Davy Jones’ Locker is well known in legend as being the resting place for those lost at sea, but even more noteworthy is the longstanding tendency of seafarers to defy Davy Jones and seek to rescue those in distress. Rescuing migrants at sea is fraught with controversy, which is especially evident in the ongoing issue of migration in the Mediterranean. So problematic did the issue of migrant deaths in the Mediterranean become, that search and rescue (SAR) operations were organised to address the crisis. This came with its own political backlash, with SAR operations being criticised by states as creating an incentive for migration. Such research is especially critical for Ireland in the deployment of Irish naval forces to conduct SAR in the Central Mediterranean and the importance of an informed analysis to determine such a vital aspect of contemporary European security and humanitarianism. This article studies maritime SAR operations in an attempt to deduce whether they incentivise irregular sea migration in the Central Mediterranean Route. Utilising numbers of migrant arrivals and deaths, contrasted with the nature of various SAR operations against which the migration occurred, this article demonstrates that there is no correlation between migrant numbers and proactive SAR operations. This article aims to provide clarification on the controversial subject of maritime SAR and demonstrate that conducting such operations does not lead to an increase in irregular migration.
{"title":"Defying Davy Jones: The Impact of Maritime Search and Rescue Operations on Irregular Migration in the Central Mediterranean","authors":"Cian Moran","doi":"10.1353/isia.0.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.0.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Davy Jones’ Locker is well known in legend as being the resting place for those lost at sea, but even more noteworthy is the longstanding tendency of seafarers to defy Davy Jones and seek to rescue those in distress. Rescuing migrants at sea is fraught with controversy, which is especially evident in the ongoing issue of migration in the Mediterranean. So problematic did the issue of migrant deaths in the Mediterranean become, that search and rescue (SAR) operations were organised to address the crisis. This came with its own political backlash, with SAR operations being criticised by states as creating an incentive for migration. Such research is especially critical for Ireland in the deployment of Irish naval forces to conduct SAR in the Central Mediterranean and the importance of an informed analysis to determine such a vital aspect of contemporary European security and humanitarianism. This article studies maritime SAR operations in an attempt to deduce whether they incentivise irregular sea migration in the Central Mediterranean Route. Utilising numbers of migrant arrivals and deaths, contrasted with the nature of various SAR operations against which the migration occurred, this article demonstrates that there is no correlation between migrant numbers and proactive SAR operations. This article aims to provide clarification on the controversial subject of maritime SAR and demonstrate that conducting such operations does not lead to an increase in irregular migration.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66363517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
States that have prioritised conflict resolution and peacebuilding in their foreign policies often under-prioritise the need to have a highly developed capacity to analyse why conflicts erupt and are sustained over long periods. Analysis of causes of conflict is often dominated by geopolitical reasoning, power politics or essentialist views of ideological incompatibility. However, many subjugated communities maintain mass support for social mobilisation or even armed conflict when external expert analysis suggests they have no chance of success. Why do such communities persevere—even inter-generationally against such odds? This article sets out to examine an inconspicuous element, hope, in the context of the Kashmir conflict by looking into a corpus of narratives of Kashmiri youth published in the post2008 period, which witnessed recurrent political unrest and mobilisations around the demand of Kashmiri self-determination. The element of hope, in the context of this paper, is traced in the political narratives which, it is argued, have pragmatic intent and are typically goal-oriented and, therefore, in their cumulative effect engender a discursive reservoir in which a future of possibilities is implicit. When hope is preserved and nurtured through collective memory incorporated into narratives (or ‘organised remembrance’) it undercuts a state’s attempt to present the status quo as a fait accompli. We can conceive of hope in this context as a psychopolitical phenomenon. From the generational perspective, the element of hope (as an accomplice of memory) has an instrumental value for a self-determination movement whose continuity depends on the inter-generational reproduction of a national liberation struggle propelled by hope embodied in political action.
