability practices in AVCs. By conducting semi-structured interviews and Process Net-Maps, an innovative method for analyzing governance challenges in agriculture, four governance schemes between farmers and ECs were identified, entailing different degrees of centralization and support provided by the EC. Each scheme was the result of the type of supplier available in coffee growing zones (individual farmers, informal groups of farmers, coffee grower associations, or a mix of these suppliers known as ‘baskets’) and the level of trust among actors. The paper hypothesizes that hybrid forms of coordination in the segment ranging from markets to vertical integration, the combination of different procurement strategies, a phenomenon known as plural forms, and complex incentive structures to adopt sustainability practices enhance both the implementation of sustainability approaches and resilience.

尽管贸易商在农业价值链(AVCs)中十分重要,但有关他们与生产国农民之间的互动和网络的经验证据却很少。一般而言,贸易商,尤其是出口商,在支持可持续发展目标和提高农业价值链复原力方面的作用很少在文献中涉及,因为他们通常被描述为非生产性和掠夺性的中间商,加剧了农民和消费者之间的价格差距。本文重点关注哥伦比亚咖啡行业的案例,以及农民-出口公司(ECs)采用自愿可持续发展标准(VSSs)的治理机制,该标准旨在促进农业和农产品加工企业的环境、经济和社会可持续发展实践。通过开展半结构式访谈和流程网络图(一种分析农业治理挑战的创新方法),确定了农民和出口公司之间的四种治理方案,这些方案涉及不同程度的集中化和出口公司提供的支持。每种方案都是咖啡种植区供应商类型(个体农民、非正式农民团体、咖啡种植者协会或这些供应商的混合体,称为 "篮子")和参与者之间信任程度的结果。本文假定,从市场到纵向一体化的混合协调形式、不同采购战略的组合(一种被称为多元形式的现象)以及采用可持续做法的复杂激励结构,都会加强可持续方法的实施和复原力。
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引用次数: 0
Spatial typology for food system analysis: Taking stock and setting a research agenda 粮食系统分析的空间类型学:评估和制定研究议程
IF 2.2 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.wdp.2024.100623

The objective of this paper is to review an existing tool for geographic targeting of food and nutrition security interventions, take stock of the latest methodological advances, and propose three extensions to help inform food system transformation policies in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). Whereas the first extension pursues a broader and more comprehensive perspective, the second and third extensions aim to accommodate the dynamic nature of food systems and the need of policymakers to analyze trade-offs between competing interventions. Compared to other (potential) food system methods, the main added value of the proposed tool resides in its flexible but integrated analytical framework combined with its focus on sub-national areas, both which allow for the design of discretionary regional policies in challenging data environments. Drawing on key lessons from fourteen African country applications, the analytical and policy relevance of this spatial tool is illustrated and areas of further research and improvement are discussed.

本文旨在回顾现有的粮食和营养安全干预措施地理定位工具,总结最新的方法论进展,并提出三项扩展建议,以帮助中低收入国家(LMIC)制定粮食系统转型政策。第一种扩展方法追求更广泛、更全面的视角,而第二和第三种扩展方法则旨在适应粮食系统的动态性质以及决策者分析相互竞争的干预措施之间的权衡的需要。与其他(潜在的)粮食系统方法相比,拟议工具的主要附加值在于其灵活而综合的分析框架,以及其对国家以下地区的关注,这两点使其能够在具有挑战性的数据环境中设计自由裁量的区域政策。从 14 个非洲国家的应用中汲取的主要经验教训,说明了这一空间工具的分析和政策相关性,并讨论了进一步研究和改进的领域。
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引用次数: 0
Social mobility and CCT programs: The Bolsa Família program in Brazil 社会流动性和 CCT 计划:巴西的家庭补助金计划
IF 2.2 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.wdp.2024.100624

We investigate long-term outcomes related to social mobility and their determinants for low-income Brazilian households. More precisely, the first cohorts of beneficiaries of the Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) program Bolsa Família (BFP); children aged between 7 and 16 in 2005, who are tracked for over a decade, until 2019. We use individual-level administrative data to analyze our two indicators of social mobility: (i) future emancipation from federal government social programs, and (ii) access to the formal labor market. We observe that formerly vulnerable children, beneficiaries of the CCT, find themselves in better socioeconomic conditions in adulthood. While 64 % of them, aged between 21 and 30 years in 2019, were no longer beneficiaries of federal government social programs, 45 % accessed the formal labor market at least once between 2015 and 2019. We also compare the characteristics of the formal employment they access with those of non-BFP beneficiaries during the same period. They have worse employment conditions, although better than informal positions typical of their parents. Furthermore, we investigate the association between local sociodemographic characteristics and individual social mobility. We find significant territorial heterogeneity associated with differences in better health and education infrastructures, and local economic activity.

