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From Bulletin Boards to Big Data 从公告板到大数据
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1868102621992144
Christian Göbel, Jie Li
Why do Chinese governments at various levels set up public complaint websites where citizen petitions and government responses can be reviewed by the general public? We argue that it is the result of two factors: strong signals sent by the central government to improve governance, and the availability of new technologies to promote policy innovation. To impress their superiors, local officials adopted newly available commercial technology to innovate existing citizen feedback systems, which presented a developmental trajectory from “openness,” “integration,” to “big data-driven prediction.” Drawing on policy documents and interviews with local politicians and administrators, we provide a chronological perspective of how technical development, central government’s signals and local decision-making have interacted in the past two decades to bring forth today’s public complaint websites. The contingent and non-teleological nature of this development can also be applied to other policies such as the social credit system.
为什么中国各级政府要建立公众投诉网站,让公众可以看到公民的上访和政府的回应?我们认为,这是两个因素的结果:中央政府发出的改善治理的强烈信号,以及促进政策创新的新技术的可用性。为了给上级留下深刻印象,地方官员采用新出现的商业技术来创新现有的公民反馈系统,呈现出从“开放”、“整合”到“大数据驱动预测”的发展轨迹。根据政策文件和对当地政治家和行政人员的采访,我们提供了一个时间顺序的视角,说明在过去的二十年里,技术发展、中央政府的信号和地方决策是如何相互作用的,从而产生了今天的公众投诉网站。这种发展的偶然性和非目的性也可以适用于其他政策,如社会信用体系。
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引用次数: 4
Of Visions and Visionaries: Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) in China 《展望与远见者:中国的信息和通信技术》
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/18681026211001884
Barbara Schulte, Marina Svensson
This special issue approaches information and communication technologies (ICT) visions and their realisation/implementation at various levels, among different actors and from various perspectives. Conceptually, we distinguish three different dimensions, even though those overlap in the individual contributions as well as in empirical reality – namely ideational, instrumental, and relational. The different contributions address both visions formulated by the Chinese state and by individual actors such as entrepreneurs. Even though the conditions for the use of ICT in China are deeply affected by state governance, this governance is in no way tantamount to one single government. As this issue’s contributions show, state attempts at building a stable cyber-governance are in need of allies and, depending on the allies’ visions and other, competitive visions, the outcomes of these dynamics are seldom truthful realisations of one original grand masterplan.
本期特刊探讨了信息和通信技术(ICT)的愿景及其在不同层面、不同行为体之间和从不同角度的实现/实施。从概念上讲,我们区分了三个不同的维度,尽管这些维度在个人贡献和经验现实中是重叠的——即观念的、工具的和关系的。不同的贡献既体现了中国政府的愿景,也体现了企业家等个人的愿景。尽管中国使用信息通信技术的条件深受国家治理的影响,但这种治理绝不等同于一个单一的政府。正如本期文章所显示的那样,各国试图建立稳定的网络治理需要盟友,而根据盟友的愿景和其他竞争愿景,这些动态的结果很少能真正实现一个最初的宏伟总体规划。
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引用次数: 1
“Crazy Jack” and the “Gay CEO”: Visions, Entrepreneurship, and the Chinese State in the New Digital Economy “疯狂杰克”和“同性恋CEO”:新数字经济中的愿景、企业家精神和中国政府
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1868102621991558
Marina Svensson
This article analyses the visions, careers, and companies of Jack Ma of Alibaba and Geng Le of Blue City. Jack Ma is a well-known business leader and visionary, whereas the less well-known Geng Le only began to receive more attention since launching a successful gay dating app in 2012. The article focuses on the personal narratives and visions of these two IT entrepreneurs. It provides new perspectives on the role of individual entrepreneurs in relation to the Chinese state’s global ambitions and vision of creating a “strong internet country.” It argues that the commercialisation and platformisation of the Chinese internet, and the growing transnational nature of Chinese IT companies, serve to make them more, not less, co-dependent of the state and its visions. The internet’s emancipatory potential is today increasingly conflated with consumption, and online spaces and social relations are subject to both commodification and datafication.
