Pub Date : 2024-06-11DOI: 10.1177/18681026241255703
Helena Wu
Community screenings in this study are understood as the exhibition of moving images outside conventional theatres and commercial circuits. Based on fieldwork observations and interviews conducted between January 2019 and January 2020 with film workers, community groups, and venue providers who knitted together a rhizomatic community screening network in Hong Kong, this paper explores the (self-)making of urban cultural space by way of the reinvention of “screens” and the rebuilding of a place-based, people-centred community with ethical concerns for small businesses, artists, craftspeople, workers, and members of the public during the first two decades of postmillennial era. The paper concludes with some observations about the phenomenal shift in not only the mode, but also the site of film dissemination from Hong Kong to overseas diasporic communities before and during the COVID-19 pandemic and following the emigration wave in the 2020s.
{"title":"Community Building Through Screen Sharing: Community Screening as Cultural Practice in Postmillennial Hong Kong and Beyond","authors":"Helena Wu","doi":"10.1177/18681026241255703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241255703","url":null,"abstract":"Community screenings in this study are understood as the exhibition of moving images outside conventional theatres and commercial circuits. Based on fieldwork observations and interviews conducted between January 2019 and January 2020 with film workers, community groups, and venue providers who knitted together a rhizomatic community screening network in Hong Kong, this paper explores the (self-)making of urban cultural space by way of the reinvention of “screens” and the rebuilding of a place-based, people-centred community with ethical concerns for small businesses, artists, craftspeople, workers, and members of the public during the first two decades of postmillennial era. The paper concludes with some observations about the phenomenal shift in not only the mode, but also the site of film dissemination from Hong Kong to overseas diasporic communities before and during the COVID-19 pandemic and following the emigration wave in the 2020s.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"71 22","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141357780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-10DOI: 10.1177/18681026241255134
Z. Chen, Jackie Cameron, Nancy Xiuzhi Liu
This paper focuses on international sports personality in figure staking Yuzuru Hanyu, who plays for Japan, and his transnational fandoms in China, to examine the politicisation of his evolving fandom during and after his performance at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics. Our contribution is to illustrate the value of analysing fandoms in the Chinese social media as a method that seeks to advance a decolonised approach to communication studies. This study uses digital ethnography to collect data and conducts critical thematic analysis to illustrate the complexity of socially mediated fandom debates and flames. Consulting interdisciplinary literature in sports fandom and communication, athletic branding, and political communication, we propose a fresh critical approach to Chinese communication studies, which we have conceptualised as “fandom as method.” We offer a case study to illustrate this critical approach, which we argue is a contribution to decolonising scholarship by promoting inclusivity of alternative approaches, in communication studies in the global south. “Fandom as method” can excavate new terrain, rather than simply adding to West-centric theoretical advances. Findings underscore that critically analysing the complex interplay between fans, anti-fans, and the authorities through “fandom as method” can reveal previously undetected communication patterns. More importantly, fandom as method can help us interrogate the nuances of communications situated within complex, dynamic, evolving patriotic and nationalistic social media discourses. This approach helps to explicate opaque clashes of “mainstremeist belief and action” in the name of patriotism and nationalism which, in the Chinese context, are subject to intervention from the authorities as the ultimate other. It reveals how social media activity politicises a sports personality, a fandom trend that seems likely to spill over into other spheres of the entertainment industry.
