Pub Date : 2024-02-04DOI: 10.1177/18681026241226984
Lan Jiang Fu
From the beginning of the twenty-first century onwards, China has witnessed a Confucian revival in the business world. Often associated with a revitalisation of cultural tradition among the population, this new trend is characterised by a resurgence of the Confucian merchant (儒商, rushang) model, an ancient term that originally referred to a new type of merchants in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), who were close to literati circles. In parallel with this increasing interest in Confucianism by many economic elites, there has been an integration of certain elements of Confucianism into official political discourse through various moral edification campaigns. Based on an analysis of this new official discourse and the fieldwork we carried out between 2016 and 2020 within three private companies, this article aims to analyse interactions between three elements: Confucianism, party-state power, and business leaders claiming to be “Confucian.”
{"title":"Confucianism, Business Leaders, and Party-State Power in Contemporary China","authors":"Lan Jiang Fu","doi":"10.1177/18681026241226984","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026241226984","url":null,"abstract":"From the beginning of the twenty-first century onwards, China has witnessed a Confucian revival in the business world. Often associated with a revitalisation of cultural tradition among the population, this new trend is characterised by a resurgence of the Confucian merchant (儒商, rushang) model, an ancient term that originally referred to a new type of merchants in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), who were close to literati circles. In parallel with this increasing interest in Confucianism by many economic elites, there has been an integration of certain elements of Confucianism into official political discourse through various moral edification campaigns. Based on an analysis of this new official discourse and the fieldwork we carried out between 2016 and 2020 within three private companies, this article aims to analyse interactions between three elements: Confucianism, party-state power, and business leaders claiming to be “Confucian.”","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139806586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-05DOI: 10.1177/18681026231220948
Jun Liu
Despite the fruitful insights articulated by existing scholarship on internet censorship in China, the lack of a systematic overview of the field not only hinders reciprocal dialogue across different studies, but also prevents a reflective consideration of directions that could shed further light on the topic. To fill the gap, this study introduces the concept of “categorisation” as the analytical lens to scrutinise and synthesise the extant studies on censorship. It proposed two possible ways of categorising the current development of the topic: one is the macro–meso–micro level of analysis, and the other is about data and metadata. Our discussion addresses three contributions to studying internet censorship in China: the emerging computational methods for exploring censorship deletion practices on the micro level, the relevance of hard-to-observe, organisation-specific factors to understand the operationalisation of censorship, and method triangulation to strengthen the validity and reliability of studies of censorship phenomena.
{"title":"Internet Censorship in China: Looking Through the Lens of Categorisation","authors":"Jun Liu","doi":"10.1177/18681026231220948","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026231220948","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the fruitful insights articulated by existing scholarship on internet censorship in China, the lack of a systematic overview of the field not only hinders reciprocal dialogue across different studies, but also prevents a reflective consideration of directions that could shed further light on the topic. To fill the gap, this study introduces the concept of “categorisation” as the analytical lens to scrutinise and synthesise the extant studies on censorship. It proposed two possible ways of categorising the current development of the topic: one is the macro–meso–micro level of analysis, and the other is about data and metadata. Our discussion addresses three contributions to studying internet censorship in China: the emerging computational methods for exploring censorship deletion practices on the micro level, the relevance of hard-to-observe, organisation-specific factors to understand the operationalisation of censorship, and method triangulation to strengthen the validity and reliability of studies of censorship phenomena.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"44 13","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139382381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-19DOI: 10.1177/18681026231219012
Marco Fumian
This article investigates the trajectory of Chen Guo, a successful moral educator who became an internet celebrity and bestselling author of self-help books thanks to the originality of her teaching methods. The article reveals that Chen Guo's contributions as a state teacher and as a popular cultural producer, rather than being at odds with each other, are to a very large extent unified, as she has managed to create a moralising but depoliticised approach to teaching which encourages personal self-improvement and social awareness by drawing from the principles and practices of self-help literature. Chen Guo's career and work thus offer a unique case to investigate the interactions and the intersections between official and popular culture in contemporary China, in particular, by observing how the current party-state's ideological apparatuses incorporate the creative use of popular cultural forms in their message with the aim of enhancing the efficacy of the official ideological education.
