Pub Date : 2023-01-11DOI: 10.1177/18681026221131825
Sandra Gilgan
In the first decade of the twenty-first century, traditional Confucian education re-emerged in China in the context of so-called study halls and academies. The goal of the parents, teachers, and headmasters associated with them is to cultivate modern virtuous persons through an approach called “classics-reading education.” Even though they allude to deep historical roots, these contemporary facilities are novel (re)creations, developed in response to current needs. This article examines the classics-reading movement under the theoretical lens of infrastructures of memory to illustrate the roles of memory and the perception of the past in the current making of “traditional” education and educational sites. Memories of and references to the past inform people's visions of a better future that is to be achieved through their tradition-related educational practices. Making a connection with the past through memory aims at stability in the face of future uncertainty.
{"title":"History, Memory, and Place in the Popular Revival of Confucian Educational Traditions","authors":"Sandra Gilgan","doi":"10.1177/18681026221131825","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221131825","url":null,"abstract":"In the first decade of the twenty-first century, traditional Confucian education re-emerged in China in the context of so-called study halls and academies. The goal of the parents, teachers, and headmasters associated with them is to cultivate modern virtuous persons through an approach called “classics-reading education.” Even though they allude to deep historical roots, these contemporary facilities are novel (re)creations, developed in response to current needs. This article examines the classics-reading movement under the theoretical lens of infrastructures of memory to illustrate the roles of memory and the perception of the past in the current making of “traditional” education and educational sites. Memories of and references to the past inform people's visions of a better future that is to be achieved through their tradition-related educational practices. Making a connection with the past through memory aims at stability in the face of future uncertainty.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"71 1","pages":"207 - 229"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73141090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-08DOI: 10.1177/18681026221145406
K. Manning
Hong Kong's distinct system, as a Special Administrative Region within the People's Republic of China, makes it an interesting case when examining the notion of citizenship, and how it shapes and is shaped by the education system. This article examines the existing literature at this important point in the territory's development. This review contains important lessons not only for the study of citizenship in Hong Kong, but also for how regional identity and citizenship can be shaped by the historical, social, and political forces. Finally, this article will present some of the gaps, which have been identified by scholars in the field.
{"title":"Citizenship and Education in Hong Kong: A Review of Contemporary Academic Literature","authors":"K. Manning","doi":"10.1177/18681026221145406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221145406","url":null,"abstract":"Hong Kong's distinct system, as a Special Administrative Region within the People's Republic of China, makes it an interesting case when examining the notion of citizenship, and how it shapes and is shaped by the education system. This article examines the existing literature at this important point in the territory's development. This review contains important lessons not only for the study of citizenship in Hong Kong, but also for how regional identity and citizenship can be shaped by the historical, social, and political forces. Finally, this article will present some of the gaps, which have been identified by scholars in the field.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86839137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-08DOI: 10.1177/18681026221139499
Yixian Sun, Bo Yu
In the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, China provided medical assistance on an unprecedented scale. While some observers have underscored the strategic purposes of China's COVID-19 aid, referred to as “mask diplomacy,” they have yet to assess this argument against empirical evidence. We seek to examine whether China's medical aid was used as a strategic tool, or it remained reactionary and fragmented, by combining a new dataset on the global distribution of Chinese in-kind medical aid with a qualitative analysis of government and news reports during the first wave of the pandemic. Our findings show that although COVID-19 aid did have the potential to strengthen China's influence over recipients and promote Chinese knowledge of health governance, Chinese policymakers were underprepared to use aid strategically during the pandemic. The reactionary and fragmented nature of China's COVID-19 aid was reflected in its allocation, its policy-making processes, and its implementation.