本文分析了阿里巴巴的马云和蓝色城市的耿乐的愿景、职业和公司。本文主要关注这两位IT企业家的个人叙述和愿景。它为个人企业家在中国政府的全球雄心和创建“强大的互联网国家”的愿景中所扮演的角色提供了新的视角。它认为,中国互联网的商业化和平台化,以及中国It公司日益增长的跨国性质,使它们更多而不是更少地相互依赖于国家及其愿景。今天,互联网的解放潜力日益与消费相结合,在线空间和社会关系受到商品化和数据化的双重影响。
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引用次数: 3
The Social Construction of Internet Addiction in China: Youth between Reality and Temporal Autonomy in the Documentary Web Junkie 中国网瘾的社会建构:纪录片《网瘾》中的现实与时间自治之间的青年
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1868102621993134
Annika Pissin
This article addresses issues surrounding the social construction of internet addiction, focusing on conceptualisations of reality, escape, hope, and time. Drawing on a critical realist account of semiosis, the framing of internet addiction in China is analysed using the documentary film Web Junkie as an empirical pivot and point of departure. A contextual overview of relations, interests, and tensions surrounding youth and the internet in China is provided, and the film Web Junkie is briefly presented. The main body of the article consists of a critical analysis of conceptualisations of “reality” and “escape.” The core tension focused on in the analysis is the struggle over time, necessitating engagement with critical thought on hope and utopia. The analysis concludes that struggles over temporal autonomy underlie conflicting claims about “reality” and “escape” that are central to “internet addiction” and its treatment in China today.
这篇文章讨论了网络成瘾的社会建构问题,重点是现实、逃避、希望和时间的概念化。借鉴对符号学的批判现实主义描述,本文以纪录片《网瘾》作为实证支点和出发点,分析了中国网瘾的框架。本文概述了中国青少年与互联网之间的关系、利益和紧张关系,并简要介绍了电影《网瘾》。文章的主体是对“现实”和“逃避”概念化的批判性分析。分析中关注的核心张力是随着时间的推移而进行的斗争,需要对希望和乌托邦进行批判性思考。分析得出的结论是,围绕时间自主权的斗争构成了“现实”和“逃避”的矛盾主张的基础,而这正是当今中国“网瘾”及其治疗的核心。
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引用次数: 3
Whose Vision Is It Anyway? The “Free Internet” in Chinese State Media 这到底是谁的愿景?中国国家媒体中的“自由互联网”
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-24 DOI: 10.1177/1868102621998084
Stefan Brehm
This study seeks to explain how Chinese state media bolster the use of visions in global internet governance. The empirical data for the article consist of 1,158 internet-related articles published in the Global Times between 2009 and 2018. I develop a theoretical perspective that distinguishes between grand and strategic narratives. Based on a mixed-methods approach, I show that “internet sovereignty” has qualified as a grand narrative since the second half of 2013. State media facilitate this shift with strategic narratives that push the content and context of “internet sovereignty” from domestic political rationales towards a matter of global affairs. The article contributes to theoretical and methodological advancement in textual analysis.
本研究旨在解释中国官方媒体如何在全球互联网治理中促进愿景的使用。本文的实证数据包括2009年至2018年间《环球时报》发表的1158篇与互联网相关的文章。我发展了一个区分宏大叙事和战略叙事的理论视角。基于一种混合方法,我表明,自2013年下半年以来,“互联网主权”已经有资格成为一个宏大的叙事。官方媒体通过战略性叙述促进了这一转变,将“互联网主权”的内容和背景从国内政治理由推向全球事务。这篇文章对文本分析的理论和方法的进步做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 2
Is China’s Model of SEZ-Led Development Viable? A Call for Smart Replication 中国经济特区主导型发展模式可行吗?智能复制的呼唤
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-24 DOI: 10.1177/1868102621993487
Jan Knoerich, L. Mouan, Charlotte Goodburn
While China’s experience of using special economic zones (SEZs) for advancing economic development is a model increasingly adopted in other developing countries, the processes involved in replicating this model elsewhere and the outcomes of such replication remain little understood. This review article’s nested examination of three relevant strands of literature and two case studies of India and Ethiopia indicates that successful replication of China’s SEZ-led development would involve deliberate processes of adaptation from the original model. Replication must be “smart,” by taking into account the temporal, systemic, and other discrepancies between the Chinese model and the replicating country; replicating the benefits of China’s approach whilst avoiding the drawbacks; and maximising the positive effects of direct Chinese involvement and investments while reducing negative repercussions.
