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À LA FRONTIÈRE DU CHRISTIANISME LATIN ET ORTHODOXE LA GALICIE VOLHYNIE AUX XIV è XV è SIÈCLES  拉丁美洲ET ORTHODOXE GALICIE a LA frontière DU CHRISTIANISME VOLHYNIE AUX十四十五是siècles
Pub Date : 2022-05-15 DOI: 10.15170/spmnnv.2007.04.06
Márta Font
After the invasion of Tatars in the 1230s 1240s the political situation of the former Galician Volhynian principality can be characterized as a border land between Tatars and Western neighbours. Concerning the ideas of princes the influence of Tatars should be neutralized with the growing of Western connections. These influences had consequences o n the structure of the church. Under the rule of Polish Kings the role of Latin Church was growing and a new ecclesiastical hierarchy was formed. The Lithuanian princes enlarged their territories in Eastern direction, but the efforts of Lithuanian princes concerning the stabilization of a new orthodox centre (met ropolia) remained without success. The simultaneous presence of both churches through the 14 th 15 th centuries prepared favourable circumstances for the foundation of the Greek Catholic Church in the 16 th century.
在1230 - 1240年代鞑靼入侵后,前加利西亚Volhynian公国的政治局势可以被描述为鞑靼人和西方邻国之间的边界土地。关于王子的观念,随着西方联系的增加,鞑靼人的影响应该被抵消。这些影响对教会的结构产生了影响。在波兰国王的统治下,拉丁教会的作用越来越大,新的教会等级制度形成了。立陶宛王公们在东部方向扩大了他们的领土,但立陶宛王公们关于稳定一个新的正统中心(罗波利亚)的努力仍然没有成功。这两个教会在14 - 15世纪同时存在,为16世纪希腊天主教会的建立准备了有利的环境。
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引用次数: 0
UPPSALA AND SPALATO
Pub Date : 2022-05-15 DOI: 10.15170/spmnnv.2007.04.02
Márta Kondor
Scholarship frequently applies the terms centre and periphery to different parts of Western Christendom, but there is no consensus on exactly which lands can be characterized by these terms. This paper aims at appr oaching the centre periphery problem in Western Christendom through two case studies: the archbishoprics of Uppsala and Spalato, both lying on the rim of the Latin West, were chosen as the objects of the analysis. On the basis of papal letters from the tim e of Pope Alexander III (1159 1181) the intensity and nature of contacts between the Holy See and these “faraway places” were studied. The main question addressed was what perceptions the Roman Curia had of these territories in the second half of the twelf th century.
学术界经常将“中心”和“边缘”这两个术语应用于西方基督教世界的不同地区,但对于哪些土地可以用这些术语来描述,并没有达成共识。本文旨在通过两个案例研究来探讨西方基督教世界的中心边缘问题:乌普萨拉和斯帕拉托大主教区,都位于拉丁西部的边缘,被选为分析对象。根据教皇亚历山大三世(1159 - 1181)时期的教皇信函,研究了教廷与这些“遥远的地方”之间接触的强度和性质。主要问题是12世纪下半叶罗马教廷对这些领土的看法。
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引用次数: 0
Die Darstellung der heidnischen Vergangenheit und der Urheimat in der Chronik des Cosmas von Prag 把布拉格漫画里的异教历史和古代故土描绘出来
Pub Date : 2022-05-15 DOI: 10.15170/spmnnv.2007.04.01
Andrea Somogyi
This work has set the aim to depict and compare descriptions of the ancient homeland and the pagan past in the East Central European chronicles
这项工作的目的是描绘和比较古代家园的描述和异教的过去在东中欧编年史
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引用次数: 0
Neue Erkenntnisse über die mittelalterliche Schicht der Stadt Ilok (Újlak) 新的研究表明关于中世纪的一层城市Ilok(Újlak)
Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.15170/spmnnv.2011.06.12
Željko Tomičić
New Congnitions of the Medieval Strata of the Town of Ilok (Újlak). Contribution to the Relations Between Hungary and Europe During the Renaissance In the article the author gives an insight of the archaeological strata of the medieval town Ilok wich is achieved during the realisation of the European Project „Researches, renovation, revitalisation of the cultural heritage of Ilok – Vukovar – Vučedol“ (2005–2008).
