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Nachruf auf Claude Brixhe (1933–2021)
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2021-0002
M. Egetmeyer
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引用次数: 0
Les roues mycéniennes de char: o-da-tweta, te-mi-dwe-ta, rota et rota+TE 迈锡尼的车轮:o-da-tweta, TE -mi-dwe-ta, rota和rota+TE
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2021-0004
Y. Duhoux
Abstract The Linear B data, combined with archaeological, chronological and geographic facts, help to suggest some new solutions to problems linked with the inventories of Mycenaean chariot’s wheels. For instance, o-da-twe-ta and te-midwe- ta could mean respectively “with studded-tread” or “serrated” tyres and “with (special) tyre”. Etc.
线性B数据,结合考古、时间和地理事实,有助于提出一些与迈锡尼战车车轮清单有关的问题的新解决方案。例如,o-da- two -ta和te-midwe- ta可以分别表示“带钉胎面”或“锯齿形”轮胎和“带(特殊)轮胎”。等。
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引用次数: 0
Bread and wine in Lycian poetry. A contextual interpretation of TL 44c 吕西亚诗歌中的面包和酒。tl44c的语境解读
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2021-0012
D. Sasseville
Abstract In the following paper, new meanings for the Lycian B words waxssa, mur(i)- (and murei(je)-) and tubur(i)- are suggested using the combinatorial and etymological methods. Additionally, a new translation of a large part of the mythological poem on the north side of the funerary pillar in Xanthos (TL 44c) is offered, including a grammatical annotation and a linguistic commentary. Subsequently, the repercussions on the military deeds of the Lycian king Gergis as well as on his relationship with the gods are addressed.
摘要本文采用组合法和词源学方法,对吕西亚语B语中的waxssa、mur(i)-(和murei(je)-)和tubur(i)-三个词进行了新词义的分析。此外,还提供了Xanthos (tl44c)葬礼柱北侧的大部分神话诗的新翻译,包括语法注释和语言注释。随后,利西亚国王格吉斯的军事行为以及他与众神的关系受到了影响。
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引用次数: 1
A new Carian inscription on the left leg of a kouros found south of the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in Euromos 在欧罗巴摩斯的宙斯神庙南部发现了一个新的卡里安铭文
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2021-0007
I. Adiego, Abuzer Kızıl
Abstract This article examines and discusses a new Carian inscription found on the left leg of a kouros statue. The statue was found in the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in the ancient Carian city of Euromos during excavations carried out in 2021. The four-line inscription is very difficult to interpret, but nonetheless constitutes a highly relevant contribution to our knowledge of the evolution of the Carian alphabet.
摘要本文研究并讨论了在库罗斯雕像左腿上发现的一个新的卡里安铭文。这尊雕像是在2021年的挖掘中发现的,它位于古希腊城市Euromos的宙斯神庙。这个四行文字的铭文很难解释,但仍然对我们了解卡里亚字母的演变做出了高度相关的贡献。
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引用次数: 1
The Iman touch: a coin legend in Phrygian 伊曼之触:弗里吉亚的硬币传说
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2021-0008
I. Adiego, Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach
Abstract This paper gathers sixteen unlisted coins from several auction catalogues with identical typology: a helmeted head (identified as Athena) on the obverse and a falcon inside a pelleted square on the reverse. Nine of them show the first coin legend in Phrygian identified so far: iman, a personal name. After the analysis of their iconography and legend, a location of the mint in Phrygia during the 5th or 4th century BC is suggested.
