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The Role of Christian Church Leaders, Past and Present: A Response to ‘Pulpit to Public: Church Leaders on a Post-Brexit Island’ by Gladys Ganiel 基督教会领袖的角色,过去和现在:对格拉迪斯·加尼尔《从讲坛到公众:英国脱欧后岛屿上的教会领袖》的回应
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-25 DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32b.56
M. Scull
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引用次数: 0
Converge or Diverge? One Island, Two Regimes: A Response to ‘A New Welfare Imaginary for the Island of Ireland’ by Mary P. Murphy 收敛还是发散?一个岛屿,两种制度:对“爱尔兰岛的新福利想象”的回应,作者:玛丽·p·墨菲
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-25 DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32b.50
F. Powell
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引用次数: 0
Pulpit to Public: Church Leaders on a Post-Brexit Island 公众面前的普尔皮特:英国脱欧后岛屿上的教会领袖
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-25 DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32b.47
Gladys Ganiel
Abstract:This article explores church leaders' contributions to public debates about a post-Brexit island. It analyses the work of Corrymeela and the Irish Council of Churches/Irish Inter Church Meeting (ICC/IICM); and the Church Leaders' Group, which is comprised of the Catholic and Church of Ireland archbishops of Armagh, the Presbyterian moderator, the Methodist president and the president of ICC. These groups' main contributions have been their discursive framing of Brexit, reconciliation, and dealing with the past as inter-related; and organising facilitated dialogues around these issues. It argues that church leaders have brought the past into debates about the future. But the effectiveness of this move may be determined by their ability to extend debate about dealing with the past to both sides of the border, and on their willingness to address their own past failures, including their contributions to division and violence, and the legacy of church abuse.
摘要:本文探讨了教会领袖对英国脱欧后岛屿公共辩论的贡献。它分析了Corrymeela和爱尔兰教会理事会/爱尔兰教会间会议(ICC/IICM)的工作;以及教会领袖小组,该小组由天主教和爱尔兰教会的阿玛大主教、长老会主席、卫理公会主席和国际刑事法院主席组成。这些团体的主要贡献是他们对英国脱欧、和解的话语框架,以及将过去视为相互关联的;并围绕这些问题组织促进对话。它认为,教会领袖们把过去带入了关于未来的辩论。但这一举措的有效性可能取决于他们是否有能力将关于如何处理过去的辩论扩展到边境两侧,以及他们是否愿意解决自己过去的失败,包括他们对分裂和暴力的贡献,以及教会虐待的遗产。
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引用次数: 4
Nation-making and Re-making: A Response to Brice Dickson, ‘The Protection of Human Rights in a United Ireland’ 建国与再建国:对布莱斯·迪克森《统一爱尔兰的人权保护》的回应
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-25 DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32b.53
Fiona de Londras
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引用次数: 0
Avoiding Unwieldy and Ethnocratic Government 避免笨拙的民族主义政府
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-04 DOI: 10.1353/isia.2022.0000
D. Walsh, Tajma Kapic, Brian Ó Conchubhair, Diarmait Mac Giolla Chríost, G. Jarvie, Katie Liston, J. Maguire, V. Conway, B. Kidd, J. McEvoy, J. Todd, Róisín A Costello, Tobias Lock, Mike Tomlinson, John Garry, B. O’Leary, Paul Gillespie, Roland Gjoni, S. McGuinness, P. Brereton, Des O’Rawe, J. Fitzgerald, Seán Fearon, J. Barry, Tom McDonnell, P. Gosling
ABSTRACT:This article analyses consociational features of the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), the peace settlement that ended three and a half years of conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It firstly looks at the complexities of the political structures created by the DPA and the way in which its internal consociation influences the country's political and economic progress. The article then examines how internal fragmentation, strictly enforced ethnic quotas and excessive use of veto powers by ethnonational political elites have led to a weak and extremely decentralised state, resulting in many important decisions being taken at sub-national levels of government. Following this, the article looks at the role of external actors and their efforts to influence the protracted status quo in order to satisfy their own national interests. Lastly, the article offers some lessons from the impact of the DPA for the evolution of future political arrangements in a united Ireland.
