{"title":"What about the Athletes Themselves? The Need for a Facilitated Dialogue: A Response to 'A Shared Ireland? Identity, Meaning, Representation and Sport' By Katie Liston and Joseph Maguire","authors":"B. Kidd","doi":"10.1353/isia.2022.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.2022.0007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"33 1","pages":"133 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43607835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0033
T. Lynch
Abstract:This article argues, firstly, that British diplomats were so taken aback by the Gerry Adams visa in 1994 they were incapable of countering President Clinton's sudden diplomatic initiative. Secondly, it argues that British officials tacitly welcomed the ends of American intercession, though they resisted the means. This was not because Adams was uniquely wicked but because his visa showed the limitations of their influence in a capital city supposedly more pro-British than any other.This paper is based on research conducted by the author and presented in ‘Turf war: the Clinton administration and Northern Ireland’, PhD dissertation, Boston College (USA), 2003. The author is a lecturer in American politics and foreign policy at the University of Leicester, England.
摘要:本文认为，首先，1994年的格里·亚当斯签证令英国外交官大吃一惊，他们无力反击克林顿总统突如其来的外交倡议。其次，它认为英国官员默认了美国调停的结果，尽管他们反对这种方式。这并不是因为亚当斯特别邪恶，而是因为他的签证显示了他们在一个被认为比其他任何首都都更亲英的首都的影响力有限。本文是基于作者进行的研究，并在“地盘战争:克林顿政府和北爱尔兰”，博士论文，波士顿学院(美国)，2003年提出。作者是英国莱斯特大学(University of Leicester)美国政治与外交政策讲师。
{"title":"The Gerry Adams Visa in Anglo-American Relations","authors":"T. Lynch","doi":"10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0033","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article argues, firstly, that British diplomats were so taken aback by the Gerry Adams visa in 1994 they were incapable of countering President Clinton's sudden diplomatic initiative. Secondly, it argues that British officials tacitly welcomed the ends of American intercession, though they resisted the means. This was not because Adams was uniquely wicked but because his visa showed the limitations of their influence in a capital city supposedly more pro-British than any other.This paper is based on research conducted by the author and presented in ‘Turf war: the Clinton administration and Northern Ireland’, PhD dissertation, Boston College (USA), 2003. The author is a lecturer in American politics and foreign policy at the University of Leicester, England.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43220489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/irisstudinteaffa.2018.0145
Martin Mansergh
{"title":"The Background to the Peace Process","authors":"Martin Mansergh","doi":"10.3318/irisstudinteaffa.2018.0145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/irisstudinteaffa.2018.0145","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47717495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0107
J. Dumbrell
{"title":"The United States and the Northern Irish Conflict 1969–94: from Indifference to Intervention","authors":"J. Dumbrell","doi":"10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0107","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44378429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0001
J. Doyle
{"title":"Reflecting on the Northern Ireland Conflict and Peace Process: 20 years since the Good Friday Agreement","authors":"J. Doyle","doi":"10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46780957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The 11 September 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon were deeply traumatic for the United States, and there was a singularly strong response, commencing with regime termination in Afghanistan, the development of a 'war on terror' and its extension to oppose a so-called axis of evil, which led to regime termination in Iraq. Over the past decade the consequences of this response have been unexpected and call into question the policies adopted. This raises issues surrounding the reasons for the decision by the US to adopt such policies, but also has implications for more general policies relating to problems of global insecurity. The failure of the 'war on terror' to achieve the stated objectives indicates the need for a new approach to problems of international conflict, with an emphasis on a sustainable security paradigm that unites ideas of human and common security into a long-term perspective.