{"title":"Mask Diplomacy? Understanding China's Goals in Delivering Medical Aid in the First Wave of the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Yixian Sun, Bo Yu","doi":"10.1177/18681026221139499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221139499","url":null,"abstract":"In the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, China provided medical assistance on an unprecedented scale. While some observers have underscored the strategic purposes of China's COVID-19 aid, referred to as “mask diplomacy,” they have yet to assess this argument against empirical evidence. We seek to examine whether China's medical aid was used as a strategic tool, or it remained reactionary and fragmented, by combining a new dataset on the global distribution of Chinese in-kind medical aid with a qualitative analysis of government and news reports during the first wave of the pandemic. Our findings show that although COVID-19 aid did have the potential to strengthen China's influence over recipients and promote Chinese knowledge of health governance, Chinese policymakers were underprepared to use aid strategically during the pandemic. The reactionary and fragmented nature of China's COVID-19 aid was reflected in its allocation, its policy-making processes, and its implementation.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87635902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-08DOI: 10.1177/18681026221145393
Wanfa Zhang, Sugumaran Narayanan, Feng-Ying Sun
Since the suppression of the student movement in 1989, there has not been any anti-regime or pro-democracy student movement for over three decades in China. What does this suggest? Apart from the known strengthened campus control by the authority which might have forestalled it to some extent, are there alternative reasons? Has the government drawn lessons from the past and since improved its governance, thus effectively enervated student motives to challenge the government? In order to demystify what is behind, the researchers conducted an extensive survey at over thirty-five universities across China from 2015 through 2018. Through analysing the 1,859 valid responses received, the study found that current college students give a high approval rating to the status quo of the country, and they also hold strong optimism for the future. This result may indicate that there is no strong incentive for them, like the generation of the students in the 1980s, to push forward any dramatic political, economic and social changes. The West may need to take this prospect into consideration in their interactions with China, which may enjoy a long period of relative stability without political challenges from college students in the foreseeable future.
{"title":"Why There Has Been No Anti-Regime Movement on College Campus in China for Three Decades? A Survey Study at Thirty-Five Universities (2015–2018) and Its Implications","authors":"Wanfa Zhang, Sugumaran Narayanan, Feng-Ying Sun","doi":"10.1177/18681026221145393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221145393","url":null,"abstract":"Since the suppression of the student movement in 1989, there has not been any anti-regime or pro-democracy student movement for over three decades in China. What does this suggest? Apart from the known strengthened campus control by the authority which might have forestalled it to some extent, are there alternative reasons? Has the government drawn lessons from the past and since improved its governance, thus effectively enervated student motives to challenge the government? In order to demystify what is behind, the researchers conducted an extensive survey at over thirty-five universities across China from 2015 through 2018. Through analysing the 1,859 valid responses received, the study found that current college students give a high approval rating to the status quo of the country, and they also hold strong optimism for the future. This result may indicate that there is no strong incentive for them, like the generation of the students in the 1980s, to push forward any dramatic political, economic and social changes. The West may need to take this prospect into consideration in their interactions with China, which may enjoy a long period of relative stability without political challenges from college students in the foreseeable future.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"89 - 118"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77696724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-05DOI: 10.1177/18681026221145950
Christina Maags
The past is continuously reinterpreted to serve the interests of the present. Over the last two centuries of turbulent Chinese history, the past has been redefined through narratives and categorisations. How does the party-state manage the diversity and complexity of China's past, and what implications does this have for state–society relations in China? Based on a case study of China's adoption of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention, this article argues that the Chinese party-state creates “infrastructures of memory,” which enable it to actively manage China's diverse past through selective institutionalisation. This process creates a “cognitive map” of tangible and rationalised relations and boundaries between vernacular memories as interpreted by the state. Although this map is to shape and direct Chinese collective memory and identity, it also sparks contestation among members of the populace who seek to preserve vernacular and multiple memories of their socio-cultural past.
{"title":"State Institutions as Building Blocks of China's Infrastructures of Memory – The Case of Intangible Heritage","authors":"Christina Maags","doi":"10.1177/18681026221145950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221145950","url":null,"abstract":"The past is continuously reinterpreted to serve the interests of the present. Over the last two centuries of turbulent Chinese history, the past has been redefined through narratives and categorisations. How does the party-state manage the diversity and complexity of China's past, and what implications does this have for state–society relations in China? Based on a case study of China's adoption of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention, this article argues that the Chinese party-state creates “infrastructures of memory,” which enable it to actively manage China's diverse past through selective institutionalisation. This process creates a “cognitive map” of tangible and rationalised relations and boundaries between vernacular memories as interpreted by the state. Although this map is to shape and direct Chinese collective memory and identity, it also sparks contestation among members of the populace who seek to preserve vernacular and multiple memories of their socio-cultural past.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"163 - 184"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88588292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-05DOI: 10.1177/18681026221139301
Adam Y. Liu, Xiaojun Li, Songying Fang
Recent public opinion polls conducted in Europe and the United States show increasingly negative views of China. Does the Chinese public hold similar views of “the West”? Conducting a two-wave survey in China, we found great divergence and asymmetries in Chinese public perceptions. First, Chinese views of European countries and the US diverge sharply, despite these countries being typically grouped together as “the West” in mainstream English and Chinese discourses; the Chinese viewed the US much more negatively than Europe. Second, whereas the Chinese reciprocated American antipathy, there was an asymmetry in public perceptions between China and Europe, with the Chinese expressing much greater favourability towards European countries than the other way around, though the degree of favourability still varied by country. Analyses of respondent attributes also yielded insights that both confirm and challenge some of the conventional wisdom regarding age, education, and party membership in Chinese public opinion.