{"title":"Fandom as Method: Decolonising Research on Social Media Communications Through Chinese Transnational Fandoms of a Japanese Olympic Figure Skater","authors":"Z. Chen, Jackie Cameron, Nancy Xiuzhi Liu","doi":"10.1177/18681026241255134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241255134","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on international sports personality in figure staking Yuzuru Hanyu, who plays for Japan, and his transnational fandoms in China, to examine the politicisation of his evolving fandom during and after his performance at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics. Our contribution is to illustrate the value of analysing fandoms in the Chinese social media as a method that seeks to advance a decolonised approach to communication studies. This study uses digital ethnography to collect data and conducts critical thematic analysis to illustrate the complexity of socially mediated fandom debates and flames. Consulting interdisciplinary literature in sports fandom and communication, athletic branding, and political communication, we propose a fresh critical approach to Chinese communication studies, which we have conceptualised as “fandom as method.” We offer a case study to illustrate this critical approach, which we argue is a contribution to decolonising scholarship by promoting inclusivity of alternative approaches, in communication studies in the global south. “Fandom as method” can excavate new terrain, rather than simply adding to West-centric theoretical advances. Findings underscore that critically analysing the complex interplay between fans, anti-fans, and the authorities through “fandom as method” can reveal previously undetected communication patterns. More importantly, fandom as method can help us interrogate the nuances of communications situated within complex, dynamic, evolving patriotic and nationalistic social media discourses. This approach helps to explicate opaque clashes of “mainstremeist belief and action” in the name of patriotism and nationalism which, in the Chinese context, are subject to intervention from the authorities as the ultimate other. It reveals how social media activity politicises a sports personality, a fandom trend that seems likely to spill over into other spheres of the entertainment industry.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"113 42","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141362852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-08DOI: 10.1177/18681026241247068
J. Mittelstaedt
This article offers an in-depth analysis of intra-party rules development within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since the Eighteenth Party Congress in 2012. Through examining fifty-three major intra-party rules, leaders’ speeches, media articles, and 9,412 punishment verdicts, the study uncovers a three-stage process aimed at revitalising the CCP and constructing a “political ecology.” The analysis identifies three stages of intra-party rules development, characterised by nascent attempts to define political–moral and organisational norms, the tension between expansion and centralisation from 2016 onwards, and a period of deepening and advancement coupled with increasing arbitrariness in enforcement. This investigation enriches our comprehension of the intricate interplay between organisation, morality, and punishment within the CCP under Xi Jinping, shedding light on broader ramifications for China's societal structure, governance, and foreign policy approach.
{"title":"Intra-Party Rules: Rebuilding the Chinese Communist Party’s Political Ecology","authors":"J. Mittelstaedt","doi":"10.1177/18681026241247068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241247068","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers an in-depth analysis of intra-party rules development within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since the Eighteenth Party Congress in 2012. Through examining fifty-three major intra-party rules, leaders’ speeches, media articles, and 9,412 punishment verdicts, the study uncovers a three-stage process aimed at revitalising the CCP and constructing a “political ecology.” The analysis identifies three stages of intra-party rules development, characterised by nascent attempts to define political–moral and organisational norms, the tension between expansion and centralisation from 2016 onwards, and a period of deepening and advancement coupled with increasing arbitrariness in enforcement. This investigation enriches our comprehension of the intricate interplay between organisation, morality, and punishment within the CCP under Xi Jinping, shedding light on broader ramifications for China's societal structure, governance, and foreign policy approach.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"197 s673","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141002077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-17DOI: 10.1177/18681026241246012
Eva Seiwert
Over recent decades, the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Chinese academics have worked assiduously to increase the competitiveness of their academic institutions. Given the PRC's character as a one-party state, its domestic and international engagements must be understood in the context of the party's ambition of safeguarding and projecting its power, including by “telling China's story well.” Most research on China's efforts to “tell its story well” through higher education focuses on Australia and the US, while little empirical knowledge exists beyond. This article investigates the party-state's academic engagements, and especially supposed “sharp power” ambitions, in Germany and Kazakhstan as two other important economic partners of China. Through qualitative discourse analysis of primary documents, survey data, and semi-structured interviews, I highlight similarities and differences in China's approach and argue that the party-state focuses its sharp power activities in higher education on liberal democracies rather than autocracies.