本文从几个拍卖目录中收集了16枚未上市的硬币,它们具有相同的类型学:正面是一个戴头盔的头像(被认定为雅典娜),背面是一只嵌在方形颗粒中的猎鹰。其中9个显示了弗里吉亚迄今为止发现的第一个硬币传说:伊曼,一个人的名字。在分析了他们的肖像和传说之后,造币厂的位置在公元前5世纪或4世纪的弗里吉亚。
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引用次数: 0
L’anthroponyme mycénien wa-ra-qi-si-ro (KH X 7)
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2021-0006
Alcorac Alonso Déniz
Abstract The Mycenaean personal name wa-ra-qi-si-ro has been interpreted as the older variant of wa-ra-pi-si-ro (PY, MY), but this hypothesis comes up against several phonetic problems. This paper proposes two alternative explanations of wa-ra-qi-si-ro: either /Wrakwsilos/, a clipping of *Wrakwsi-lāhos, compound of the root *u̯ergu̯-/*u̯regu̯- “throw” and *lāho- “stone”, or /Wrankwsilos/, a nickname derived from the adjective attested in later Greek ῥαμψός “crooked”.
迈锡尼人的名字wa-ra-qi-si-ro被解释为wa-ra-pi-si-ro (PY, MY)的较早变体,但这一假设遇到了几个语音问题。本文提出了wa-ra-qi-si-ro的两种解释:或者/Wrakwsilos/,是*Wrakwsi-lāhos的缩略形式,是词根*u æ ergu æ -/*u æ regu æ -“扔”和*lāho-“石头”的复合;或者/Wrankwsilos/,是由后来希腊语中出现的形容词“crooked”衍生而来的别名。
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引用次数: 0
Rationalizing the Cretan Hieroglyphic signlist 使克里特象形文字符号合理化
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2021-0003
Barbara Montecchi, S. Ferrara, M. Valério
Abstract Ever since the publication of the first and unsurpassed corpus of Cretan Hieroglyphic inscriptions by Louis Godart and Jean-Pierre Olivier, Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae, known as CHIC, there has been no systematic or comprehensive reassessment of several difficult readings of signs and sign groups geared towards a rationalization of the sign-list. In this article, we discuss several readings in depth, by engaging with issues that relate to script classification, sign frequencies, interpretative uncertainties, and new finds post CHIC. Specifically, we highlight inconsistencies in the graphic behavior of signs, especially those of singular attestations (‘hapax’) or low frequency, and we also reassign uncertain cases that may be more likely read as Linear A rather than Cretan Hieroglyphic. As a steppingstone in rationalizing the sign-list, we apply a systematic approach to the material by means of a thorough sign-by-sign paleographic and structural reassessment, also presenting the resulting inventory.
自从Louis Godart和Jean-Pierre Olivier出版了第一个无与伦比的克里特象形文字语料库《corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae》(简称CHIC)以来,一直没有对符号和符号组的几个困难阅读进行系统或全面的重新评估,以使符号列表合理化。在本文中,我们通过涉及与文字分类、符号频率、解释不确定性和CHIC后的新发现相关的问题,深入讨论了几个阅读材料。具体来说,我们强调了符号的图形行为的不一致性,特别是那些单一的证明(“hapax”)或低频,我们也重新分配了不确定的情况,这些情况可能更有可能被解读为线性A而不是克里特象形文字。作为使标志清单合理化的垫脚石,我们对材料采用了系统的方法,通过彻底的逐个标志的古生物学和结构重新评估,并提出了结果清单。
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引用次数: 1
Sobre la forma verbal a-pi-e-ke y la interpretación de PY Un 2 关于动词形式a-pi-e-ke和PY a 2的解释
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2021-0005
José Miguel Jiménez Delgado
Abstract The purpose of this paper is to reexamine the Mycenaean verb form a-pie- ke. This form has so far received three possible interpretations: a third person singular of the present indicative of ἀμφι-έχω; of the kappa aorist of ἀμφι-ίημι; of the kappa aorist of a compound with ἀπό and a verb lost in the first millennium and etymologically related to ἱερός. According to our analysis, the second one is to be preferred both from morphological and semantic reasons. Moreover, this interpretation befits the practices of Mycenaean administration: the tablet is the record of a delivery of goods from the warehouses of the palace to be consumed in a banquet, so an aorist form perfectly describes the act of sending them. Finally, at least one Homeric parallel can be adduced to account for the meaning of ἀμφι- in the Mycenaean compound.
