Pub Date : 2022-06-30DOI: 10.1177/18681026221103280
Gengsong Gao
This article challenges the existing scholarship’s characterisation of Chinese liberal intellectuals as Trumpian intellectuals. By conducting a close reading of Chinese academic publications, lectures and opinions aired on social media, this article finds that besides Trump’s Chinese liberal fans, many leading Chinese liberal intellectuals harshly criticised Trump. However, they do not align themselves with American liberals in making all-out partisan criticisms of Trump and American right-wing politics. Instead, their criticisms are mostly centrist. This article argues that Chinese liberal intellectuals’ centrist criticisms of Trump reflect their Confucian, egalitarian and moderate nationalist sympathies, dimensions of their thoughts which have been ignored by existing scholarship regarding them. By exploring Chinese centrist liberal critics of Trump, this article brings to light the ideological heterogeneity within the Chinese liberal camp previously lumped together under the umbrella of “anti-authoritarianism.”
{"title":"Chinese Centrist Liberal Critics of Trump: A Reconsideration of Contemporary Chinese Liberalism","authors":"Gengsong Gao","doi":"10.1177/18681026221103280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221103280","url":null,"abstract":"This article challenges the existing scholarship’s characterisation of Chinese liberal intellectuals as Trumpian intellectuals. By conducting a close reading of Chinese academic publications, lectures and opinions aired on social media, this article finds that besides Trump’s Chinese liberal fans, many leading Chinese liberal intellectuals harshly criticised Trump. However, they do not align themselves with American liberals in making all-out partisan criticisms of Trump and American right-wing politics. Instead, their criticisms are mostly centrist. This article argues that Chinese liberal intellectuals’ centrist criticisms of Trump reflect their Confucian, egalitarian and moderate nationalist sympathies, dimensions of their thoughts which have been ignored by existing scholarship regarding them. By exploring Chinese centrist liberal critics of Trump, this article brings to light the ideological heterogeneity within the Chinese liberal camp previously lumped together under the umbrella of “anti-authoritarianism.”","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"226 1","pages":"25 - 49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84704500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-12DOI: 10.1177/18681026221105525
I. Jackson, Siyi Du
History textbooks are the only history books that the majority of people read in their lives. This article investigates the impact of history textbooks on young Chinese people's understanding of their nation's modern history, as revealed on the popular microblogging site Sina Weibo. We analysed posts related to history textbooks and their representations of three contentious turning points in the communist historical narrative: the May Fourth Movement of 1919, the nationalist assault on the communists in 1927, and the Yan’an Rectification Movement of 1942. Widespread engagement with and recollection of history textbook content indicates a substantial impact of these textbooks on people's understanding of the past and a willingness to relate that past to the present. Responses to textbooks vary widely, from acceptance of the textbook narrative and the expression of strong patriotic and emotional connections to the past as presented in textbooks to open and angry critique.
{"title":"The Impact of History Textbooks on Young Chinese People's Understanding of the Past: A Social Media Analysis","authors":"I. Jackson, Siyi Du","doi":"10.1177/18681026221105525","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221105525","url":null,"abstract":"History textbooks are the only history books that the majority of people read in their lives. This article investigates the impact of history textbooks on young Chinese people's understanding of their nation's modern history, as revealed on the popular microblogging site Sina Weibo. We analysed posts related to history textbooks and their representations of three contentious turning points in the communist historical narrative: the May Fourth Movement of 1919, the nationalist assault on the communists in 1927, and the Yan’an Rectification Movement of 1942. Widespread engagement with and recollection of history textbook content indicates a substantial impact of these textbooks on people's understanding of the past and a willingness to relate that past to the present. Responses to textbooks vary widely, from acceptance of the textbook narrative and the expression of strong patriotic and emotional connections to the past as presented in textbooks to open and angry critique.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"171 1","pages":"194 - 218"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77151561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-12DOI: 10.1177/18681026221104130
Maximilian Ernst, Cesare M. Scartozzi, Ceinwen Thomas, Yigong Wang
This paper examines China's international communication strategy during the initial phase of the global COVID-19 pandemic. In the spring of 2020, Western governments and media began criticising the systematic lack of transparency and accountability in the Chinese political system in relation to the failed containment of the Wuhan outbreak. Facing an unprecedented reputational crisis, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) mobilised its foreign-language media in an attempt to influence the international discourse on COVID-19. Surveying the English and Chinese editions of the People's Daily, this study identifies CCP discourses aimed at foreign audiences and traces their evolution during the early stages of the pandemic. Overall, the study provides a comprehensive map of Chinese narratives on COVID-19 and generates fresh insights into CCP crisis communication.