我们调查了巴西低收入家庭与社会流动性相关的长期结果及其决定因素。更确切地说,是有条件现金转移(CCT)计划 Bolsa Família (BFP) 的第一批受益者;他们是 2005 年 7 至 16 岁的儿童,我们对他们进行了长达十多年的跟踪,直至 2019 年。我们利用个人层面的行政数据分析社会流动性的两个指标:(i) 未来从联邦政府社会项目中解放出来的情况,以及 (ii) 进入正规劳动力市场的情况。我们发现,以前的弱势儿童,即 CCT 的受益者,成年后的社会经济条件更好。在 2019 年 21 岁至 30 岁的儿童中,64% 的人不再是联邦政府社会项目的受益人,45% 的人在 2015 年至 2019 年期间至少进入过一次正规劳动力市场。我们还比较了他们与同期非 BFP 受益人的正规就业特征。他们的就业条件较差,尽管好于其父辈典型的非正式职位。此外,我们还调查了地方社会人口特征与个人社会流动性之间的关联。我们发现,与较好的卫生和教育基础设施以及当地经济活动的差异有关的地区异质性非常明显。
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 lockdown: The triple effects on gender-based violence COVID-19 封锁:对性别暴力的三重影响
IF 2.2 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.wdp.2024.100617

Research on how the COVID-19 lockdown affected gender-based violence (GBV) focused largely on the negative effects of the lockdown on GBV. Using a multinomial probit model, this paper assessed the effects of the lockdown on GBV and the determinants of these effects in Northern Uganda. The results show that the lockdown reduced and increased GBV in some cases, but it had negligible effects in other cases. These effects were determined by many factors depending on how they related to economic and food insecurity. Household heads with higher education levels experienced job losses and increased GBV, but those with savings had less food insecurity and GBV. Members of VSLA that were disrupted by the lockdown faced severe economic insecurity, but members of the undisrupted VSLA experienced less economic security and GBV. Households with many earning members suffered more job losses and increased GBV, but those having own houses faced no rent burden and less GBV. Farm households experienced less effects of the lockdown and no change in GBV. Rural households and those far from the main road experienced less stringent lockdowns and GBV, but those that faced financial constraints had more GBV cases. Farm households had less severe food insecurity and GBV. Household heads earning wages and salary had lower household sizes and GBV cases. The paper implies a need for pandemic mitigation measures to balance their health benefits with socio-economic costs, overcome economic insecurity, and consider socio-economic differences. GBV was viewed as a uniform entity, but future studies need to explore the effects of pandemics on different forms of GBV.

关于 COVID-19 封锁如何影响性别暴力(GBV)的研究主要集中在封锁对性别暴力的负面影响上。本文使用多叉概率模型评估了封锁对性别暴力的影响,以及这些影响在乌干达北部的决定因素。结果显示,在某些情况下,封锁减少和增加了基于性别的暴力,但在其他情况下,封锁的影响可以忽略不计。这些影响由许多因素决定,取决于它们与经济和粮食不安全的关系。受教育程度较高的户主会失去工作,基于性别的暴力也会增加,但有积蓄的户主的粮食不安全和基于性别的暴力程度较低。因封锁而中断的 VSLA 成员面临着严重的经济不安全,但未中断的 VSLA 成员经历的经济不安全和基于性别的暴力较少。有许多收入成员的家庭失去了更多的工作,遭受的性别暴力也增加了,但那些有自己住房的家庭则没有房租负担,遭受的性别暴力也较少。农户受到封锁的影响较小,性别暴力没有变化。农村家庭和远离主干道的家庭受到的封锁和性别暴力影响较小,但面临经济困难的家庭受到的性别暴力影响较大。农户的粮食不安全和基于性别的暴力情况较轻。赚取工资的户主的家庭规模较小,基于性别的暴力案件也较少。该论文表明,有必要采取大流行病缓解措施,以平衡其健康效益与社会经济成本,克服经济不安全问题,并考虑社会经济差异。性别暴力被视为一个统一的实体,但未来的研究需要探讨大流行病对不同形式的性别暴力的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Local supply chain actor roles in farmer organisation information networks: Empirical findings from two Indonesian farmer organisations 农民组织信息网络中当地供应链参与者的角色:印度尼西亚两个农民组织的经验性发现
IF 2.2 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.wdp.2024.100619