虽然中国利用经济特区促进经济发展的经验越来越多地被其他发展中国家采用,但在其他地方复制这种模式的过程以及这种复制的结果却鲜为人知。本文通过对三个相关文献以及印度和埃塞俄比亚的两个案例研究的综合分析表明,成功复制中国经济特区主导的发展模式将涉及对原始模式的深思熟虑的适应过程。复制必须“聪明”,考虑到中国模式与复制国之间的时间、系统和其他差异;复制中国模式的优点,同时避免弊端;最大限度地发挥中国直接参与和投资的积极影响,同时减少负面影响。
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引用次数: 5
Grassroots, Astroturf, or Something in Between? Semi-Official WeChat Accounts as Covert Vectors of Party-State Influence in Contemporary China 草根,人造草皮,还是介于两者之间?半官方微信账号:当代中国党国影响的隐蔽载体
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-07 DOI: 10.1177/1868102621989717
Jackson Paul Neagli
This article explores a facet of the Chinese propaganda apparatus that has yet to receive sufficient academic attention: the murky ecosystem of “semi-official” party-state presences on Chinese social media. With a particular focus on WeChat public accounts, this investigation responds to two critical research questions: first, what differentiates official party-state social media presences from semi-official presences, and second, what unique role do semi-official WeChat accounts play in the contemporary Chinese propaganda apparatus? This article samples content published by five dyads of official and semi-official WeChat public accounts during the first fifteen days of June 2019. The results of this comparative, case-study-based discourse analysis support two conclusions. First, semi-official WeChat accounts posture as independent from the party-state in order to attract large followings and gain credibility. Second, semi-official WeChat public accounts operate as “astroturfed influencers,” enabling the Chinese propaganda apparatus to covertly manipulate online discourse with extraordinary efficiency.
本文探讨了中国宣传机器尚未得到足够学术关注的一个方面:中国社交媒体上“半官方”党国存在的阴暗生态系统。本调查特别关注微信公众账号,回答了两个关键的研究问题:第一,官方党国社交媒体存在与半官方存在的区别是什么;第二,半官方微信账户在当代中国宣传机器中扮演了什么独特的角色?本文选取了2019年6月前15天官方和半官方微信公众号发布的内容。这种基于案例研究的对比语篇分析结果支持两个结论。首先,半官方微信账号以独立于党国的姿态出现,以吸引大量粉丝并获得可信度。其次,半官方的微信公众账号作为“有影响力的人”运作,使中国的宣传机器能够以非凡的效率秘密操纵在线话语。
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引用次数: 2
China’s Rural–Urban Transformation: New Forms of Inclusion and Exclusion 中国的城乡转型:包容与排斥的新形式
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/18681026211004955
Björn Alpermann
China’s urbanisation drive has been unprecedented in scale. It has also produced some paradoxical outcomes and led to multiple interconnections between the rural and the urban spheres. These interconnections are the central focus of this special issue. Thus, preference is given to the term “rural–urban transformation” instead of simply “urbanisation.” The main argument advanced here is that we always need to consider the rural aspects and repercussions alongside the urban side of this dual process. This introduction first highlights some of these antinomies to set the stage for the discussion. Next, it explains how they relate to changing mechanisms of inclusion/exclusion. It is proposed that a theoretical approach of functional differentiation can help us sort out the various ways inclusions and exclusions are being produced and combined. Finally, the introduction presents an overview of the articles collected in this special issue and how they relate to the aforementioned topics.
