Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/irisstudinteaffa.2018.0093
A. Guelke
Abstract:
Based on a lecture presented in the Department of Politics, Queen's University, Belfast, in April 1994.
摘要:本文以1994年4月英国贝尔法斯特女王大学政治系的一次讲座为基础。
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This issue of Irish Studies in International Affairs is primarily focused on the topic of 'Governance for a more ethical world', drawing on a series of papers presented at the annual conference of the Royal Irish Academy's Committee for International Affairs, held in Dublin in November 2010, a presentation from Mary Robinson to the Academy in December 2010 on climate change and a number of other articles dealing with related substantive issues of concern. This is not the first time the journal has addressed such issues.1 However, as institutional structures of regional and global governance become more significant, and have to deal with a wider range of issues, from finance to security and climate change, the challenges of balancing such institutional structures with other voices representing traditionally marginalised groups, or of including an ethical dimension in decision-making, becomes ever more crucial. Yet, international and regional governance by its nature is at a greater remove from citizens than their state-level structures and usually does not to involve a directly elected, or even directly accessible, element equivalent in any way to national democratic processes. In this void there is a key challenge for international relations to develop processes that temper the realpolitik of powerful state interests with other influences. The power of the Arab Spring revolts emerging across North Africa and the Middle East during 2011. and the sense of their immediacy for those of us outside the region created by the use of new media technologies, reflect the genuinely growing globalisation of our political space. Another example of such globalisation is the extent to which citizens of states within Europe facing serious banking and fiscal crises now have a much greater sense of the power of international financial institutions, including the IMF, a reality experienced by states in the Global South for many years. At another level, a free-market approach to climate change will allow wealthy states to alleviate some of the impacts of such change at local level, leaving vulnerable and poor states to face the greatest impacts. What will be the response to such challenges at the level of international governance?
{"title":"Editor's introduction: Governance for a More Ethical World","authors":"J. Doyle","doi":"10.3318/ISIA.2011.22.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/ISIA.2011.22.1","url":null,"abstract":"This issue of Irish Studies in International Affairs is primarily focused on the topic of 'Governance for a more ethical world', drawing on a series of papers presented at the annual conference of the Royal Irish Academy's Committee for International Affairs, held in Dublin in November 2010, a presentation from Mary Robinson to the Academy in December 2010 on climate change and a number of other articles dealing with related substantive issues of concern. This is not the first time the journal has addressed such issues.1 However, as institutional structures of regional and global governance become more significant, and have to deal with a wider range of issues, from finance to security and climate change, the challenges of balancing such institutional structures with other voices representing traditionally marginalised groups, or of including an ethical dimension in decision-making, becomes ever more crucial. Yet, international and regional governance by its nature is at a greater remove from citizens than their state-level structures and usually does not to involve a directly elected, or even directly accessible, element equivalent in any way to national democratic processes. In this void there is a key challenge for international relations to develop processes that temper the realpolitik of powerful state interests with other influences. The power of the Arab Spring revolts emerging across North Africa and the Middle East during 2011. and the sense of their immediacy for those of us outside the region created by the use of new media technologies, reflect the genuinely growing globalisation of our political space. Another example of such globalisation is the extent to which citizens of states within Europe facing serious banking and fiscal crises now have a much greater sense of the power of international financial institutions, including the IMF, a reality experienced by states in the Global South for many years. At another level, a free-market approach to climate change will allow wealthy states to alleviate some of the impacts of such change at local level, leaving vulnerable and poor states to face the greatest impacts. What will be the response to such challenges at the level of international governance?","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"22 1","pages":"1 - 3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44718919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0073
M. Cox