摘要:本文分析了结束波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那三年半冲突的和平协议《代顿和平协定》(DPA)的联合特征。它首先考察了民主行动党所创造的政治结构的复杂性,以及它的内部联系如何影响该国的政治和经济进步。然后,本文探讨了内部分裂、严格执行的民族配额和民族政治精英过度使用否决权是如何导致一个软弱和极度分散的国家,导致许多重要决策由次国家级政府做出。在此之后,本文着眼于外部行为者的作用以及他们为满足自己的国家利益而影响长期现状的努力。最后,本文从DPA对统一爱尔兰未来政治安排演变的影响中提供了一些经验教训。
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引用次数: 0
The Dayton Peace Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Lessons for the Design of Political Institutions for a United Ireland 波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那代顿和平协定和为统一的爱尔兰设计政治体制的教训
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-04 DOI: 10.1353/isia.2022.0001
Tajma Kapic
ABSTRACT:This article analyses consociational features of the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), the peace settlement that ended three and a half years of conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It firstly looks at the complexities of the political structures created by the DPA and the way in which its internal consociation influences the country's political and economic progress. The article then examines how internal fragmentation, strictly enforced ethnic quotas and excessive use of veto powers by ethnonational political elites have led to a weak and extremely decentralised state, resulting in many important decisions being taken at sub-national levels of government. Following this, the article looks at the role of external actors and their efforts to influence the protracted status quo in order to satisfy their own national interests. Lastly, the article offers some lessons from the impact of the DPA for the evolution of future political arrangements in a united Ireland.
摘要:本文分析了结束波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那三年半冲突的和平协议《代顿和平协定》(DPA)的联合特征。它首先考察了民主行动党所创造的政治结构的复杂性,以及它的内部联系如何影响该国的政治和经济进步。然后,本文探讨了内部分裂、严格执行的民族配额和民族政治精英过度使用否决权是如何导致一个软弱和极度分散的国家,导致许多重要决策由次国家级政府做出。在此之后,本文着眼于外部行为者的作用以及他们为满足自己的国家利益而影响长期现状的努力。最后,本文从DPA对统一爱尔兰未来政治安排演变的影响中提供了一些经验教训。
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引用次数: 0
Politics of Language in a (Dis)United Ireland 统一爱尔兰的语言政治
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-04 DOI: 10.1353/isia.2022.0002
Brian Ó Conchubhair
ABSTRACT:Language is pivotal in the areas of human rights protection, good governance, peace-building, reconciliation and sustainable development. A person's right to use his or her chosen language is a prerequisite for freedom of thought, opinion and expression; for access to education and information; for employment; and for building inclusive societies. In the context of a potential political realignment of the island of Ireland, this essay considers the contentious political debates and acrimonious commentary surrounding language, primarily Irish and Ullans, and explores the sharply divided opinions regarding the role and place of language in society: how various attitudes are based on social context, social class and educational attainment, and the extent of the challenge to overcome these in the attempt to create a safe and neutral space in which the multi-layered aspects of the language debate can be addressed in a non-threatening manner. In conclusion, it teases out some of the more intense and extreme aspects, and how they might be addressed.
摘要:在人权保护、善政、建设和平、和解与可持续发展等领域,语言至关重要。一个人使用自己选择的语言的权利是思想、意见和言论自由的先决条件;获得教育和信息;就业;以及建设包容性社会。在爱尔兰岛潜在的政治重组背景下,本文考虑了围绕语言(主要是爱尔兰语和乌兰语)的有争议的政治辩论和激烈的评论,并探讨了关于语言在社会中的作用和地位的尖锐分歧:各种态度是如何基于社会背景、社会阶层和教育程度的,以及在试图创造一个安全和中立的空间的过程中克服这些挑战的程度,在这个空间中,语言辩论的多层面问题可以以非威胁的方式得到解决。最后,它引出了一些更激烈和极端的方面,以及如何解决这些问题。
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引用次数: 0
‘A Tremendous Motivating Factor’: Irish Northern Aid and the ‘Belfast March Tour’ “一个巨大的激励因素”:爱尔兰北部援助和“贝尔法斯特三月之旅”
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-14 DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32.01
R. Collins
Abstract:The ‘Belfast March Tour’, an annual tour of Irish-Americans to Northern Ireland, began in 1983 and was a joint endeavour between Sinn Féin and Irish Northern Aid (INA, or 'Noraid'). The latter was founded in 1970, mostly by veterans of the Irish War of Independence, and became the chief supporter in the USA of the Republican Movement in Ireland, providing financial welfare to families of Republican prisoners. The 1981 hunger strikes resulted in an influx of new, American-born activists that precipitated the need to tackle accusations that INA was simply full of 'misguided Irish-Americans'. In describing the ‘Belfast March Tour’, this article aims to demonstrate its importance in advertising the conflict to an Irish-American community many of whom had never visited Ireland. According to key members such as former national publicity director Martin Galvin, the tours formed an important component of INA's fundraising and publicity strategy.This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons attribution license, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Open Access funding provided by IReL.