{"title":"Conflict and Narratives of Hope: A Study of Youth Discourses in Kashmir","authors":"Mohd Tahir Ganie","doi":"10.1353/isia.0.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.0.0006","url":null,"abstract":"States that have prioritised conflict resolution and peacebuilding in their foreign policies often under-prioritise the need to have a highly developed capacity to analyse why conflicts erupt and are sustained over long periods. Analysis of causes of conflict is often dominated by geopolitical reasoning, power politics or essentialist views of ideological incompatibility. However, many subjugated communities maintain mass support for social mobilisation or even armed conflict when external expert analysis suggests they have no chance of success. Why do such communities persevere—even inter-generationally against such odds? This article sets out to examine an inconspicuous element, hope, in the context of the Kashmir conflict by looking into a corpus of narratives of Kashmiri youth published in the post2008 period, which witnessed recurrent political unrest and mobilisations around the demand of Kashmiri self-determination. The element of hope, in the context of this paper, is traced in the political narratives which, it is argued, have pragmatic intent and are typically goal-oriented and, therefore, in their cumulative effect engender a discursive reservoir in which a future of possibilities is implicit. When hope is preserved and nurtured through collective memory incorporated into narratives (or ‘organised remembrance’) it undercuts a state’s attempt to present the status quo as a fait accompli. We can conceive of hope in this context as a psychopolitical phenomenon. From the generational perspective, the element of hope (as an accomplice of memory) has an instrumental value for a self-determination movement whose continuity depends on the inter-generational reproduction of a national liberation struggle propelled by hope embodied in political action.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66363278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article evaluates the validity of neorealism in explaining contemporary international events. It is argued that three decades since the end of bipolarity and despite the neoliberal challenge, neorealism still provides convincing explanations of world politics. Within this context the basic theoretical precepts of Kenneth Waltz’s neorealism are presented before moving on to outline the main aspects of the neoliberal challenge since the end of the Cold War. Then the response of structural realism is evaluated. Finally, through an analysis of recent normative and empirical discourses, this article reaffirms structural realism’s credibility as a theory of international relations.
{"title":"A Defence of the Relevance of Neorealism in the Post-Bipolar World","authors":"George Koukoudakis","doi":"10.1353/isia.0.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.0.0005","url":null,"abstract":"This article evaluates the validity of neorealism in explaining contemporary international events. It is argued that three decades since the end of bipolarity and despite the neoliberal challenge, neorealism still provides convincing explanations of world politics. Within this context the basic theoretical precepts of Kenneth Waltz’s neorealism are presented before moving on to outline the main aspects of the neoliberal challenge since the end of the Cold War. Then the response of structural realism is evaluated. Finally, through an analysis of recent normative and empirical discourses, this article reaffirms structural realism’s credibility as a theory of international relations.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66363204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Beyond Growth in a Unified Ireland: A Response to 'Beyond Growth and Partition: Post-Growth and Ecological Perspectives on the Political Economy of Irish Reunification' by Seán Fearon and John Barry","authors":"P. Gosling","doi":"10.1353/isia.2022.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.2022.0020","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"33 1","pages":"410 - 413"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43415686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Different Labour Markets, the Same Policy Goals: A Response To 'One Island, Two Labour Markets' By John Fitzgerald","authors":"Tom McDonnell","doi":"10.1353/isia.2022.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.2022.0019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"33 1","pages":"406 - 409"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49003820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:This article adds important post-growth and ecological–economic perspectives to the growing debate on Irish reunification by placing the planetary emergency at the heart of the political economy of the issue. An account is provided of overlapping and interlinked global ecological crises, and the case is made that any argument for or against Irish reunification is ill-informed and incomplete without an understanding and acknowledgement of our stark and unstable planetary future. Moreover, this contribution to the debate presents some post-growth political economy perspectives that identify economic growth as the driver of ecological breakdown. Therefore, the Irish unity project (and all those involved in the debate, both for and against) must consider a post-growth position rooted in science-based and non-negotiable ecological realities. An ecological–economic and socio-economic critique of growth regimes, often proposed as the basis of a united Ireland economy, is presented to advance the need for a post-growth alternative.