中国的城市化进程规模空前。它也产生了一些矛盾的结果,并导致农村和城市领域之间的多重相互联系。这些相互联系是本期特刊的中心焦点。因此,我们更倾向于使用“城乡转型”一词,而不是简单的“城市化”。这里提出的主要论点是,在这一双重过程中,我们总是需要考虑农村方面和城市方面的影响。本引言首先强调了其中的一些矛盾,为讨论奠定了基础。接下来,它解释了它们与不断变化的包容/排斥机制之间的关系。提出了一种功能分化的理论方法,可以帮助我们理清包含和排除的各种产生和组合方式。最后,引言部分概述了本期特刊中收集的文章,以及它们与上述主题的关系。
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引用次数: 3
The Rural–Urban Fringes in the Local Limelight: Urban Village Redevelopment in Yinchuan, Ningxia 地方聚光灯下的城乡边缘:宁夏银川市城中村改造
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-14 DOI: 10.1177/1868102620912094
Michael Malzer
As urbanisation strategies have been adopted throughout China in recent years, it has become increasingly relevant to study their implementation processes in so-called lower-tier cities away from the well-known regions. Urbanisation has given rise to different types of settlements for landless peasants: planned resettlement neighbourhoods, as well as more or less accidentally grown urban villages. While resettlement is widely adopted and positively propagated, urban villages are usually only seen as soon-to-be demolished “non-places” and their residents are often stigmatised. This article focuses on a case in Yinchuan, the capital of Ningxia Hui autonomous region. It analyses the demolition process of Yingnan village and its lead-up and finds that despite this general discursive framework, exposure on a local TV show and low scores on a national “civilised cities” ranking pressured the local government to not ignore Yingnan village as merely a “non-place” but to invest in better sanitary conditions and speed up redevelopment.
近年来,随着城市化战略在中国各地的实施,研究这些战略在远离知名地区的所谓低线城市的实施过程变得越来越重要。城市化为无地农民提供了不同类型的定居点:规划好的安置社区,以及或多或少偶然形成的城中村。虽然重新安置得到了广泛采用和积极宣传,但城中村通常只被视为即将被拆除的“非地方”,其居民往往受到污名化。本文以宁夏回族自治区首府银川市的一个案例为研究对象。文章分析了英南村的拆迁过程及其前因后果,发现尽管有这样一个普遍的话语框架,但在当地电视节目上的曝光和在全国“文明城市”排名中的低得分,迫使当地政府不能忽视英南村仅仅是一个“非地方”,而是要投资改善卫生条件,加快重建。
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引用次数: 1
Rural-to-Urban Transition in Chongqing’s Hinterland: State-Led Urbanisation or Urbanisation From Below? 重庆腹地的城乡转型:国家主导的城市化还是自下而上的城市化?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-14 DOI: 10.1177/1868102620914998
Florian Thünken
Since 2014 the Chinese state has been pushing for “new-style urbanisation.” Its main goals are accelerated urban–rural integration, development of small-to-medium cities and towns, and a “people-centered” urbanisation, all while limiting movement towards big cities. Similar reforms have been experimented with in Chongqing since 2007. This article argues that we need to take both top-down and bottom-up processes into view if we are to understand completely the intricate transformation currently underway in China’s urbanising society. Thus, policies and programmes at the national and provincial level are examined and then contrasted with findings from field research, that has been conducted in Chongqing’s urbanising hinterland. Findings show patterns of rural-to-urban transitioning which apparently match the central and municipal governments’ plans, but further evidence points to the rejection or modification of state-led urbanisation efforts and towards an urbanisation on the people’s own terms.
自2014年以来,中国政府一直在推动“新型城镇化”。它的主要目标是加快城乡一体化,发展中小城镇和“以人为本”的城市化,同时限制向大城市的流动。自2007年以来,重庆也进行了类似的改革试验。本文认为,如果我们要全面理解中国城市化社会目前正在进行的复杂转型,我们需要同时考虑自上而下和自下而上的过程。因此,研究了国家和省级的政策和方案,然后与在重庆城市化腹地进行的实地研究结果进行了对比。调查结果显示,农村向城市过渡的模式显然符合中央和市政府的计划,但进一步的证据表明,拒绝或修改国家主导的城市化努力,朝着人民自己的条件城市化。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
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