Many farmers in developing countries lack the knowledge to solve farming challenges, so improving their access to information is believed to address this issue. Prior research has primarily focused on analysing social networks but has overlooked the role of supply chain networks, which farmers depend on for production, marketing, and financial matters. This study aims at understanding the role of supply chain actors in the information networks of farmer organisations in developing countries. Multiple case studies were conducted in two farmer organisations in Indonesia, one small and the other large. This study included both quantitative data gathered through surveys and qualitative information obtained from FGD. This study found that the majority of farmer organisation members rely on their peers within social networks to acquire agricultural production-related information. Within supply chain networks, farmers depend on local traders for market and financial information, despite the asymmetric information in their relationships. In addition, local production input shops are the primary sources for agricultural production-related information. Agricultural extension agents mainly contribute to disseminating information regarding government programmes. This study also indicates that a small farmer organisation has a closer relationship with its farmer members in terms of information sharing. Meanwhile, a large farmer organisation provides its members with a wider range of information from external sources while still maintaining the closed relationships between members through sub-organisations. The findings suggest that the government should focus on enhancing the knowledge of local supply chain actors in order to efficiently disseminate information to farmers.

发展中国家的许多农民缺乏解决农业问题的知识,因此,改善他们获取信息的渠道被认为是解决这一问题的关键。以往的研究主要侧重于分析社会网络,但忽略了供应链网络的作用,而农民在生产、营销和财务方面都依赖于供应链网络。本研究旨在了解供应链参与者在发展中国家农民组织信息网络中的作用。在印度尼西亚的两个农民组织(一个规模小,另一个规模大)中进行了多个案例研究。这项研究既包括通过调查收集的定量数据,也包括从 FGD 获得的定性信息。研究发现,大多数农民组织成员依靠社会网络中的同伴获取与农业生产相关的信息。在供应链网络中,尽管农民之间的关系存在信息不对称,但他们仍依赖当地贸易商获取市场和金融信息。此外,当地的生产资料商店也是农业生产相关信息的主要来源。农业推广人员主要负责传播有关政府计划的信息。本研究还表明,在信息共享方面,小型农民组织与其农民成员的关系更为密切。与此同时,大型农民组织向其成员提供更广泛的外部信息,同时仍通过下属组织保持成员之间的封闭关系。研究结果表明,政府应注重提高当地供应链参与者的知识水平,以便有效地向农民传播信息。
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引用次数: 0
More than a meeting? The potential and limitations of invited multi-stakeholder spaces in the Brazilian and Peruvian Amazon 不仅仅是一次会议?巴西和秘鲁亚马逊地区受邀多方利益相关者空间的潜力和局限性
IF 2.2 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.wdp.2024.100620

In the Amazon, invited multi-stakeholder forums (MSFs) have been organised by governments to engage civil society with policy and decision making. Given the unequal histories of access to resources in the region, in contexts where mainstream politics have failed to include local people and rights concerns in environmental decision-making, there is much optimism regarding the potential for collaboration in invited MSFs. Yet, questions remain on whether they are more than bureaucratic steps organised to legitimise pre-approved government decisions. The article presents comparative insight from interviews with 208 organisers, participants, and nonparticipant stakeholders to four invited MSFs that were legally required decision-making spaces for land and resource use planning in jurisdictions of the Brazilian and Peruvian Amazon. Although the same type of forum was selected in each country, research revealed different processes and outcomes based on how organisers framed their challenges and solutions. This impacted who was invited to participate, and under what terms, including the knowledge they were able to bring to the process. Examining their processes, the article examines challenges in the conception and implementation of forums and the possibility of refocusing MSF activities to better support the inclusion of civil society perspectives in policy and decision making.