{"title":"Chinese Crisis Communication in the Early Stage of the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Discourse Analysis of People's Daily News Articles in Response to Threatening International News Coverage","authors":"Maximilian Ernst, Cesare M. Scartozzi, Ceinwen Thomas, Yigong Wang","doi":"10.1177/18681026221104130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221104130","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines China's international communication strategy during the initial phase of the global COVID-19 pandemic. In the spring of 2020, Western governments and media began criticising the systematic lack of transparency and accountability in the Chinese political system in relation to the failed containment of the Wuhan outbreak. Facing an unprecedented reputational crisis, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) mobilised its foreign-language media in an attempt to influence the international discourse on COVID-19. Surveying the English and Chinese editions of the People's Daily, this study identifies CCP discourses aimed at foreign audiences and traces their evolution during the early stages of the pandemic. Overall, the study provides a comprehensive map of Chinese narratives on COVID-19 and generates fresh insights into CCP crisis communication.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"53 1","pages":"169 - 193"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74595728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-29DOI: 10.1177/18681026221100564
Jingnan Liu
This article provides empirical evidence to show how the general secretaries of the Chinese Communist Party dominated provincial personnel through their factional ties. Based on panel data from 1993 to 2017, this study finds that the provincial leaders’ personal connections with the incumbent party head significantly increased their promotion chances. The positive effect of the incumbent party heads on promotion did not depend on provincial leaders’ economic performance and seniority. This study further uncovers that working experiences in the prefectural leading positions strongly increased the likelihood of promotion. However, connections with other important top leaders did not have similar effects. These findings challenge the traditional wisdom on the collective leadership and indicate the dominance of the Chinese Communist Party's heads for provincial personnel arrangements.
{"title":"Selection of China's Top Leadership Cadre: The Roles of Supreme Leaders, Factional Networks, and Candidate Attributes","authors":"Jingnan Liu","doi":"10.1177/18681026221100564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221100564","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides empirical evidence to show how the general secretaries of the Chinese Communist Party dominated provincial personnel through their factional ties. Based on panel data from 1993 to 2017, this study finds that the provincial leaders’ personal connections with the incumbent party head significantly increased their promotion chances. The positive effect of the incumbent party heads on promotion did not depend on provincial leaders’ economic performance and seniority. This study further uncovers that working experiences in the prefectural leading positions strongly increased the likelihood of promotion. However, connections with other important top leaders did not have similar effects. These findings challenge the traditional wisdom on the collective leadership and indicate the dominance of the Chinese Communist Party's heads for provincial personnel arrangements.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"3 1","pages":"219 - 240"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77000490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-15DOI: 10.1177/18681026221094054
R. Nakano
Since Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013, China has increasingly engaged in UNESCO’s Silk Roads project. China’s emphasis on its western routes signals its strategic interest in the reconstruction of its historical connections that matches China’s global networking in Eurasia, the Middle East, and Europe. However, whether China will successfully reformulate the international visions of the past, present, and future for its benefit remains an open question. This article focuses on the responses from Japan and South Korea, both of which hold critical positions as the owners of eastern Silk Roads heritage and the funders of UNESCO’s Silk Roads heritage studies and World Heritage nomination assistance. Extending the conceptual framework of memory infrastructure to the study of heritage politics and diplomacy highlights the competitive aspect of a transnational heritage project in shaping and reshaping historical and contemporary geographical landscapes.
{"title":"A Geocultural Power Competition in UNESCO’s Silk Roads Project: China’s Initiatives and the Responses From Japan and South Korea","authors":"R. Nakano","doi":"10.1177/18681026221094054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221094054","url":null,"abstract":"Since Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013, China has increasingly engaged in UNESCO’s Silk Roads project. China’s emphasis on its western routes signals its strategic interest in the reconstruction of its historical connections that matches China’s global networking in Eurasia, the Middle East, and Europe. However, whether China will successfully reformulate the international visions of the past, present, and future for its benefit remains an open question. This article focuses on the responses from Japan and South Korea, both of which hold critical positions as the owners of eastern Silk Roads heritage and the funders of UNESCO’s Silk Roads heritage studies and World Heritage nomination assistance. Extending the conceptual framework of memory infrastructure to the study of heritage politics and diplomacy highlights the competitive aspect of a transnational heritage project in shaping and reshaping historical and contemporary geographical landscapes.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"409 1","pages":"185 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76468326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-03DOI: 10.1177/18681026221079834
L. Momesso
Migrant political participation is a central challenge to many Western democracies. This article, by building on the case of marriage migrants’ political participation in Taiwan, offers food for thought on East Asia, a region of the world that has been neglected in most academic debates on this theme. Applying “flat ontology” and drawing from a mixed methodology, involving content analysis of press releases published on political party websites and in-depth interviews with marriage migrants, this article offers a timely account of how migrant political integration and participation is a complex process. It depends not only on broader political opportunities, social, legal, cultural factors shaping political integration processes and individual political values, but also on the specificity of migrants’ identities and subjectivities, including gender, perception of security, a migrant's family background, their parental status, life stage, and their perception of self in society.