摘要本文的目的是重新审视迈锡尼语的动词形式a-pie- ke。到目前为止,这种形式有三种可能的解释:现在指示词“μφι- χω”的第三人称单数;κ μφι-末梢ημι;由一个与ο ο ο和一个在第一个千年中消失的动词组成的复合词和一个语源学上与ο ρ ο ς有关的词组成的。根据我们的分析,从形态学和语义的角度来看,第二种说法更可取。此外,这种解释符合迈锡尼人的管理实践:石碑记录了从宫殿的仓库中运送货物以供宴会使用,因此一种艺术形式完美地描述了运送货物的行为。最后,至少有一个荷马史诗的相似之处可以用来解释在迈锡尼化合物中“μφι-”的含义。
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引用次数: 0
Milyan dialectal divergence and its traces in onomastics 米廉方言分化及其在专门语中的踪迹
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2021-0010
Elena Martínez Rodríguez
Abstract Taking as a starting point the discussion of the emendation of xina ‘grandmother’ in Schurr’s latest edition of the Milyan version of the Xanthos Pillar (Schurr 2018), this article deals with two different equations Mil. : Lyc. and Lyc. : Lyc. , argued to share the same phonetic trigger ie. the presence of an alveolar nasal, and explores the phonetic correlation through establishing new cognates between the two languages, or by adding new evidence to old open questions such as the phonetic value of or the likely interchangeability of , and . The Greek adaptation of the onomastic material will allow the phonetic nature of the nasal in the cluster /xnt-/ (Lyc. xñtawati- ‘ruler’, cf. Luw. handawat(i)-): Gr. Κενδ-, Κινδ-, Κονδ- to be addressed, and ultimately compare the phonetic developments of Lycian and Milyan with its possible traces in the Greek sources of classical Lycia.
摘要本文以Schurr最新版《密尔版Xanthos柱》(Schurr 2018)中关于“西娜”的修正讨论为出发点,讨论了两个不同的方程。和Lyc。: Lyc。,认为有相同的语音触发。并通过在两种语言之间建立新的同源词,或通过为旧的开放性问题(如的语音值或可能的互换性)添加新的证据来探索语音相关性。希腊语的拟声材料改编将允许鼻音在集群/xnt-/ (Lyc)中的语音性质。xñtawati-“统治者”,参见Luw。handawat(i)-): Gr. Κενδ-, Κινδ-, Κονδ-要解决,并最终比较利西亚和米利安的语音发展与其可能的痕迹在希腊来源的古典利西亚。
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引用次数: 0
A pithos with Lycian inscription from Patara 来自帕塔拉的刻有利西亚铭文的挽歌
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2021-0011
E. Dündar, Florian Réveilhac
Abstract The excavations at the Tepecik settlement, which is situated East of Patara’s city center directly overlooking the ancient harbor, furnishes new and important data regarding the city’s largely unknown and much debated administrative organization in the 6th century BC. This evidence is based preliminarily on a pithos fragment found in the tower house’s eastern side, dated to ca. 500 BC, and bearing an inscription made ante cocturam in Lycian script. This graffito, which is one of the oldest inscriptions of the Lycian corpus, is incomplete but has eight legible letters that allow its reconstruction: it probably corresponds to the official title [pd]ḍẽnehm̃mi “ruler, commissioner”, attested in two other Lycian inscriptions. The graffito could indicate that the pithos was to be stored in the house of this official.
Tepecik定居点位于帕塔拉市中心以东,直接俯瞰着古老的港口,在公元前6世纪,它为这座城市的管理组织提供了新的重要数据,这些数据在很大程度上是未知的,并且备受争议。这一证据的初步依据是在塔楼东侧发现的一块公元前500年左右的碑文碎片,上面刻有一段用利西亚文字在cocturam前刻的铭文。这个涂鸦是Lycian语料库中最古老的铭文之一,不完整,但有八个可辨认的字母,允许其重建:它可能对应于官方头衔[pd]ḍẽnehm i mi“统治者,专员”,在另外两个Lycian铭文中得到证实。这些涂鸦可能表明,墓志铭将被存放在这位官员的家中。
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