{"title":"“Telling China's Story Well” Through Higher Education Along the New Silk Road","authors":"Eva Seiwert","doi":"10.1177/18681026241246012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241246012","url":null,"abstract":"Over recent decades, the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Chinese academics have worked assiduously to increase the competitiveness of their academic institutions. Given the PRC's character as a one-party state, its domestic and international engagements must be understood in the context of the party's ambition of safeguarding and projecting its power, including by “telling China's story well.” Most research on China's efforts to “tell its story well” through higher education focuses on Australia and the US, while little empirical knowledge exists beyond. This article investigates the party-state's academic engagements, and especially supposed “sharp power” ambitions, in Germany and Kazakhstan as two other important economic partners of China. Through qualitative discourse analysis of primary documents, survey data, and semi-structured interviews, I highlight similarities and differences in China's approach and argue that the party-state focuses its sharp power activities in higher education on liberal democracies rather than autocracies.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"151 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140693656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-15DOI: 10.1177/18681026241242489
Elena D. Soboleva
This article addresses a research gap in the studies of international migration discourse in China's mass media. The focus on the Global Times, a Chinese Communist Party-owned commercialised newspaper famous for its nationalist discourse, elucidates how news about this global issue is used to construct China's identity narrative. The empirical part includes the analysis of the data spanning a decade (2012–2022) collected from the Global Times. It is studied with the help of computational text analysis tools, including topic modelling that is used to identify frames in the coverage of international migration. The analysis reveals that the Global Times devotes disproportionate attention to migration-related political, security, and socio-economic problems in the West, reproducing elements of the mainstream discourse in the Western media. Such overrepresentation, coupled with the selective coverage of China's own experience with international migration is used to emphasise the weaknesses of the Other in contrast to the stable Self.
{"title":"International Migration Framing in the Global Times (2012–2022): Constructing Identity Narrative About the Self and the Other","authors":"Elena D. Soboleva","doi":"10.1177/18681026241242489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241242489","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses a research gap in the studies of international migration discourse in China's mass media. The focus on the Global Times, a Chinese Communist Party-owned commercialised newspaper famous for its nationalist discourse, elucidates how news about this global issue is used to construct China's identity narrative. The empirical part includes the analysis of the data spanning a decade (2012–2022) collected from the Global Times. It is studied with the help of computational text analysis tools, including topic modelling that is used to identify frames in the coverage of international migration. The analysis reveals that the Global Times devotes disproportionate attention to migration-related political, security, and socio-economic problems in the West, reproducing elements of the mainstream discourse in the Western media. Such overrepresentation, coupled with the selective coverage of China's own experience with international migration is used to emphasise the weaknesses of the Other in contrast to the stable Self.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"55 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140701347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-07DOI: 10.1177/18681026241240074
Karl Yan, Yin Yang
During the initial outbreak of COVID-19 in China, Chinese netizens engaged in protracted entanglements with the state across major platforms. They called on the Wuhan (武汉, wuhan) government to be accountable for the rapid spread of the pandemic. Interestingly, this same group of netizens had sung praises to the Chinese Communist Party's tune and lauded the extraordinary achievements of the regime before the outbreak of COVID-19, during the seventieth anniversary of the country. In fewer than six months, the national binge spiralled into poignant criticisms. Against this backdrop, this paper investigates two questions: First, why was there a marked shift in opinions towards the state? Second, what discourse did netizens adopt when expressing their discontent? We argue that the shift is indicative of two-way socialisation in the party-state's legitimacy-building process. While netizens have bought into the official narratives of a celebratory event, they hold the state to the same standard when a crisis occurs.
{"title":"Rethinking Two-Way Socialisation: Cultural Governance on Chinese Social Media Platforms","authors":"Karl Yan, Yin Yang","doi":"10.1177/18681026241240074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241240074","url":null,"abstract":"During the initial outbreak of COVID-19 in China, Chinese netizens engaged in protracted entanglements with the state across major platforms. They called on the Wuhan (武汉, wuhan) government to be accountable for the rapid spread of the pandemic. Interestingly, this same group of netizens had sung praises to the Chinese Communist Party's tune and lauded the extraordinary achievements of the regime before the outbreak of COVID-19, during the seventieth anniversary of the country. In fewer than six months, the national binge spiralled into poignant criticisms. Against this backdrop, this paper investigates two questions: First, why was there a marked shift in opinions towards the state? Second, what discourse did netizens adopt when expressing their discontent? We argue that the shift is indicative of two-way socialisation in the party-state's legitimacy-building process. While netizens have bought into the official narratives of a celebratory event, they hold the state to the same standard when a crisis occurs.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"2 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140733076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1177/18681026241241809
Bettina Gransow
At the interface of Chinese diaspora studies, migration studies, and urban studies, this introduction argues for a shift towards city-based migration studies. The city is understood here not as a self-contained social cosmos, but as a globally and socially embedded urban level that opens up a more flexible perspective on the unfolding of migration processes at the micro, meso, and macro levels. It begins with a brief overview of recent trends in Chinese diaspora studies, global migration and urbanisation trends, and debates in critical geography on multi-scale urban theories. Then, it raises the question of the empirical feasibility of such an approach and argues for conceptualising migrants’ agency as a starting point for migration research, rather than pursuing a policy-driven, normative approach. Finally, it presents the five empirical contributions to this Special Issue. They are based on fieldwork in Paris, Berlin, Manchester (UK), Mexico City, Lagos, Gaborone, and Windhoek.