{"title":"“I Vote so I am”: Marriage Migrants’ Political Participation in Taiwan","authors":"L. Momesso","doi":"10.1177/18681026221079834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221079834","url":null,"abstract":"Migrant political participation is a central challenge to many Western democracies. This article, by building on the case of marriage migrants’ political participation in Taiwan, offers food for thought on East Asia, a region of the world that has been neglected in most academic debates on this theme. Applying “flat ontology” and drawing from a mixed methodology, involving content analysis of press releases published on political party websites and in-depth interviews with marriage migrants, this article offers a timely account of how migrant political integration and participation is a complex process. It depends not only on broader political opportunities, social, legal, cultural factors shaping political integration processes and individual political values, but also on the specificity of migrants’ identities and subjectivities, including gender, perception of security, a migrant's family background, their parental status, life stage, and their perception of self in society.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"18 1","pages":"241 - 264"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75190218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-27DOI: 10.1177/18681026221090315
Zeno Leoni
This analysis contributes to a fast-growing body of literature on Sino-Western relations and the tension between economic and security interests. It takes Britain's China policy as a case study considering the Integrated Review 2021. It argues that London's stance towards Beijing has shifted – officially – from the so-called “golden era” to a complex phase of diplomatic–military tensions and scrutinised economic relations, principally because of US pressure. However, this shift de facto has not had a structural impact on the economic side of the relationship between London and Beijing. The article reaches this conclusion by framing its narrative through the lens of the economy-security conundrum at the heart of the Liberal International Order and through the lens of the New Cold War between the US and China. These two factors are crucial for understanding the change between Britain's China policy pre- and post-2016.
{"title":"The End of the “Golden Era”? The Conundrum of Britain's China Policy Amidst Sino-American Relations","authors":"Zeno Leoni","doi":"10.1177/18681026221090315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221090315","url":null,"abstract":"This analysis contributes to a fast-growing body of literature on Sino-Western relations and the tension between economic and security interests. It takes Britain's China policy as a case study considering the Integrated Review 2021. It argues that London's stance towards Beijing has shifted – officially – from the so-called “golden era” to a complex phase of diplomatic–military tensions and scrutinised economic relations, principally because of US pressure. However, this shift de facto has not had a structural impact on the economic side of the relationship between London and Beijing. The article reaches this conclusion by framing its narrative through the lens of the economy-security conundrum at the heart of the Liberal International Order and through the lens of the New Cold War between the US and China. These two factors are crucial for understanding the change between Britain's China policy pre- and post-2016.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"114 1","pages":"313 - 326"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77625250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1177/18681026221098770
Juan Carlos Gachúz Maya, Francisco Urdínez
The Bretton Woods institutions have failed to accommodate a rising China, and many authors describe this moment as a crisis of the liberal order, which China is intentionally contesting. The World Trade Organization was incapable of offering a solution to the trade war, and more recently, the World Health Organization was incapable of reducing – and rather partly contributed to – tensions between the US and China in the management of COVID-19 crisis. This Special Issue is made up of six manuscripts that address the most sensitive issues of the China–Latin American relationship amid the challenges of the growing dispute with the United States. The manuscripts assess the four main concerns that are shaping the agenda in China–Latin American relations in times of increasing geopolitical and geoeconomic competition between the United States and China: the Belt and Road Initiative, the One-China policy, the trade war, and the COVID-19 crisis.