{"title":"Unpacking “the West”: Divergence and Asymmetry in Chinese Public Attitudes Towards Europe and the United States","authors":"Adam Y. Liu, Xiaojun Li, Songying Fang","doi":"10.1177/18681026221139301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221139301","url":null,"abstract":"Recent public opinion polls conducted in Europe and the United States show increasingly negative views of China. Does the Chinese public hold similar views of “the West”? Conducting a two-wave survey in China, we found great divergence and asymmetries in Chinese public perceptions. First, Chinese views of European countries and the US diverge sharply, despite these countries being typically grouped together as “the West” in mainstream English and Chinese discourses; the Chinese viewed the US much more negatively than Europe. Second, whereas the Chinese reciprocated American antipathy, there was an asymmetry in public perceptions between China and Europe, with the Chinese expressing much greater favourability towards European countries than the other way around, though the degree of favourability still varied by country. Analyses of respondent attributes also yielded insights that both confirm and challenge some of the conventional wisdom regarding age, education, and party membership in Chinese public opinion.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"78 1","pages":"119 - 133"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88346032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-22DOI: 10.1177/18681026221135098
Xiao Wang
During the COVID-19 pandemic, China has been the leading exporter and donor of COVID-19 vaccines in the world. Based on a survey of 460 Chinese participants conducted in mainland China in March 2021, the results showed that the participants’ value-expressive attitudes (i.e. their responsibility to help) and esteem attitudes (i.e. China's image and status) were strong predictors of their support for vaccine exports and donations, whereas attitudes related to prevention and a possible vaccine shortage in China were weak predictors. Fairness and ingroup loyalty were the major moral foundations of their support for such international efforts; the influence of fairness and ingroup loyalty was both direct and mediated by value-expressive and esteem attitudes. Collectively, the present results show that support for international efforts can be analysed from a moral, altruistic perspective and thus extend the previous theorising that focused on the transactional nature of international outreach efforts.
{"title":"The Role of Moral Foundations and Attitudinal Motivations in the Chinese's Support for China’s Vaccine Diplomacy During the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Xiao Wang","doi":"10.1177/18681026221135098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221135098","url":null,"abstract":"During the COVID-19 pandemic, China has been the leading exporter and donor of COVID-19 vaccines in the world. Based on a survey of 460 Chinese participants conducted in mainland China in March 2021, the results showed that the participants’ value-expressive attitudes (i.e. their responsibility to help) and esteem attitudes (i.e. China's image and status) were strong predictors of their support for vaccine exports and donations, whereas attitudes related to prevention and a possible vaccine shortage in China were weak predictors. Fairness and ingroup loyalty were the major moral foundations of their support for such international efforts; the influence of fairness and ingroup loyalty was both direct and mediated by value-expressive and esteem attitudes. Collectively, the present results show that support for international efforts can be analysed from a moral, altruistic perspective and thus extend the previous theorising that focused on the transactional nature of international outreach efforts.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"62 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90572957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/18681026221142224
Patricia M. Thornton
As the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) celebrated its centenary, its expanding role in penetrating, regulating, and reshaping social organisations (社会组织, shehui zuzhi) seemed to signal a decisive shift in not only the arrangement, but also the balance, of power between the state, the voluntary sector, and the party in favour of the latter. Beginning with the recent reform “decoupling” professional associations and chambers of commerce (行业协会商会, hangye xiehui shanghui) from state management, which has been cited in official documents as a model for “separating the state from society” and an initial step in further reducing the state management in other realms of activity, this article considers broad trends in the CCP's historical relationship with social organisations, particularly alongside its shifting relationship with the state apparatus after 1949, over time. Working through both the CCP's governing practice of “documentary politics” and, more recently, initiatives to expand “rule by law” under Xi, I argue that the party has vastly increased its power, presence, and control over both as it marked its centenary, albeit at times donning the mask of the state to do so. I conclude that the party's continued advance under Xi is occurring at the expense of both the autonomy of the state administration and that of social forces.