{"title":"Chinese Migrants in Metropolitan Cities Abroad: Reconsidering Agency, Interactions, and Belonging","authors":"Bettina Gransow","doi":"10.1177/18681026241241809","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241241809","url":null,"abstract":"At the interface of Chinese diaspora studies, migration studies, and urban studies, this introduction argues for a shift towards city-based migration studies. The city is understood here not as a self-contained social cosmos, but as a globally and socially embedded urban level that opens up a more flexible perspective on the unfolding of migration processes at the micro, meso, and macro levels. It begins with a brief overview of recent trends in Chinese diaspora studies, global migration and urbanisation trends, and debates in critical geography on multi-scale urban theories. Then, it raises the question of the empirical feasibility of such an approach and argues for conceptualising migrants’ agency as a starting point for migration research, rather than pursuing a policy-driven, normative approach. Finally, it presents the five empirical contributions to this Special Issue. They are based on fieldwork in Paris, Berlin, Manchester (UK), Mexico City, Lagos, Gaborone, and Windhoek.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"128 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140777684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-28DOI: 10.1177/18681026241239976
Haiyan Huang, Lut Lams
National blockbusters, such as My People, My Country (MPMC; 我和我的祖国, wo he wode zuguo), have gained a prominent position in contemporary Chinese nationalist propaganda. Based on a multi-modal discourse analysis approach, this paper will examine how narratives of “my country” and “my people” are affectively constructed through multi-modal resources in the MPMC to shape a unified Chinese national identity while consolidating the Chinese Communist Party's ruling legitimacy in the face of increasingly diverse challenges. Findings show three discursive strategies, involving interrelated affects: (1) selective and pride-based mythmaking of the glorious past; (2) conveying happiness through appropriation of (sub)popular culture; and (3) mobilising nostalgia by invoking cultural memories. To grasp possible effects of these affective strategies, we circulated questionnaires to twenty-five Chinese diasporas. Their answers suggest that, although these strategies evoke nationalist emotions, questions are also raised concerning conflicting interests between the collective and the individual, as well as the potential risks of affective nationalism.
以《我和我的祖国》（My People, My Country，MPMC；wo he wode zuguo）为代表的民族大片在当代中国民族主义宣传中占据了重要地位。本文将基于多模态话语分析方法，研究 "我的国家 "和 "我的人民 "的叙事是如何通过多模态资源在《宪兵部队手册》中进行情感建构，以塑造统一的中国国家认同，同时在面对日益多样化的挑战时巩固中国共产党的执政合法性。研究结果显示了三种涉及相互关联的情感的话语策略：（1）有选择地、以自豪感为基础的辉煌历史神话；（2）通过挪用（亚）流行文化传递幸福感；以及（3）通过唤起文化记忆调动怀旧情绪。为了了解这些情感策略可能产生的影响，我们向二十五位华人华侨发放了调查问卷。他们的回答表明，尽管这些策略唤起了民族主义情绪，但也提出了有关集体与个人之间利益冲突的问题，以及情感民族主义的潜在风险。
{"title":"“Together, We Achieve the China Dream”: Constructing Affective Chinese Nationalities in the Film My People, My Country","authors":"Haiyan Huang, Lut Lams","doi":"10.1177/18681026241239976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241239976","url":null,"abstract":"National blockbusters, such as My People, My Country (MPMC; 我和我的祖国, wo he wode zuguo), have gained a prominent position in contemporary Chinese nationalist propaganda. Based on a multi-modal discourse analysis approach, this paper will examine how narratives of “my country” and “my people” are affectively constructed through multi-modal resources in the MPMC to shape a unified Chinese national identity while consolidating the Chinese Communist Party's ruling legitimacy in the face of increasingly diverse challenges. Findings show three discursive strategies, involving interrelated affects: (1) selective and pride-based mythmaking of the glorious past; (2) conveying happiness through appropriation of (sub)popular culture; and (3) mobilising nostalgia by invoking cultural memories. To grasp possible effects of these affective strategies, we circulated questionnaires to twenty-five Chinese diasporas. Their answers suggest that, although these strategies evoke nationalist emotions, questions are also raised concerning conflicting interests between the collective and the individual, as well as the potential risks of affective nationalism.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"1 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140371866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-04DOI: 10.1177/18681026241232998
M. Thunø, Yiwen Wang