布雷顿森林体系未能适应一个崛起的中国，许多作者将这一时刻描述为自由秩序的危机，而中国正在有意挑战自由秩序。世界贸易组织(wto)无法为贸易战提供解决方案，最近，世界卫生组织(World Health Organization)也无法缓解——甚至部分加剧了——中美在应对新冠肺炎危机方面的紧张关系。本期特刊由六篇稿件组成，讨论中拉关系中最敏感的问题，以及中拉与美国日益加剧的争端所带来的挑战。这些手稿评估了在中美地缘政治和地缘经济竞争日益加剧之际，影响中拉关系议程的四个主要问题:“一带一路”倡议、一个中国政策、贸易战和COVID-19危机。
{"title":"Geopolitics and Geoeconomics in the China–Latin American Relations in the Context of the US–China Trade War and the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Juan Carlos Gachúz Maya, Francisco Urdínez","doi":"10.1177/18681026221098770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221098770","url":null,"abstract":"The Bretton Woods institutions have failed to accommodate a rising China, and many authors describe this moment as a crisis of the liberal order, which China is intentionally contesting. The World Trade Organization was incapable of offering a solution to the trade war, and more recently, the World Health Organization was incapable of reducing – and rather partly contributed to – tensions between the US and China in the management of COVID-19 crisis. This Special Issue is made up of six manuscripts that address the most sensitive issues of the China–Latin American relationship amid the challenges of the growing dispute with the United States. The manuscripts assess the four main concerns that are shaping the agenda in China–Latin American relations in times of increasing geopolitical and geoeconomic competition between the United States and China: the Belt and Road Initiative, the One-China policy, the trade war, and the COVID-19 crisis.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"31 1","pages":"3 - 12"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86750387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1177/18681026221094852
Tatiana Gélvez Rubio, Juliana González Jáuregui
China began to accelerate the energy transition in the last decade as a strategy for rebalancing its economy and becoming a more influential actor in the global renewable energy market. This article explores to what extent Chinese investment and financing in renewable energy projects in Argentina and Brazil promote these countries' energy transition strategies and sustainable development more broadly. To approach this question, the article provides a reading of Ostrom’s postulates of the energy transition as an increasingly relevant driver of certain states’ relationships with other countries. General trajectories of Chinese investment and lending in Latin America provide a background to Chinese investment in solar and wind power projects in Argentina and Brazil. The article concludes that China’s overseas finance merges with Argentina and Brazil’s own goals regarding renewable energy deployment and discusses future challenges in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and its aftermath.
{"title":"Chinese Overseas Finance in Renewable Energy in Argentina and Brazil: Implications for the Energy Transition","authors":"Tatiana Gélvez Rubio, Juliana González Jáuregui","doi":"10.1177/18681026221094852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221094852","url":null,"abstract":"China began to accelerate the energy transition in the last decade as a strategy for rebalancing its economy and becoming a more influential actor in the global renewable energy market. This article explores to what extent Chinese investment and financing in renewable energy projects in Argentina and Brazil promote these countries' energy transition strategies and sustainable development more broadly. To approach this question, the article provides a reading of Ostrom’s postulates of the energy transition as an increasingly relevant driver of certain states’ relationships with other countries. General trajectories of Chinese investment and lending in Latin America provide a background to Chinese investment in solar and wind power projects in Argentina and Brazil. The article concludes that China’s overseas finance merges with Argentina and Brazil’s own goals regarding renewable energy deployment and discusses future challenges in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and its aftermath.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"25 1","pages":"137 - 164"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81952342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1177/18681026211020763
Diego Telias, Francisco Urdinez
This study investigates a novel dataset comprised of a universe of 537 donations in 33 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, between 11 February and 20 June 2020, which provides a high level of detail on China's and Taiwan's mask diplomacy. We describe who the main donors were, who the main recipients were, what was donated to each country, and which variables explain why some countries received more aid than others. Drawing on previous literature, the article advances understanding about the political determinants of these donations. Our findings revealed that, although seemingly uncoordinated, donations made by China's central government, Chinese companies, cities, and foundations were strongly affected by two political determinants, namely the recipient's partnership status with China and the One China Policy. Furthermore, aid provided by China's Central Government was larger in autocracies than in democracies.
{"title":"China's Foreign Aid Political Drivers: Lessons from a Novel Dataset of Mask Diplomacy in Latin America during the COVID-19 Pandemic.","authors":"Diego Telias, Francisco Urdinez","doi":"10.1177/18681026211020763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026211020763","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This study investigates a novel dataset comprised of a universe of 537 donations in 33 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, between 11 February and 20 June 2020, which provides a high level of detail on China's and Taiwan's mask diplomacy. We describe who the main donors were, who the main recipients were, what was donated to each country, and which variables explain why some countries received more aid than others. Drawing on previous literature, the article advances understanding about the political determinants of these donations. Our findings revealed that, although seemingly uncoordinated, donations made by China's central government, Chinese companies, cities, and foundations were strongly affected by two political determinants, namely the recipient's partnership status with China and the One China Policy. Furthermore, aid provided by China's Central Government was larger in autocracies than in democracies.</p>","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"51 1","pages":"108-136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9264378/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"40587951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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