伊洛克镇中世纪地层的新认识(Újlak)。在文章中,作者对中世纪城镇伊洛克的考古地层进行了深入的了解,这是在实现欧洲项目“伊洛克-武科瓦尔-武伊多尔文化遗产的研究、翻新和复兴”(2005-2008)期间实现的。
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引用次数: 1
Italicis oris Germana in regna tulisti / Castalides
Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.15170/spmnnv.2011.06.09
E. Klecker
Italicis oris Germana in regna tulisti / Castalides. The reception of humanist poetry at Vienna university in the early 16th century. In 1512 Adrian Wolfhard (1491 – 1545), a Transylvanian Saxon graduated magister in 1511, published a lengthy hexametric poem (Panegyris, Viennae: Singrenius – Vietor) in praise of Emperor Maximilian I. The eulogy of the emperor concentrates on his humanist learning and promotion of humanist studies. Echoing Conrad Celtis’ famous ode, Wolfhard praises Maximilian for having introduced Apollo and the Muses into his German speaking territories. Apart from its emphasis on humanist studies, the Panegyris assembles stock items of encomiastic poetry, it lacks concreteness and betrays the author’s unfamiliarity with Maximilian’s actual political objectives. On closer inspection, its patchwork character results from a deliberate interweaving of imitations: Wolfhard heavily relies on the first epic poem dedicated to Maximilian and his father Emperor Frederick III (Helius Quinctius Aemilianus Cimbriacus, Encomiastica, Strassburg 1512), he furthermore alludes to a congratulatory address on the occasion of Maximilian’s election to the throne of the Holy Roman Empire (Ermolao Barbaro, Oratio ad Federicum Imperatorem et Maximilianum Regem Romanorum, principes invictissimos) and possibly to Janus Pannonius, Ad imperatorem Caesarem Fridericum Tertium pro pacanda Italia. Despite the clumsiness of some of Wolfhard’s adaptations, the idea behind them is not devoid of originality: By taking over slightly modified key passages from humanist predecessors Wolfhard evidently wished to put into practice the concept of a translatio studii; the textual transpositions were meant to be recognized by a University audience and should serve to illustrate the successful transfer of humanism from Italy to Vienna.
意大利语oris Germana in regna tulisti / Castalides。16世纪早期维也纳大学对人文主义诗歌的接受。1512年,1511年毕业的特兰西瓦尼亚·撒克逊总督阿德里安·沃尔夫哈德(1491 - 1545)发表了一首长篇六体诗(Panegyris, Viennae: Singrenius - Vietor),赞美皇帝马西米利安一世。皇帝的颂词集中在他的人文主义学习和促进人文主义研究上。呼应康拉德·凯尔特斯的著名颂歌,沃尔夫哈德赞扬马克西米利安将阿波罗和缪斯引入他的德语领土。除了强调人文主义研究外,《帕涅格里斯》还汇集了大量的赞美诗,缺乏具体内容,暴露了作者对马克西米利安实际政治目标的不熟悉。仔细观察就会发现,它的拼凑性是由有意的模仿交织而成的:沃尔夫德在很大程度上依赖于献给马克西米利安和他的父亲腓特烈三世皇帝的第一首史诗(Helius Quinctius Aemilianus Cimbriacus, Encomiastica, 1512年斯特拉斯堡),他进一步暗示了马克西米利安当选神圣罗马帝国王位之际的祝贺致辞(Ermolao Barbaro, Oratio ad Federicum imperorem et Maximilianum Regem Romanorum, principes invictissimos),可能是对Janus Pannonius,皇帝凯撒Fridericum Tertium pro pacanda意大利。尽管沃尔夫哈德的一些改编有些笨拙,但其背后的思想并非缺乏独创性:通过对人文主义先辈的关键段落进行略微修改,沃尔夫哈德显然希望将翻译研究的概念付诸实践;文本的调换是为了让大学观众认识到,并应有助于说明人文主义从意大利到维也纳的成功转移。
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引用次数: 0
Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini and the Hungarian Succession 埃涅阿斯·西尔维厄斯·皮科洛米尼和匈牙利王位继承
Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.15170/spmnnv.2011.06.10
Endre Sashalmi
The words taken as the motto of the study are quoted from the letter written by Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini in 1445 who was in the service of Frederick III at that time. The letter was addressed to the Archbishop of Esztergom with the purpose to persuade him and the magnates of Hungary to accept Ladislaus Postnatus (the relative of Frederick III) King of Hungary. Piccolomini’s argument, in the last resort, is based on the principle of public utility which is well attested by the motto: internal discord and division on the one hand, external threat on the other, postulate the necessity of a king − this is the dominant motif of the letter. Arguing in favour of royal government he states that monarchy is more appropriate for the Hungarians than popular government because of Hungary’s long tradition of being a kingdom. Citing different proofs such as ius gentium, papal disposition, ancient observation as the grounds of Ladislaus’s hereditary right, the view of the author can be seen as a learned discussion of the problem of succession in general since Piccolomini was one of the most erudite intellectuals of his age.
该研究所的座右铭是1445年腓特烈三世手下的埃涅阿斯·西尔维乌斯·皮科洛米尼写的信中引用的。这封信是写给埃斯泰尔戈姆大主教的,目的是说服他和匈牙利的权贵们接受拉迪斯劳斯·波斯特纳图斯(腓特烈三世的亲戚)为匈牙利国王。皮科洛米尼的论点,归根到底,是建立在公共利益原则的基础上的,这句格言很好地证明了这一点:一方面是内部的纷争和分裂,另一方面是外部的威胁,因此必须有一个国王——这是这封信的主要主题。在支持王室政府的争论中,他指出,由于匈牙利作为一个王国的悠久传统,君主政体比人民政府更适合匈牙利人。由于皮科洛米尼是他那个时代最博学的知识分子之一,作者的观点可以被看作是对继承问题的一种博学的讨论,他引用了诸如ius gentium、pope disposition、ancient observation等不同的证据作为拉迪斯劳斯世袭权的依据。
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引用次数: 0
“Married the Sister of His Late Wife” “娶了亡妻的妹妹”
Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.15170/spmnnv.2011.06.07
G. Erdélyi
The study examines the social practices and cultural attitudes concerning kin-marriages of both the aristocracy and the common man. The analysis of lay petitions handed in to the papal curia asking the dispensation of kin-marriages highlights the dynamic relationship of social practices and official norms and reveals changing attitudes and practices to marriage, kinship and law from the 15th to the 17th century.
本研究考察了贵族和平民对亲族婚姻的社会习俗和文化态度。该研究分析了递交给罗马教廷的世俗请愿书,这些请愿书要求赦免亲属婚姻,强调了社会习俗和官方规范之间的动态关系,并揭示了从15世纪到17世纪对婚姻、亲属关系和法律的态度和做法的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Christian Schesaeus and Heinrich Porsius
Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.15170/spmnnv.2011.06.11
Nikolas Thurn
Neo-Latin poetry of the 16th century is generally open to each of its regional, vernaculare literatures. The paper illustrates this fact by two epic poems: Christian Schesaeus' Ruinae Pannonicae and Heinrich Porius' Iter Byzantinum. It argues that they cannot fully be understood without considering their relationship to the Hungarian poems of Sebastian Tinodi and the German tradition of "Newe Zeyttungen".