This article investigates the transformative impact of information communication technology on China's extraterritorial governance practices directed at Chinese populations residing overseas. Employing textual analysis on official documents, media reports, and data from qualitative interviews with ethnic Chinese association leaders in Europe, we contend that e-governance and social media platforms, notably Weixin, are instrumental in reshaping transnational space by facilitating enhanced overseas social control. Digital technology enables local Chinese officials to extend domestic security and judicial practices by empowering overseas Chinese association leaders as on-the-ground liaison and information conduits. The implementation of e-government services further amplifies the local party-state's access to, and the collection of data pertaining to Chinese emigrants. Drawing on a case study of Qingtian County in Zhejiang province, we posit that China's diaspora governance needs to be understood in the broader context of China's swiftly evolving digital landscape, where Weixin assumes a pivotal role as a digital infrastructure.
{"title":"China's Smart Diaspora Governance: Extraterritorial Social Control Through Digital Platforms","authors":"M. Thunø, Yiwen Wang","doi":"10.1177/18681026241232998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241232998","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the transformative impact of information communication technology on China's extraterritorial governance practices directed at Chinese populations residing overseas. Employing textual analysis on official documents, media reports, and data from qualitative interviews with ethnic Chinese association leaders in Europe, we contend that e-governance and social media platforms, notably Weixin, are instrumental in reshaping transnational space by facilitating enhanced overseas social control. Digital technology enables local Chinese officials to extend domestic security and judicial practices by empowering overseas Chinese association leaders as on-the-ground liaison and information conduits. The implementation of e-government services further amplifies the local party-state's access to, and the collection of data pertaining to Chinese emigrants. Drawing on a case study of Qingtian County in Zhejiang province, we posit that China's diaspora governance needs to be understood in the broader context of China's swiftly evolving digital landscape, where Weixin assumes a pivotal role as a digital infrastructure.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"154 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140265489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-04DOI: 10.1177/18681026241226984
Lan Jiang Fu
From the beginning of the twenty-first century onwards, China has witnessed a Confucian revival in the business world. Often associated with a revitalisation of cultural tradition among the population, this new trend is characterised by a resurgence of the Confucian merchant (儒商, rushang) model, an ancient term that originally referred to a new type of merchants in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), who were close to literati circles. In parallel with this increasing interest in Confucianism by many economic elites, there has been an integration of certain elements of Confucianism into official political discourse through various moral edification campaigns. Based on an analysis of this new official discourse and the fieldwork we carried out between 2016 and 2020 within three private companies, this article aims to analyse interactions between three elements: Confucianism, party-state power, and business leaders claiming to be “Confucian.”
{"title":"Confucianism, Business Leaders, and Party-State Power in Contemporary China","authors":"Lan Jiang Fu","doi":"10.1177/18681026241226984","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241226984","url":null,"abstract":"From the beginning of the twenty-first century onwards, China has witnessed a Confucian revival in the business world. Often associated with a revitalisation of cultural tradition among the population, this new trend is characterised by a resurgence of the Confucian merchant (儒商, rushang) model, an ancient term that originally referred to a new type of merchants in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), who were close to literati circles. In parallel with this increasing interest in Confucianism by many economic elites, there has been an integration of certain elements of Confucianism into official political discourse through various moral edification campaigns. Based on an analysis of this new official discourse and the fieldwork we carried out between 2016 and 2020 within three private companies, this article aims to analyse interactions between three elements: Confucianism, party-state power, and business leaders claiming to be “Confucian.”","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"3 3-4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139866516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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