{"title":"Beyond Growth and Partition: Post-growth and Ecological Perspectives on the Political Economy of Irish Reunification","authors":"Seán Fearon, J. Barry","doi":"10.1353/isia.2022.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.2022.0018","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:This article adds important post-growth and ecological–economic perspectives to the growing debate on Irish reunification by placing the planetary emergency at the heart of the political economy of the issue. An account is provided of overlapping and interlinked global ecological crises, and the case is made that any argument for or against Irish reunification is ill-informed and incomplete without an understanding and acknowledgement of our stark and unstable planetary future. Moreover, this contribution to the debate presents some post-growth political economy perspectives that identify economic growth as the driver of ecological breakdown. Therefore, the Irish unity project (and all those involved in the debate, both for and against) must consider a post-growth position rooted in science-based and non-negotiable ecological realities. An ecological–economic and socio-economic critique of growth regimes, often proposed as the basis of a united Ireland economy, is presented to advance the need for a post-growth alternative.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"33 1","pages":"373 - 405"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45660897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The island of Ireland is divided, not only politically into two states, Ireland and Northern Ireland, but also in the world of soccer. Thus, it represents a suitable subject for research from an international relations (IR) perspective. This article explores the roles of the Football Association of Ireland (FAI) and the Irish Football Association (IFA), domestic political actors, and the game’s international governance institutions that may have impacted the international relations of Ireland’s two states. The evidence shows that football actors in Northern Ireland attempted to impact the IR of football of Ireland. Also, the preservation of the status quo as regards a football merger is related to the interests of individuals in key international football governance positions on both sides of the border and on attempts by the two states to secure an All-Ireland international representation as proposed by the constructivist theory of international relations.
{"title":"The International Relations Dimension of Irish Soccer","authors":"N. Lekakis, T. White","doi":"10.1353/isia.0.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.0.0002","url":null,"abstract":"The island of Ireland is divided, not only politically into two states, Ireland and Northern Ireland, but also in the world of soccer. Thus, it represents a suitable subject for research from an international relations (IR) perspective. This article explores the roles of the Football Association of Ireland (FAI) and the Irish Football Association (IFA), domestic political actors, and the game’s international governance institutions that may have impacted the international relations of Ireland’s two states. The evidence shows that football actors in Northern Ireland attempted to impact the IR of football of Ireland. Also, the preservation of the status quo as regards a football merger is related to the interests of individuals in key international football governance positions on both sides of the border and on attempts by the two states to secure an All-Ireland international representation as proposed by the constructivist theory of international relations.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66363138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:Since 1900, (what would become) the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland have constituted two distinct labour markets, with limited interaction between them, while both have been part of the wider Great Britain (GB) labour market. For much of this period there was significant emigration to GB from the island. From 1970, this pattern was reversed for the Republic of Ireland while, for Northern Ireland, emigration continued to be a drain on the economy. In that period, the integration of the island's labour markets into the GB labour market saw wage rates tend to converge. While wage rates were probably similar in Ireland and GB in 1922, relative rates first fell in the Free State from the mid-1930s. However, the resulting gap was closed by the early 1970s. Thereafter the rates were broadly aligned. For Northern Ireland, wage rates have been between 80% and 90% of GB rates since 1922.
{"title":"One Island, Two Labour Markets","authors":"J. Fitzgerald","doi":"10.1353/isia.2022.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.2022.0017","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Since 1900, (what would become) the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland have constituted two distinct labour markets, with limited interaction between them, while both have been part of the wider Great Britain (GB) labour market. For much of this period there was significant emigration to GB from the island. From 1970, this pattern was reversed for the Republic of Ireland while, for Northern Ireland, emigration continued to be a drain on the economy. In that period, the integration of the island's labour markets into the GB labour market saw wage rates tend to converge. While wage rates were probably similar in Ireland and GB in 1922, relative rates first fell in the Free State from the mid-1930s. However, the resulting gap was closed by the early 1970s. Thereafter the rates were broadly aligned. For Northern Ireland, wage rates have been between 80% and 90% of GB rates since 1922.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"33 1","pages":"316 - 372"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49072199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Smoke and Mirrors: A Response To 'Troubles and Northern Ireland: Representations in Film of Belfast as a Site of Conflict' by Pat Brereton","authors":"Des O’Rawe","doi":"10.1353/isia.2022.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.2022.0015","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"33 1","pages":"307 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43881274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Teasing Out Allusions: A Reply to Des O’Rawe’s Response to 'Troubles and Northern Ireland: Representations in Film of Belfast as a Site of Conflict' by Pat Brereton","authors":"P. Brereton","doi":"10.1353/isia.2022.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.2022.0016","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"33 1","pages":"312 - 315"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49343519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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