If students of international relations can readily be accused of failing to take the Northern Ireland conflict seriously enough, then analysts of the conflict in the North can be criticised with equal force for ignoring the complex ways in which the outside world has impacted upon the place since the struggle for civil rights rapidly and tragically evolved into a military campaign in the late 1960s. This is not only historically indefensible insofar as the tangled web of relations between Britain and Ireland make no sense unless they are situated within a wider international context. It is also analytically parochial. Indeed, in my view, far too many historians of the Troubles have discussed them as if they stood in some splendid Miltonian isolation from events elsewhere. My approach is quite different, and while in no way seeking to deny either the local causes or the national character of the conflict, insists that the conflict in its various phases can only be fully explained if we 'bring in the international'. Northern Ireland does not stand and has never stood outside of world
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Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0141
G. FitzGerald
Abstract:Arising from the release of Irish and British state papers for the years 1974 and 1975, Professor Ronan Fanning wrote in the Irish Independent about the Irish government's reactions in 1975 to what appeared to be a danger that the British government might withdraw from Northern Ireland. This current article outlines the circumstances in which, as Minister for Foreign Affairs, I submitted a memorandum to government on this issue on 11 June 1975, incorporating a document prepared at the request of the government by the Inter-Departmental Unit on Northern Ireland. It also deals with the reactions of Conor Cruise O'Brien, Minister for Posts and Telegraphs and Labour Spokesman on Northern Ireland, and of Assistant Cabinet Secretary Dermot Nally to this memorandum, including their concern at any consultation with the SDLP on this issue; and it places this matter in the political context of the period.
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Pub Date : 2022-02-26DOI: 10.3318/IRISSTUDINTEAFFA.2018.0133
N. Dorr
Abstract:This article—adapted from the author's forthcoming book, Sunningdale: the search for peace in Northern Ireland—describes how government policy was formed during 1972, the most violent year of the Troubles. As told from the perspective of a former political adviser in the Department of Foreign Affairs, policy was not always set from the top but was often developed in a creative interaction between those who drafted speeches and articles and political leaders. In the tense atmosphere of 1972, views among department officials and advisers as to which path a government should take often differed. Meanwhile, Ted Heath's government was preparing a Green Paper which, when published, reflected ideas about power-sharing institutions in Northern Ireland and an ‘Irish Dimension’ which the Irish government had been arguing for. Though Sunningdale did not succeed, this new approach, a turning point in British policy, remained relevant to all subsequent cooperation in working towards a political settlement.This paper is adapted from Chapter 9, ‘How policy is formed’, of the author's book Sunningdale: the search for peace in Northern Ireland, published in November 2017 by the Royal Irish Academy (see: https://www.ria.ie/sunningdale-search-peace-northern-ireland).
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Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32b.45
M. Murphy
Abstract:Social imaginary is a sociological concept referring to the set of values, institutions, laws and symbols through which people imagine their social whole. This article unpacks what might be needed to develop an all-island welfare imaginary. Literature points to the importance of ‘institutional fit’, ‘policy opportunity’ and ‘learning processes’ as factors facilitating policy transfer between different jurisdictions. An absence of ‘institutional fit’ presents barriers to policy transfer, but even where there is institutional fit, effective policy transfer requires sufficient policy opportunity and effective policy learning processes. We find potential for convergence between the Irish and Northern Irish welfare systems in that both are broadly neoliberal in character, with common features and challenges. However, recent reforms created divergence in their direction of travel, as is evidenced in social security responses to the pandemic. Looking to the future, labour market disruption and restructuring is likely as economies and societies cope with impacts of the pandemic, future automation and climate challenges, and possible constitutional changes across the UK. Negotiating these new social risks will require greater agility and navigational agency of citizens. Enabling institutions will be key, as will maximum social and economic participation and cohesion; these policy goals offer compass points to guide mutual travel for working age welfare and social security policy, north and south. This article promotes knowledge mobilisation towards an ‘island welfare imaginary’ that draws on Nordic social democratic and universal models of welfare states and seeks to maximise social and economic participation as a way of rooting solidarity and reciprocal citizenship.This is an open access article licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International License. Open Access funding provided by IReL.
