Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2022-0011
Recai Tekoǧlu, Veli Köse
Abstract The present study is the latest one of the supplements for Le dialecte grec de Pamphylie published by Cl. Brixhe in 1976. Eight new inscriptions belonging to the dialectal group are presented here. The contribution of the supplement VII to the onomastics of the Pamphylian dialect can be seen in the attestation of Εὐτυχᾶς, Ἀθμοπάτρας, Κτίσων and *Κουͷας.
摘要:本研究是中国科学院出版的《植物植物辨证学》补编的最新一篇。1976年的布里克斯。本文介绍了8个属于方言组的新碑文。补充七对旁菲利亚方言的拟声词的贡献可以从Ε ι τ ο χ ο ς，Ἀθμοπ ρας， Κτίσων和*Κουͷας的证明中看出。
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Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2022-0006
J. Piquero
Abstract This paper aims to offer a new interpretation of the Mycenaean word ka-ra-wi-ja *γρᾱ́ϝια ‘old woman’, which appears in some Mycenaean texts of the series Fq from Thebes and Fu from Mycenae. Their content points to the context of distribution of food probably related to the celebration of a ritual. Thus far, it has been interpreted as a male or female anthroponym, a theonym or a nickname, but these hypotheses seem unlikely. It has also been suggested that this may be the designation of a professional group without providing a more concrete explanation. It is reasonable, however, that it is an appellation referring to one or more older women participating in a ritual
{"title":"Micénico ka-ra-wi-ja ‘vieja(s)’ y la religión micénica","authors":"J. Piquero","doi":"10.1515/kadmos-2022-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2022-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper aims to offer a new interpretation of the Mycenaean word ka-ra-wi-ja *γρᾱ́ϝια ‘old woman’, which appears in some Mycenaean texts of the series Fq from Thebes and Fu from Mycenae. Their content points to the context of distribution of food probably related to the celebration of a ritual. Thus far, it has been interpreted as a male or female anthroponym, a theonym or a nickname, but these hypotheses seem unlikely. It has also been suggested that this may be the designation of a professional group without providing a more concrete explanation. It is reasonable, however, that it is an appellation referring to one or more older women participating in a ritual","PeriodicalId":38825,"journal":{"name":"Kadmos","volume":"6 1","pages":"117 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79384495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2022-0007
M. Bile, C. Brixhe
Abstract Deux inscriptions archaiques du site cretois de Biannos, pres de l’actuelle Kato Symi, publiees en 1973 (1975) et 2015 dans des revues differentes, revelent deux formes dialectales, dont Claude Brixhe a proposees des hypotheses nouvelles. La premiere forme serait a lire Ϝρό̄το̄, genitif d’un anthroponyme a rattacher au verbe βιβρώσκω, et la seconde doit etre un lapsus calami, a lire Δαταλες, ethnique cretois.
{"title":"Deux textes archaïques de Kato Symi (Biannos)","authors":"M. Bile, C. Brixhe","doi":"10.1515/kadmos-2022-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2022-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Deux inscriptions archaiques du site cretois de Biannos, pres de l’actuelle Kato Symi, publiees en 1973 (1975) et 2015 dans des revues differentes, revelent deux formes dialectales, dont Claude Brixhe a proposees des hypotheses nouvelles. La premiere forme serait a lire Ϝρό̄το̄, genitif d’un anthroponyme a rattacher au verbe βιβρώσκω, et la seconde doit etre un lapsus calami, a lire Δαταλες, ethnique cretois.","PeriodicalId":38825,"journal":{"name":"Kadmos","volume":"26 1","pages":"135 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86914156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2022-0004
Barbara Montecchi
Abstract This paper deals with some Linear A logograms which might have been occasionally used not because of their meaning, but phonetically, on the basis of the sound of the words underlying the signs, to spell out different words, in rebus compositions with one or more syllabograms. This would be the case with the logogram for wine (AB 131a) on two clay tablets from Agia Triada (HT 14.1 and 123a.3), the logogram for human (A 100/102) on several clay documents from different sites (HT 72, KH Wc 2100, and PE Zb 7), and the logogram for olives (AB 122) on stone tables KO Za 1 and SY Za 2. The last two examples imply the reappraisal of the debate about the uncertain reading of one sign on KO Za 1 either as AB 27 or 122. In this paper it is shown how the latter is the only one supported by paleography.