{"title":"The Rise of a “Fudan Goddess”: Cultural Entrepreneurship in China Between Moral Education and Popular Culture","authors":"Marco Fumian","doi":"10.1177/18681026231219012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026231219012","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the trajectory of Chen Guo, a successful moral educator who became an internet celebrity and bestselling author of self-help books thanks to the originality of her teaching methods. The article reveals that Chen Guo's contributions as a state teacher and as a popular cultural producer, rather than being at odds with each other, are to a very large extent unified, as she has managed to create a moralising but depoliticised approach to teaching which encourages personal self-improvement and social awareness by drawing from the principles and practices of self-help literature. Chen Guo's career and work thus offer a unique case to investigate the interactions and the intersections between official and popular culture in contemporary China, in particular, by observing how the current party-state's ideological apparatuses incorporate the creative use of popular cultural forms in their message with the aim of enhancing the efficacy of the official ideological education.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":" December","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138960464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-16DOI: 10.1177/18681026231211354
Christopher B. Primiano, Alma Kudebayeva
China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been a polarising issue throughout the world, with analysts viewing it as either advancing China's desire to remake the world according to its plans, having the potential for, or indeed about, mutual benefit, or too ad-hoc and thus impossible to predict how it will develop. In this article, we present our findings from a survey that we conducted with university students in Almaty, Kazakhstan on views towards BRI. There are two main findings. First, the majority of our participants view BRI as bad for Kazakhstan. Second, one's political views, specifically whether one embraces authoritarian or conservative views (on the one hand) or democratic views (on the other), correlate with the way that person views BRI. In particular, we found that those who espouse authoritarian or conservative views consistently and with statistical significance view the initiative in higher regard than those who embrace democratic political views. To explain this pattern, we draw from social identity theory.
{"title":"A Bumpy Ride for China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Kazakhstan: Findings from a University Survey","authors":"Christopher B. Primiano, Alma Kudebayeva","doi":"10.1177/18681026231211354","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026231211354","url":null,"abstract":"China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been a polarising issue throughout the world, with analysts viewing it as either advancing China's desire to remake the world according to its plans, having the potential for, or indeed about, mutual benefit, or too ad-hoc and thus impossible to predict how it will develop. In this article, we present our findings from a survey that we conducted with university students in Almaty, Kazakhstan on views towards BRI. There are two main findings. First, the majority of our participants view BRI as bad for Kazakhstan. Second, one's political views, specifically whether one embraces authoritarian or conservative views (on the one hand) or democratic views (on the other), correlate with the way that person views BRI. In particular, we found that those who espouse authoritarian or conservative views consistently and with statistical significance view the initiative in higher regard than those who embrace democratic political views. To explain this pattern, we draw from social identity theory.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"17 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139267943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-16DOI: 10.1177/18681026231212493
Ilker Gündoğan
This study examines the Chinese party-state's reactions to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, focusing on its response to the European Union (EU) and its own population during the first six months of the war's outbreak. Drawing on actor-centred institutionalism, it analyses institutional changes and political steering actions by Chinese party-state actors, a perspective that has rarely been applied to China's foreign policy. The “explaining-outcome process tracing” method was applied to reconstruct political processes and interactions between actors based on extensive document and secondary data analysis. Findings reveal that the EU and its partners warned Chinese leaders not to help the Russian government evade sanctions. In this modified institutional setting, the Chinese party-state has responded with “soft” discursive steering towards the EU and, in addition to this “soft” element, with targeted “hard” steering actions towards its own population. While the political steering towards the EU has failed, the steering towards its own population seems to have been partially successful.
{"title":"China's Responses After the Russian War of Aggression Against Ukraine vis-à-vis the European Union and Its Own Population","authors":"Ilker Gündoğan","doi":"10.1177/18681026231212493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026231212493","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the Chinese party-state's reactions to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, focusing on its response to the European Union (EU) and its own population during the first six months of the war's outbreak. Drawing on actor-centred institutionalism, it analyses institutional changes and political steering actions by Chinese party-state actors, a perspective that has rarely been applied to China's foreign policy. The “explaining-outcome process tracing” method was applied to reconstruct political processes and interactions between actors based on extensive document and secondary data analysis. Findings reveal that the EU and its partners warned Chinese leaders not to help the Russian government evade sanctions. In this modified institutional setting, the Chinese party-state has responded with “soft” discursive steering towards the EU and, in addition to this “soft” element, with targeted “hard” steering actions towards its own population. While the political steering towards the EU has failed, the steering towards its own population seems to have been partially successful.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"32 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139267397","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1177/18681026231206408
Yi Zheng, Stephanie Hemelryk Donald
This article examines centenarian memoirs as a popular cultural phenomenon and through it the promises of post-reform vernacular history. The argument posits that these memoirs are a genre that has been commercially successful through their transformation of self and historical narratives in the People’s Republic of China, in particular, the transformation of these memoirs from vestiges of state-cultivated intellectual confessions to vernacular cultural memories in the popular print market. Focusing on celebrated centenary memoir writers centring on Yang Jiang, the study develops Chen Sihe's conception of the vernacular, emphasising its shifting intersection with the political–institutional and the intellectual elite. The popular historiography emerging from these trans-generational memory “fevers” reveals vanishing modern Chinese intellectual values percolating through the vernacular ethos in the cultural industries of the early twenty-first century. The vernacular has been the post-reform locus for contesting and retaining critical intellectual traditions.