{"title":"A New Welfare Imaginary for the Island of Ireland","authors":"M. Murphy","doi":"10.3318/isia.2021.32b.45","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/isia.2021.32b.45","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Social imaginary is a sociological concept referring to the set of values, institutions, laws and symbols through which people imagine their social whole. This article unpacks what might be needed to develop an all-island welfare imaginary. Literature points to the importance of ‘institutional fit’, ‘policy opportunity’ and ‘learning processes’ as factors facilitating policy transfer between different jurisdictions. An absence of ‘institutional fit’ presents barriers to policy transfer, but even where there is institutional fit, effective policy transfer requires sufficient policy opportunity and effective policy learning processes. We find potential for convergence between the Irish and Northern Irish welfare systems in that both are broadly neoliberal in character, with common features and challenges. However, recent reforms created divergence in their direction of travel, as is evidenced in social security responses to the pandemic. Looking to the future, labour market disruption and restructuring is likely as economies and societies cope with impacts of the pandemic, future automation and climate challenges, and possible constitutional changes across the UK. Negotiating these new social risks will require greater agility and navigational agency of citizens. Enabling institutions will be key, as will maximum social and economic participation and cohesion; these policy goals offer compass points to guide mutual travel for working age welfare and social security policy, north and south. This article promotes knowledge mobilisation towards an ‘island welfare imaginary’ that draws on Nordic social democratic and universal models of welfare states and seeks to maximise social and economic participation as a way of rooting solidarity and reciprocal citizenship.This is an open access article licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International License. Open Access funding provided by IReL.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"32 1","pages":"532 - 557"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46601336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32b.48
Brice Dickson
Abstract:This paper first sets out how human rights are currently protected in Northern Ireland and then examines how they are protected in Ireland. For each jurisdiction it explains to what extent the law-makers are obliged to comply with certain human rights standards, in particular those set by the nations' constitutions and the European Convention on Human Rights. It also surveys how each jurisdiction is tied into other international human rights monitoring systems. The paper suggests how the unification of Ireland could change the way in which the human rights of people living in Northern Ireland are protected, while pointing out that much depends on the terms on which unification takes place. The guiding principle for the governments of Ireland and the UK should be that there is no regression in the degree of protection currently afforded.
{"title":"Implications for the Protection of Human Rights in a United Ireland","authors":"Brice Dickson","doi":"10.3318/isia.2021.32b.48","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/isia.2021.32b.48","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper first sets out how human rights are currently protected in Northern Ireland and then examines how they are protected in Ireland. For each jurisdiction it explains to what extent the law-makers are obliged to comply with certain human rights standards, in particular those set by the nations' constitutions and the European Convention on Human Rights. It also surveys how each jurisdiction is tied into other international human rights monitoring systems. The paper suggests how the unification of Ireland could change the way in which the human rights of people living in Northern Ireland are protected, while pointing out that much depends on the terms on which unification takes place. The guiding principle for the governments of Ireland and the UK should be that there is no regression in the degree of protection currently afforded.","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"32 1","pages":"589 - 610"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46533208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32b.52
P. McDonagh
{"title":"Shaking Ideologies: A Response to ‘Pulpit to Public: Church Leaders on a Post-Brexit Island’ by Gladys Ganiel","authors":"P. McDonagh","doi":"10.3318/isia.2021.32b.52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/isia.2021.32b.52","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"32 1","pages":"617 - 619"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41371721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32b.39
Jennifer Kavanagh
{"title":"Constitutional Change: A Response to ‘Let “The People” Decide: Reflections on Constitutional Change and “Concurrent Consent”’ by Colin Harvey","authors":"Jennifer Kavanagh","doi":"10.3318/isia.2021.32b.39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/isia.2021.32b.39","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":"32 1","pages":"406 - 408"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49571024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32b.27
Jane Suiter
{"title":"The Constitutional Future: A Reply to Colin Harvey","authors":"Jane Suiter","doi":"10.3318/isia.2021.32b.27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3318/isia.2021.32b.27","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39181,"journal":{"name":"Irish Studies in International Affairs","volume":" ","pages":"282 - 283"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44952387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}