摘要:本文讨论了一些线形A符号，这些符号可能偶尔被使用，不是因为它们的意义，而是在语音上，根据符号下面的单词的声音，拼出不同的单词，在有一个或多个音节的拼词组合中。这就是来自Agia Triada (HT 14.1和123a.3)的两块粘土碑上的葡萄酒标识(AB 131a)，来自不同地点的几个粘土文献(HT 72, KH Wc 2100和PE Zb 7)上的人类标识(A 100/102)，以及KO Za 1和SY Za 2石桌上的橄榄标识(AB 122)的情况。最后两个例子意味着重新评估关于KO Za 1上的一个标志的不确定阅读是AB 27还是122的辩论。本文指出后者是唯一有古文献学支持的说法。
{"title":"Rebus compositions in Linear A?","authors":"Barbara Montecchi","doi":"10.1515/kadmos-2022-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2022-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper deals with some Linear A logograms which might have been occasionally used not because of their meaning, but phonetically, on the basis of the sound of the words underlying the signs, to spell out different words, in rebus compositions with one or more syllabograms. This would be the case with the logogram for wine (AB 131a) on two clay tablets from Agia Triada (HT 14.1 and 123a.3), the logogram for human (A 100/102) on several clay documents from different sites (HT 72, KH Wc 2100, and PE Zb 7), and the logogram for olives (AB 122) on stone tables KO Za 1 and SY Za 2. The last two examples imply the reappraisal of the debate about the uncertain reading of one sign on KO Za 1 either as AB 27 or 122. In this paper it is shown how the latter is the only one supported by paleography.","PeriodicalId":38825,"journal":{"name":"Kadmos","volume":"146 1","pages":"97 - 106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83096791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2022-0003
A. Kanta, T. Palaima, M. Perna
Abstract The Hieroglyphic seal KN S (4/4) 01, found in the Neopalatial Room 3 of the Cult Centre of the City of Knossos, is a document of considerable importance in the study of Cretan script for several reasons. With regard to iconography and palaeography, we have identified for the first time the true idealized form of sign 095, and that permits us to correct our understanding of the shape of other examples of the same sign and thereby to improve our knowledge of the palaeographical development of the Hieroglyphic script. Furthermore, this new document preserves one more attestation of the socalled Arkhanes “formula” and shows a connection between this “formula” and the fraction signs. Finally, this seal confirms also a relationship between this “formula” and the logogram *181 on the one hand and the sign 010 on the other hand.
{"title":"A Hieroglyphic seal from the cult centre of the city of Knossos (KN S (4/4) 01)","authors":"A. Kanta, T. Palaima, M. Perna","doi":"10.1515/kadmos-2022-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2022-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Hieroglyphic seal KN S (4/4) 01, found in the Neopalatial Room 3 of the Cult Centre of the City of Knossos, is a document of considerable importance in the study of Cretan script for several reasons. With regard to iconography and palaeography, we have identified for the first time the true idealized form of sign 095, and that permits us to correct our understanding of the shape of other examples of the same sign and thereby to improve our knowledge of the palaeographical development of the Hieroglyphic script. Furthermore, this new document preserves one more attestation of the socalled Arkhanes “formula” and shows a connection between this “formula” and the fraction signs. Finally, this seal confirms also a relationship between this “formula” and the logogram *181 on the one hand and the sign 010 on the other hand.","PeriodicalId":38825,"journal":{"name":"Kadmos","volume":"1 1","pages":"61 - 96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77714441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2022-0009
Felipe Rojas, E. A. Öztürk
Abstract A marble anthemion stele with a funerary inscription in Lydian was unearthed in 2010, during excavations led by Professor Kadir Pektaş at the Eski Mezarlık (or Old Cemetery) in the İlbadı neighbourhood of Denizli. The stone is currently in the Hierapolis Museum in Pamukkale. We present here a description of the stone and relief ornament, an edition of the Lydian text with commentary, a tentative partial translation, and a brief historical contextualization of the artifact. The text should be of interest to both Anatolianists and Indo-Europeanists, given its length and good state of preservation.