{"title":"From Frame of Steel to Iron Cage: The Chinese Communist Party and China's Voluntary Sector","authors":"Patricia M. Thornton","doi":"10.1177/18681026221142224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221142224","url":null,"abstract":"As the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) celebrated its centenary, its expanding role in penetrating, regulating, and reshaping social organisations (社会组织, shehui zuzhi) seemed to signal a decisive shift in not only the arrangement, but also the balance, of power between the state, the voluntary sector, and the party in favour of the latter. Beginning with the recent reform “decoupling” professional associations and chambers of commerce (行业协会商会, hangye xiehui shanghui) from state management, which has been cited in official documents as a model for “separating the state from society” and an initial step in further reducing the state management in other realms of activity, this article considers broad trends in the CCP's historical relationship with social organisations, particularly alongside its shifting relationship with the state apparatus after 1949, over time. Working through both the CCP's governing practice of “documentary politics” and, more recently, initiatives to expand “rule by law” under Xi, I argue that the party has vastly increased its power, presence, and control over both as it marked its centenary, albeit at times donning the mask of the state to do so. I conclude that the party's continued advance under Xi is occurring at the expense of both the autonomy of the state administration and that of social forces.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"42 2 1","pages":"411 - 436"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81164041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/18681026221117287
Jean-Pierre Cabestan
There has always been a lack of democratic life in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Former CCP Secretary General Hu Jintao attempted in the first decade of the twenty-first century to promote reform, including a revision of the party constitution, aimed at enhancing “intra-party democracy” (党内民主, dangnei minzhu). However, Xi Jinping has put on hold this plan, fully restoring the verticality of the institution where it may have been weakened. This article has three objectives. First, it compares the successive versions or iterations of the CCP constitution in the last 100 years and analyses all the changes related to democratic centralism, elections, and democracy that have been introduced. Then, it assesses Hu's reforms and their failure. Finally, it explains why the CCP cannot reform and democratise as long as it remains a party-state and China remains a one-party system.
{"title":"Organisation and (Lack of) Democracy in the Chinese Communist Party: A Critical Reading of the Successive Iterations of the Party Constitution","authors":"Jean-Pierre Cabestan","doi":"10.1177/18681026221117287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221117287","url":null,"abstract":"There has always been a lack of democratic life in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Former CCP Secretary General Hu Jintao attempted in the first decade of the twenty-first century to promote reform, including a revision of the party constitution, aimed at enhancing “intra-party democracy” (党内民主, dangnei minzhu). However, Xi Jinping has put on hold this plan, fully restoring the verticality of the institution where it may have been weakened. This article has three objectives. First, it compares the successive versions or iterations of the CCP constitution in the last 100 years and analyses all the changes related to democratic centralism, elections, and democracy that have been introduced. Then, it assesses Hu's reforms and their failure. Finally, it explains why the CCP cannot reform and democratise as long as it remains a party-state and China remains a one-party system.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"56 1","pages":"364 - 385"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76843150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/18681026221141448
Jérôme Doyon, Chloé Froissart
By tracing the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) 100 years, this special issue brings to light the organisation's contradictions, setbacks, and changes in direction, together with its long-term evolution. Taking a step back from the current focus on the historical juncture of the twentieth CCP Congress, and on Xi Jinping himself, our long-term approach contextualises recent developments. Looking at the CCP's evolution over time shows how the founding structures and objectives of the CCP have had a long-lasting impact on its future developments as well as how they have been tweaked and rearranged to adapt to the new economic and social environment the party contributed to creating. Our long-term historical approach stresses impermanence beyond the apparent permanence of the party's concepts (e.g. “loyalty” and “democratic centralism”), discursive tactics (e.g. the mobilisation of emotions) and on-the-ground practices (e.g. grassroots party building), while also bringing to light the mere recycling of past practices and strategies.
{"title":"A Long-Term Perspective on the Chinese Communist Party","authors":"Jérôme Doyon, Chloé Froissart","doi":"10.1177/18681026221141448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18681026221141448","url":null,"abstract":"By tracing the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) 100 years, this special issue brings to light the organisation's contradictions, setbacks, and changes in direction, together with its long-term evolution. Taking a step back from the current focus on the historical juncture of the twentieth CCP Congress, and on Xi Jinping himself, our long-term approach contextualises recent developments. Looking at the CCP's evolution over time shows how the founding structures and objectives of the CCP have had a long-lasting impact on its future developments as well as how they have been tweaked and rearranged to adapt to the new economic and social environment the party contributed to creating. Our long-term historical approach stresses impermanence beyond the apparent permanence of the party's concepts (e.g. “loyalty” and “democratic centralism”), discursive tactics (e.g. the mobilisation of emotions) and on-the-ground practices (e.g. grassroots party building), while also bringing to light the mere recycling of past practices and strategies.","PeriodicalId":37907,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Current Chinese Affairs","volume":"50 1","pages":"353 - 363"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80765901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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