{"title":"The 'War on Terror' and International Security","authors":"P. Rogers","doi":"10.3318/ISIA.2011.22.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/ISIA.2011.22.15","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The 11 September 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon were deeply traumatic for the United States, and there was a singularly strong response, commencing with regime termination in Afghanistan, the development of a 'war on terror' and its extension to oppose a so-called axis of evil, which led to regime termination in Iraq. Over the past decade the consequences of this response have been unexpected and call into question the policies adopted. This raises issues surrounding the reasons for the decision by the US to adopt such policies, but also has implications for more general policies relating to problems of global insecurity. The failure of the 'war on terror' to achieve the stated objectives indicates the need for a new approach to problems of international conflict, with an emphasis on a sustainable security paradigm that unites ideas of human and common security into a long-term perspective.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"22 1","pages":"15 - 23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42511282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:William Zartman's concept of ‘ripeness’ has been strongly criticised on both methodological and substantive grounds, yet it remains central to both academic and policy debates. This paper assesses the usefulness of Zartman's model through an analysis of the three peace agreements which were negotiated during the Northern Ireland conflict—the 1973 power-sharing Sunningdale Agreement, the 1985 inter-governmental Anglo-Irish Agreement and the 1998 Belfast Agreement. It uses a refined version of Zartman's model to argue that the concept of ‘ripeness’ remains a useful means to analyse the potential for peace and that it can provide an explanation for the relative success of the 1998 Belfast Agreement and for the failure of previous agreements.This research was supported by a Marie Curie International Research Staff Exchange Scheme Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework Programme (grant no: PIRSES-GA-2011-295232)
{"title":"Ripe moments for Exiting Political Violence: an Analysis of the Northern Ireland Case","authors":"Eileen Connolly, J. Doyle","doi":"10.1353/isia.2018.0030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.2018.0030","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:William Zartman's concept of ‘ripeness’ has been strongly criticised on both methodological and substantive grounds, yet it remains central to both academic and policy debates. This paper assesses the usefulness of Zartman's model through an analysis of the three peace agreements which were negotiated during the Northern Ireland conflict—the 1973 power-sharing Sunningdale Agreement, the 1985 inter-governmental Anglo-Irish Agreement and the 1998 Belfast Agreement. It uses a refined version of Zartman's model to argue that the concept of ‘ripeness’ remains a useful means to analyse the potential for peace and that it can provide an explanation for the relative success of the 1998 Belfast Agreement and for the failure of previous agreements.This research was supported by a Marie Curie International Research Staff Exchange Scheme Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework Programme (grant no: PIRSES-GA-2011-295232)","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46692178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0087
Michael Kennedy
Abstract:This paper looks at the immediate reaction of the Irish Department of External Affairs to the outbreak of the Troubles in Northern Ireland in August 1969. It examines and analyses the responses of Irish diplomats to a circular letter from Hugh McCann, the secretary of the department, asking for suggestions on the development of future Northern Ireland policy. The paper shows that External Affairs was poorly prepared in terms of policy options for the outbreak of the Troubles and that its officials had little understanding of developments in Northern Ireland. In the medium term the responses to the circular letter led to the formation of a dedicated Anglo-Irish section in External Affairs. This section was to play a crucial role in the development of Dublin's Northern Ireland policy from 1970 up to and beyond the Good Friday Agreement of 1998.National Archives of Ireland (hereafter NAI), 2000/5/15, Joseph Biggar to Seán Ronan, 7 October 1969.
摘要：本文着眼于爱尔兰外交部对1969年8月北爱尔兰骚乱爆发的直接反应。它审查和分析了爱尔兰外交官对外交部部长休·麦肯的一封通函的回应，该通函要求就未来北爱尔兰政策的发展提出建议。该文件显示，外交部在应对骚乱爆发的政策选择方面准备不足，其官员对北爱尔兰的事态发展几乎一无所知。从中期来看，对通函的回应导致成立了一个专门的英爱外交部门。这一部分在1970年至1998年《耶稣受难日协议》期间及之后都柏林北爱尔兰政策的发展中发挥了关键作用。爱尔兰国家档案馆（以下简称NAI），2000/5/15，Joseph Biggar to Seán Ronan，1969年10月7日。
{"title":"‘This tragic and most intractable problem’: the Reaction of the Department of External Affairs to the Outbreak of the Troubles in Northern Ireland","authors":"Michael Kennedy","doi":"10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0087","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper looks at the immediate reaction of the Irish Department of External Affairs to the outbreak of the Troubles in Northern Ireland in August 1969. It examines and analyses the responses of Irish diplomats to a circular letter from Hugh McCann, the secretary of the department, asking for suggestions on the development of future Northern Ireland policy. The paper shows that External Affairs was poorly prepared in terms of policy options for the outbreak of the Troubles and that its officials had little understanding of developments in Northern Ireland. In the medium term the responses to the circular letter led to the formation of a dedicated Anglo-Irish section in External Affairs. This section was to play a crucial role in the development of Dublin's Northern Ireland policy from 1970 up to and beyond the Good Friday Agreement of 1998.National Archives of Ireland (hereafter NAI), 2000/5/15, Joseph Biggar to Seán Ronan, 7 October 1969.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44727770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/irisstudinteaffa.2018.0203
C. Harris
Abstract:This paper assesses how membership of the EEC/EU has facilitated cooperation between the Anglo-Irish elite. Defining ‘the potential for elite accommodation’ as including an elite motivation, political security, structured elite predominance and conciliatory attitudes, the paper analyses the Europeanisation of Anglo-Irish relations with regard to the development of conciliatory attitudes under two headings: familiarity breeds consent and sovereignty revisited. From the formation of the Free State to the late 1960s Anglo-Irish relations experienced decades of ‘disengagement’ and distancing. Anglo-Irish elite attitudes during this time ranged from hostile to cooperative. The return of the Troubles to Northern Ireland corresponded with EEC accession negotiations. The will to restore peace and security in Northern Ireland and to prevent the spillover of violence into the Republic became a strong elite motivation for compromise. Frequent meetings on the fringes of European Council summits increased mutual awareness and became a forum for informal but fruitful negotiations. The sui generis European system of governance provided the elite, particularly the Irish elite, with a conceptual framework to break free from the identity crisis inherent in traditional Irish nationalism. Indirectly fostering conciliatory attitudes between the Anglo-Irish elite, the EEC/EU made a vital contribution to the Northern Ireland peace process.Paper presented at a seminar organised by the Irish National Committee for the Study of International Affairs, 8 November 2000.