16世纪的新拉丁诗歌一般都是对当地的方言文学开放的。本文通过两首史诗来说明这一事实:克里斯蒂安·舍赛厄斯的《毁灭》和海因里希·波利乌斯的《拜占庭》。它认为,如果不考虑它们与塞巴斯蒂安·蒂诺迪(Sebastian Tinodi)的匈牙利诗歌和德国传统“Newe Zeyttungen”的关系,就不能充分理解它们。
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引用次数: 0
Pallienprivilegien für Apulien zwischen 1063 und 1122 1063至1122年,阿普利亚的棕榈礼物
Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.15170/spmnnv.2011.06.01
Claudia Alraum
 Privilegies of pallium to Apulia between 1063 and 1122 The present study intends to examine the bestowal of the pallium upon apulian bishops between 1063 and 1122 based on the documents drawn up by the papacy. Together with the pallium were not only concessed metropolitan rights, but in the second half of the Eleventh Century it became also a strong instrument of bond and control of the bishops for the so called reforming papacy. The study shows inter alia that in Apulia the pallium was only bestowed to archbishops and it was not only intended as an instrument of control, but particularly as an aid in the reorganization of the southern italian church and an authorizing handle in the hands of the apulian archbishops.
1063年和1122年之间的阿普利亚的特权的苍白球本研究打算检查在1063年和1122年之间的阿普利亚主教的苍白球的授予基于由教皇起草的文件。它不仅承认了都城的权利,而且在11世纪下半叶,它还成为联系和控制主教的有力工具,用于所谓的改革教皇。研究表明,在阿普利亚,pallium只被授予大主教,它不仅是一种控制工具,而且是重组意大利南部教会的辅助工具,也是阿普利亚大主教手中的授权手柄。
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引用次数: 0
Die Papsturkunde als Produkt unterschiedlicher Rechtsvorstellungen am Beispiel der päpstlichen Beziehungen zum Erzbistum Toledo Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts 教皇论是不同法律观念的产物,例如,教宗与托莱多大主教的关系。世纪
Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.15170/spmnnv.2011.06.03
Andreas Holndonner
This article deals with the question, how and why the archbishopric of Toledo could achieve the restoration of its old status as seat of the primas over the whole Iberian Peninsula in 1088 from Pope Urban II. Only 20 years before the African Moors invaded the Iberian Peninsula in 711 the Toledan primacy had been set up by the Visigothic kings. In those times the Roman Papacy played no special role in Visigothic ecclesiastical affairs. But at the end of the 11th century the papacy claimed to be the leader of the whole Christian church, so why did Urban II affirm the claims for primacy of Toledo that should turn Archbishop Bernard of Toledo into a rival of the papal claims for primacy on the Iberian Peninsula? In the opinion of the author two different traditions of canon law clashed in 1088, when archbishop Bernard tried to come to terms with Pope Urban II in the question of the Toledan primacy: on the one hand the Collectio Hispana, containing old visigothic ecclesiastical law, and on the other hand the Decretales Pseudo-Isidorianae from the 9th century.
这篇文章讨论了托莱多大主教区如何以及为什么能在1088年从教皇乌尔班二世手中恢复其作为整个伊比利亚半岛首席主教的旧地位。就在711年非洲摩尔人入侵伊比利亚半岛的20年前,西哥特国王已经建立了托勒丹王国。在那个时代,罗马教皇在西哥特教会事务中没有发挥特殊作用。但在11世纪末,教皇声称自己是整个基督教会的领袖,那为什么乌尔班二世要确认托莱多的至高无上地位,这会让托莱多大主教伯纳德成为教皇在伊比利亚半岛至高无上地位的对手呢?在作者看来,两种不同的教会法在1088年发生冲突,当时大主教伯纳德试图与教皇乌尔班二世就托勒丹的最高地位问题达成协议:一方面是包含旧西哥特教会法的《西班牙文集》(Collectio Hispana),另一方面是9世纪以来的《伪伊西多里亚纳法令》(Decretales伪伊西多里亚纳)。
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引用次数: 0
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Specimina Nova Pars Prima Sectio Medaevalis
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