{"title":"A Lydian inscription from Denizli","authors":"Felipe Rojas, E. A. Öztürk","doi":"10.1515/kadmos-2022-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2022-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A marble anthemion stele with a funerary inscription in Lydian was unearthed in 2010, during excavations led by Professor Kadir Pektaş at the Eski Mezarlık (or Old Cemetery) in the İlbadı neighbourhood of Denizli. The stone is currently in the Hierapolis Museum in Pamukkale. We present here a description of the stone and relief ornament, an edition of the Lydian text with commentary, a tentative partial translation, and a brief historical contextualization of the artifact. The text should be of interest to both Anatolianists and Indo-Europeanists, given its length and good state of preservation.","PeriodicalId":38825,"journal":{"name":"Kadmos","volume":"61 1","pages":"155 - 164"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81967375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2022-0008
D. Schürr
Abstract Mδ-, mδš, mδa und mδane, mlane und mλne sowie šRnne werden als Verbformen gedeutet: 3. P. Sg. Prat. mit Schwund der ‚lenierten‘, lykisch -de, lydisch -d und luwisch /-da/ entsprechenden Endung und teilweise einem angehangten Pronomen -ne, das ein Akkusativobjekt ersetzt. Im ersten Fall handelt es sich bei den Votivinschriften sicher um ein verbum donandi, das zu hethitisch manijahh- gehoren konnte, im zweiten kommt eine Bedeutung ‚schrieb‘ in Frage, wozu gotisch meljan verglichen werden konnte, im dritten ebenfalls ein verbum donandi.
{"title":"Drei karische Verben","authors":"D. Schürr","doi":"10.1515/kadmos-2022-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2022-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Mδ-, mδš, mδa und mδane, mlane und mλne sowie šRnne werden als Verbformen gedeutet: 3. P. Sg. Prat. mit Schwund der ‚lenierten‘, lykisch -de, lydisch -d und luwisch /-da/ entsprechenden Endung und teilweise einem angehangten Pronomen -ne, das ein Akkusativobjekt ersetzt. Im ersten Fall handelt es sich bei den Votivinschriften sicher um ein verbum donandi, das zu hethitisch manijahh- gehoren konnte, im zweiten kommt eine Bedeutung ‚schrieb‘ in Frage, wozu gotisch meljan verglichen werden konnte, im dritten ebenfalls ein verbum donandi.","PeriodicalId":38825,"journal":{"name":"Kadmos","volume":"187 1","pages":"145 - 154"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75431132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2022-0010
Florian Réveilhac
Abstract This article discusses a brief inscription incised on a cup found on the Athenian Agora and which has been published in 1976. This graffito appears to be an Old Phrygian inscription, the first known so far on this side of the Aegean Sea. It corresponds to a new personal name, whose stem could be identical to that of Phrygian place names attested in Greek sources. An etymological hypothesis is suggested about the stem, which could reveal the Phrygian name of the “goat”. The object thus incised in the Phrygian alphabet may have belonged to a metic or a Phrygian travelling to Athens.
{"title":"Un Phrygien sur l’Agora: redécouverte d’une inscription paléo-phrygienne","authors":"Florian Réveilhac","doi":"10.1515/kadmos-2022-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2022-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article discusses a brief inscription incised on a cup found on the Athenian Agora and which has been published in 1976. This graffito appears to be an Old Phrygian inscription, the first known so far on this side of the Aegean Sea. It corresponds to a new personal name, whose stem could be identical to that of Phrygian place names attested in Greek sources. An etymological hypothesis is suggested about the stem, which could reveal the Phrygian name of the “goat”. The object thus incised in the Phrygian alphabet may have belonged to a metic or a Phrygian travelling to Athens.","PeriodicalId":38825,"journal":{"name":"Kadmos","volume":"181 1","pages":"165 - 182"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80233814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2022-0001
M. Egetmeyer
Abstract Seit einem Jahrhundert arbeitet man sich an der Ahhiyawa-Frage ab. Die Antworten bleiben vage und flüchten ins allgemein Historische. Das ist kein Wunder, denn die Frage ist falsch gestellt. Das war immer bekannt, wurde aber nie ernst genommen. Es geht überhaupt nicht um Ahhiyawa, sondern zunächst einmal nur darum, die Ausgangsform, nämlich den Ortsnamen Ahhiya, auf einer Karte zu lokalisieren. Die philologische Analyse der wenn auch spärlichen Belege für diesen legt es nahe, in Ahhiya den Namen einer Insel zu vermuten, die südlich von Lesbos vor der Küste Kleinasiens liegt. Die nächste größere Insel ist Chios. Diese Annahme von Ahhiya als ältere nichtgriechische Form der späteren griechischen Form Chios läßt sich dann sprachwissenschaftlich erhärten, indem das der Gleichung entgegenstehende anlautende a- den bekannten Beispielen angereiht wird, die einen luwischen Lautwandel zeigen, bei dem dieses unterdrückt wird. Erst nach dieser Identifizierung von Ahhiya als Insel Chios kann man sinnvoll über Ahhiyawa reden. Achäer und Ahhiyawa haben sprachlich nichts miteinander zu tun. Als Nebenergebnis ergibt sich noch, daß der Name Attarissiya eines Herrschers von Ahhiya sicher nicht ein ins Hethitische eingegliederter griechischer Atreus ist, sondern wohl umgekehrt ein ins Griechische eingegliederter nichtgriechischer Teiresias.