{"title":"Anglo-Irish Elite Cooperation and the Peace Process: the Impact of the EEC/EU","authors":"C. Harris","doi":"10.3318/irisstudinteaffa.2018.0203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/irisstudinteaffa.2018.0203","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper assesses how membership of the EEC/EU has facilitated cooperation between the Anglo-Irish elite. Defining ‘the potential for elite accommodation’ as including an elite motivation, political security, structured elite predominance and conciliatory attitudes, the paper analyses the Europeanisation of Anglo-Irish relations with regard to the development of conciliatory attitudes under two headings: familiarity breeds consent and sovereignty revisited. From the formation of the Free State to the late 1960s Anglo-Irish relations experienced decades of ‘disengagement’ and distancing. Anglo-Irish elite attitudes during this time ranged from hostile to cooperative. The return of the Troubles to Northern Ireland corresponded with EEC accession negotiations. The will to restore peace and security in Northern Ireland and to prevent the spillover of violence into the Republic became a strong elite motivation for compromise. Frequent meetings on the fringes of European Council summits increased mutual awareness and became a forum for informal but fruitful negotiations. The sui generis European system of governance provided the elite, particularly the Irish elite, with a conceptual framework to break free from the identity crisis inherent in traditional Irish nationalism. Indirectly fostering conciliatory attitudes between the Anglo-Irish elite, the EEC/EU made a vital contribution to the Northern Ireland peace process.Paper presented at a seminar organised by the Irish National Committee for the Study of International Affairs, 8 November 2000.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43145753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/ISIA.2011.22.127
W. Kilroy
Abstract:The demobilisation and re-integration of ex-combatants has become an important element in peace-building. The need for a more holistic, integrated approach, in which there is greater local ownership of the process, has long been recognised. However, putting this into practice remains a challenge. Re-integration ultimately takes place in the community, merging with development and post-conflict reconstruction. This study of re-integration in Sierra Leone uses the concept of 'participation' from development discourse, meaning the extent to which potential stakeholders have a say in how interventions are designed and implemented. It finds that participation and ownership are only seen to a limited extent, and only in certain situations. Many of the ex-combatants who participated in this study felt they did not receive adequate or accurate information regarding the re-integration process. This undermines the contribution that re-integration can have to the peace-building project. Participation proves to be a useful framework for assessing re-integration programmes, and for planning the more integrated approach that has long been advocated.
{"title":"From Conflict to Ownership: Participatory Approaches to the Re-integration of Ex-Combatants in Sierra Leone","authors":"W. Kilroy","doi":"10.3318/ISIA.2011.22.127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/ISIA.2011.22.127","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The demobilisation and re-integration of ex-combatants has become an important element in peace-building. The need for a more holistic, integrated approach, in which there is greater local ownership of the process, has long been recognised. However, putting this into practice remains a challenge. Re-integration ultimately takes place in the community, merging with development and post-conflict reconstruction. This study of re-integration in Sierra Leone uses the concept of 'participation' from development discourse, meaning the extent to which potential stakeholders have a say in how interventions are designed and implemented. It finds that participation and ownership are only seen to a limited extent, and only in certain situations. Many of the ex-combatants who participated in this study felt they did not receive adequate or accurate information regarding the re-integration process. This undermines the contribution that re-integration can have to the peace-building project. Participation proves to be a useful framework for assessing re-integration programmes, and for planning the more integrated approach that has long been advocated.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"22 1","pages":"127 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48164156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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