{"title":"Centenarian Memoirs and Vernacular History","authors":"Yi Zheng, Stephanie Hemelryk Donald","doi":"10.1177/18681026231206408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026231206408","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines centenarian memoirs as a popular cultural phenomenon and through it the promises of post-reform vernacular history. The argument posits that these memoirs are a genre that has been commercially successful through their transformation of self and historical narratives in the People’s Republic of China, in particular, the transformation of these memoirs from vestiges of state-cultivated intellectual confessions to vernacular cultural memories in the popular print market. Focusing on celebrated centenary memoir writers centring on Yang Jiang, the study develops Chen Sihe's conception of the vernacular, emphasising its shifting intersection with the political–institutional and the intellectual elite. The popular historiography emerging from these trans-generational memory “fevers” reveals vanishing modern Chinese intellectual values percolating through the vernacular ethos in the cultural industries of the early twenty-first century. The vernacular has been the post-reform locus for contesting and retaining critical intellectual traditions.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"14 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135322025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-11DOI: 10.1177/18681026231205920
Yang Liu, Kinglun Ngok
While slogans have been an indispensable propaganda and mobilisation tool in Chinese political life for a long time now, the unprecedented pressure brought by the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) epidemic made them take on a totally new appearance. What, then, do these slogans look like? How do they work? By conducting a rhetorical analysis of 228 anti-COVID-19 slogans used by grassroots governments in China, this study further finds multiple persuasion strategies embedded in them. On the one hand, at the grassroots level eye-catching language and expressions are used to attract public attention, linking individuals’ behaviour to the interests of their families, as well as those of society and the country as a whole. On the other hand, those who violate government policies are negatively portrayed through a series of authoritative discourses. Behind these persuasion strategies lies a political pragmatism with regard to crisis response, attempting therewith to demonstrate and expand the legitimacy of the party-state. However, some slogans also contradict the Communist Party of China's advocacy of modernising the country's governance system and capacity, even though they may have been useful in slowing down or containing the spread of COVID-19.
{"title":"Slogans, Pragmatism, and Crisis Response at the Grassroots Level: An Analysis of Anti-Coronavirus Disease 2019 (Anti-COVID-19) Slogans in China","authors":"Yang Liu, Kinglun Ngok","doi":"10.1177/18681026231205920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026231205920","url":null,"abstract":"While slogans have been an indispensable propaganda and mobilisation tool in Chinese political life for a long time now, the unprecedented pressure brought by the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) epidemic made them take on a totally new appearance. What, then, do these slogans look like? How do they work? By conducting a rhetorical analysis of 228 anti-COVID-19 slogans used by grassroots governments in China, this study further finds multiple persuasion strategies embedded in them. On the one hand, at the grassroots level eye-catching language and expressions are used to attract public attention, linking individuals’ behaviour to the interests of their families, as well as those of society and the country as a whole. On the other hand, those who violate government policies are negatively portrayed through a series of authoritative discourses. Behind these persuasion strategies lies a political pragmatism with regard to crisis response, attempting therewith to demonstrate and expand the legitimacy of the party-state. However, some slogans also contradict the Communist Party of China's advocacy of modernising the country's governance system and capacity, even though they may have been useful in slowing down or containing the spread of COVID-19.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136213611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1177/18681026231194078
Aurore Merle
Based on a social action research, this article discusses the collective action taken by inhabitants of Chinese and South-East Asian origin in a north-eastern suburb of Paris: targeted by violent attacks, these residents occupied the public space at the base of their residences and demanded the intervention of public authorities. In recounting the different steps of the mobilisation, this article demonstrates how an ethnocentric dynamic was created around security issues and how an ethno-spatial minority was formed within the neighbourhood and the city. It also shows in what conditions this ethno-security action transforms itself into an associative and citizen commitment within the neighbourhood and the city and modifies the perceptions of the actors, their capacity for action and their relations with the neighbourhood and with politics. At the intersection of several fields of research, including the sociology of migration, urban sociology and political sociology, the article shows how ordinary inhabitants of Chinese and South-East Asian origin participate in their neighbourhood's local civic life.