在亚马逊地区,政府组织了特邀多方利益相关者论坛 (MSF),让公民社会参与政策制定和决策。鉴于该地区资源获取的不平等历史,以及主流政治未能将当地人民和权利问题纳入环境决策的背景,人们对受邀多方利益相关者论坛的合作潜力持乐观态度。然而,人们仍然怀疑这些活动是否只是为了使政府预先批准的决策合法化而组织起来的官僚步骤。本文通过对 208 名组织者、参与者和非参与者利益相关者的访谈,对巴西和秘鲁亚马逊地区的四个受邀 MSF 进行了比较分析,这四个 MSF 是法律规定的土地和资源利用规划决策空间。虽然每个国家都选择了相同类型的论坛,但研究显示,根据组织者如何确定其挑战和解决方案,论坛的进程和结果各不相同。这影响到谁被邀请参加,以及在什么条件下参加,包括他们能够为进程带来的知识。通过研究这些过程,文章探讨了论坛在构思和实施过程中面临的挑战,以及调整无国界医生组织活动的重点以更好地支持将民间社会的观点纳入政策和决策的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
The impact of microfinance on entrepreneurship and welfare among women borrowers in rural Pakistan 小额信贷对巴基斯坦农村地区女性借款人创业和福利的影响
IF 2.2 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-13 DOI: 10.1016/j.wdp.2024.100616
Issam Malki , Asad Ghalib , Rukhsana Kaousar

This study investigates the effects of microfinance on entrepreneurial activity and household welfare among women borrowers in rural Pakistan. Using survey data from 463 clients of multiple microfinance institutions and propensity score matching methods, we find that women who invest their loans in microenterprises experience significantly higher income, clothing expenditures, poverty scores, and income diversification compared to those who use loans for other purposes. However, we do not observe increases in health and education spending or reductions in child labour among entrepreneurial borrowers. The results highlight the potential for microfinance to stimulate women’s entrepreneurship and improve economic conditions in rural Pakistani households, but also underscore the limitations in promoting human capital investment. We discuss implications for enhancing microfinance interventions to support holistic welfare improvements for women entrepreneurs in Pakistan and beyond.

本研究探讨了小额信贷对巴基斯坦农村地区女性借款人创业活动和家庭福利的影响。通过使用多个小额信贷机构 463 名客户的调查数据和倾向得分匹配方法,我们发现,与将贷款用于其他目的的妇女相比,将贷款投资于微型企业的妇女在收入、服装支出、贫困评分和收入多样化方面都有显著提高。但是,我们没有观察到创业借款人的健康和教育支出增加或童工减少。研究结果凸显了小额信贷在刺激妇女创业和改善巴基斯坦农村家庭经济状况方面的潜力,但同时也强调了小额信贷在促进人力资本投资方面的局限性。我们讨论了加强小额信贷干预措施的意义,以支持巴基斯坦及其他地区妇女创业者整体福利的改善。
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引用次数: 0
Mining resources, the inconvenient truth of the “ecological” transition 开采资源,"生态 "转型的不便真相
IF 2.2 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-07-13 DOI: 10.1016/j.wdp.2024.100615
Jeremy Bourgoin , Roberto Interdonato , Quentin Grislain , Matteo Zignani , Sabrina Gaito

By 2035, the International Energy Agency predicts that $48 trillion will need invested to meet global energy needs, with at least half of these amounts needed to be funneled into renewable electricity sources and energy efficiency efforts. The energy transition is an important dimension of a global climate change mitigation strategy. Using open data on transnational mining deals from the Land Matrix Initiative, we display the current transnational mining network with patterns of concentration and new forms of dependencies between investing and target countries. Using different global development metrics, we also characterize the context within which the mining network is embedded in. Beyond geopolitical concerns and the reconfiguration of power relations in international arenas, the energy transition raises issues of environmental justice. In this study, we clearly display distributive injustices with inequitable distribution of costs, with target countries supporting most of the social and environmental costs of resource extraction in areas marked by land and food insecurity and instability in terms of governance.

据国际能源机构预测,到 2035 年,将需要投资 48 万亿美元来满足全球能源需求,其中至少有一半需要用于可再生能源和提高能效。能源转型是全球气候变化减缓战略的一个重要方面。利用 "土地矩阵计划"(Land Matrix Initiative)提供的跨国采矿交易公开数据,我们展示了当前的跨国采矿网络,以及投资国和目标国之间的集中模式和新的依赖形式。利用不同的全球发展指标,我们还描述了采矿网络所处的环境。除了地缘政治问题和国际舞台上权力关系的重组,能源转型还引发了环境正义问题。在本研究中,我们清楚地显示了成本分配不公平所带来的分配不公,目标国家在土地和粮食不安全以及治理不稳定的地区承担了资源开采的大部分社会和环境成本。
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引用次数: 0
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