{"title":"Woher kam der Mann von Ahhiya?","authors":"M. Egetmeyer","doi":"10.1515/kadmos-2022-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2022-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Seit einem Jahrhundert arbeitet man sich an der Ahhiyawa-Frage ab. Die Antworten bleiben vage und flüchten ins allgemein Historische. Das ist kein Wunder, denn die Frage ist falsch gestellt. Das war immer bekannt, wurde aber nie ernst genommen. Es geht überhaupt nicht um Ahhiyawa, sondern zunächst einmal nur darum, die Ausgangsform, nämlich den Ortsnamen Ahhiya, auf einer Karte zu lokalisieren. Die philologische Analyse der wenn auch spärlichen Belege für diesen legt es nahe, in Ahhiya den Namen einer Insel zu vermuten, die südlich von Lesbos vor der Küste Kleinasiens liegt. Die nächste größere Insel ist Chios. Diese Annahme von Ahhiya als ältere nichtgriechische Form der späteren griechischen Form Chios läßt sich dann sprachwissenschaftlich erhärten, indem das der Gleichung entgegenstehende anlautende a- den bekannten Beispielen angereiht wird, die einen luwischen Lautwandel zeigen, bei dem dieses unterdrückt wird. Erst nach dieser Identifizierung von Ahhiya als Insel Chios kann man sinnvoll über Ahhiyawa reden. Achäer und Ahhiyawa haben sprachlich nichts miteinander zu tun. Als Nebenergebnis ergibt sich noch, daß der Name Attarissiya eines Herrschers von Ahhiya sicher nicht ein ins Hethitische eingegliederter griechischer Atreus ist, sondern wohl umgekehrt ein ins Griechische eingegliederter nichtgriechischer Teiresias.","PeriodicalId":38825,"journal":{"name":"Kadmos","volume":"21 1","pages":"1 - 36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84469140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1515/kadmos-2022-0002
I. Yakubovich
Abstract The Anatolian hieroglyphic script represents a logosyllabic system, which gradually evolved in Asia Minor in the course of the second millennium BCE. Although the first syllabic values of Anatolian hieroglyphs are attested about 1400 BCE, there have been recent attempts to demonstrate that linguistic considerations prompt the projection of the development of the syllabic script further back in time. The present paper addresses the arguments advanced in favour of such a hypothesis and shows their inconclusive character. A collateral result of the present investigation is the segmentation of the set of earliest syllabic signs for which logographic readings are also attested. The comparison between the logographic and syllabic values within this set is conducive to a conclusion that the Hittite language, as opposed to Luwian, played a decisive role in assigning the syllabic values to Anatolian hieroglyphs in Hattusa between 1400 and 1250 BCE.
{"title":"Once again on the evolution of the Anatolian hieroglyphic script","authors":"I. Yakubovich","doi":"10.1515/kadmos-2022-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2022-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Anatolian hieroglyphic script represents a logosyllabic system, which gradually evolved in Asia Minor in the course of the second millennium BCE. Although the first syllabic values of Anatolian hieroglyphs are attested about 1400 BCE, there have been recent attempts to demonstrate that linguistic considerations prompt the projection of the development of the syllabic script further back in time. The present paper addresses the arguments advanced in favour of such a hypothesis and shows their inconclusive character. A collateral result of the present investigation is the segmentation of the set of earliest syllabic signs for which logographic readings are also attested. The comparison between the logographic and syllabic values within this set is conducive to a conclusion that the Hittite language, as opposed to Luwian, played a decisive role in assigning the syllabic values to Anatolian hieroglyphs in Hattusa between 1400 and 1250 BCE.","PeriodicalId":38825,"journal":{"name":"Kadmos","volume":"11 1","pages":"37 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78243975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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