{"title":"Mobilising Against Insecurity, Engaging in Local Civic Life: The Collective Action of Chinese and South-East Asian Inhabitants in a Paris Suburb","authors":"Aurore Merle","doi":"10.1177/18681026231194078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026231194078","url":null,"abstract":"Based on a social action research, this article discusses the collective action taken by inhabitants of Chinese and South-East Asian origin in a north-eastern suburb of Paris: targeted by violent attacks, these residents occupied the public space at the base of their residences and demanded the intervention of public authorities. In recounting the different steps of the mobilisation, this article demonstrates how an ethnocentric dynamic was created around security issues and how an ethno-spatial minority was formed within the neighbourhood and the city. It also shows in what conditions this ethno-security action transforms itself into an associative and citizen commitment within the neighbourhood and the city and modifies the perceptions of the actors, their capacity for action and their relations with the neighbourhood and with politics. At the intersection of several fields of research, including the sociology of migration, urban sociology and political sociology, the article shows how ordinary inhabitants of Chinese and South-East Asian origin participate in their neighbourhood's local civic life.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135538564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-12DOI: 10.1177/18681026231188450
Varadurga Bhat, Malini L. Tantri
The pollution haven hypothesis is studied from a bilateral trade perspective in this study, taking the reference of two Asian giants, namely, India and China. For this purpose, trade in pollution-intensive industries is analysed using data collected from the United Nations Comtrade dataset based on Standard Industrial Trade Classification codes for 1992–2019. The analysis helps us argue that between the two, China's demand is more pollution-intensive and India is the major supplier of pollution-intensive products. From an environmental perspective, this implies that China seems to be gaining from trade, and India is becoming a pollution haven in its trade with China.
{"title":"Pollution Haven Hypothesis and the Bilateral Trade Between India and China","authors":"Varadurga Bhat, Malini L. Tantri","doi":"10.1177/18681026231188450","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026231188450","url":null,"abstract":"The pollution haven hypothesis is studied from a bilateral trade perspective in this study, taking the reference of two Asian giants, namely, India and China. For this purpose, trade in pollution-intensive industries is analysed using data collected from the United Nations Comtrade dataset based on Standard Industrial Trade Classification codes for 1992–2019. The analysis helps us argue that between the two, China's demand is more pollution-intensive and India is the major supplier of pollution-intensive products. From an environmental perspective, this implies that China seems to be gaining from trade, and India is becoming a pollution haven in its trade with China.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135884208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1177/18681026231188140
Kjeld van Wieringen, Tim Zajontz
Waning debt sustainability has challenged the debt-financed, infrastructure-led global expansion of Chinese capital. This article traces the gradual shift in the financial governance of the Belt and Road Initiative towards public–private partnerships (PPPs). We first document China's domestic PPP experience and its failure to check the unsustainable indebtedness of sub-national governments. We then conceptualise China's “turn” towards PPPs in Africa as an attempt at “metagoverning” its current growth model. Analysing official Chinese sources, we discern dominant Chinese narratives that present PPPs as panaceas for African debt problems. However, Chinese risk perceptions and empirical examples, such as the Nairobi Expressway, the Tanzania–Zambia Railway, and the Congolese Kolwezi–Kasumbalesa toll road, reveal that China's experimentation with PPPs in Africa engenders new challenges, including popular contestation, controversies over financial terms and corruption. Furthermore, contrary to the official Chinese narrative, profit imperatives behind PPP investments and potential financial complications that were widespread in China's domestic PPP experience risk adding to the financial burdens of African governments and populations.
{"title":"From Loan-Financed to Privatised Infrastructure? Tracing China's Turn Towards Public–Private Partnerships in Africa","authors":"Kjeld van Wieringen, Tim Zajontz","doi":"10.1177/18681026231188140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026231188140","url":null,"abstract":"Waning debt sustainability has challenged the debt-financed, infrastructure-led global expansion of Chinese capital. This article traces the gradual shift in the financial governance of the Belt and Road Initiative towards public–private partnerships (PPPs). We first document China's domestic PPP experience and its failure to check the unsustainable indebtedness of sub-national governments. We then conceptualise China's “turn” towards PPPs in Africa as an attempt at “metagoverning” its current growth model. Analysing official Chinese sources, we discern dominant Chinese narratives that present PPPs as panaceas for African debt problems. However, Chinese risk perceptions and empirical examples, such as the Nairobi Expressway, the Tanzania–Zambia Railway, and the Congolese Kolwezi–Kasumbalesa toll road, reveal that China's experimentation with PPPs in Africa engenders new challenges, including popular contestation, controversies over financial terms and corruption. Furthermore, contrary to the official Chinese narrative, profit imperatives behind PPP investments and potential financial complications that were widespread in China's domestic PPP experience risk adding to the financial burdens of African governments and populations.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135981038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：