摘要:“贝尔法斯特三月之旅”是爱尔兰裔美国人一年一度的北爱尔兰之旅,始于1983年,是新芬党和爱尔兰北方援助组织(INA,或“Noraid”)的共同努力。后者成立于1970年,主要由爱尔兰独立战争的老兵创建,并成为爱尔兰共和运动在美国的主要支持者,为共和党囚犯的家人提供经济福利。1981年的绝食抗议导致了新的、出生于美国的活动家的涌入,这促使人们有必要解决INA充满“被误导的爱尔兰裔美国人”的指控。在描述“贝尔法斯特三月之旅”时,本文旨在向爱尔兰裔美国人社区展示其在宣传冲突方面的重要性,其中许多人从未访问过爱尔兰。据前国家宣传总监马丁·加尔文等关键成员表示,此次巡演是INA筹款和宣传战略的重要组成部分。这是一篇根据知识共享归因许可证条款的开放获取文章,该许可证允许在任何媒体上使用、分发和复制,前提是原作被正确引用。IReL提供的开放获取资金。
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引用次数: 0
International Politics in a Time of Risk and Uncertainty: The Covid-19 Crisis and Beyond 风险和不确定时期的国际政治:2019冠状病毒病危机及其后续
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-14 DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32.09
Simon Coveney
Climate change, environmental degradation and the continuing scourge of poverty are leading to unforeseen political, economic and security challenges. Speaking with Syrian and international NGOs and UN agencies working in north-west Syria brought home to me the sheer human misery that results from conflict, and how the Security Council's role is vital to ensure humanitarian access and an end to conflict. [...]there is the EU vaccine strategy, which demonstrates the benefits of EU collaboration and solidarity. [...]the EU's multiannual financial framework (MFF)/Recovery Fund package totalling €1.82 trillion is truly historic.
气候变化、环境退化和贫困的持续祸害正在导致无法预见的政治、经济和安全挑战。通过与在叙利亚西北部工作的叙利亚和国际非政府组织和联合国机构的交谈,我了解到冲突造成的纯粹的人类苦难,以及安全理事会在确保人道主义准入和结束冲突方面的重要作用。[…有欧盟疫苗战略,它显示了欧盟合作和团结的好处。[…欧盟的多年度金融框架(MFF)/复苏基金一揽子计划总额为1.82万亿欧元,这确实具有历史意义。
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引用次数: 0
Global Health, Covid-19 and the State in East Africa 全球卫生、2019冠状病毒病和东非国家
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-14 DOI: 10.3318/isia.2021.32.07
John Harrington, D. Ngira
Abstract:What have been the implications of Covid-19 for states in Africa? Has the pandemic accelerated the shift from US-led health governance in a unipolar world to one where the rise of China is increasing the scope for action of global south states? Has it added to the influence of multilateral institutions, most notably the WHO and the African Union? Internally, have states capitalised on Covid-19 to undermine the constitutional orders put in place with the ‘refoundation’ of many African states in the period since the end of the Cold War? Can we draw larger conclusions regarding the capacity and effectiveness of African states internally and externally? These questions are addressed in the present article, focusing on developments in three East African countries: Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda.
摘要:2019冠状病毒病对非洲国家有何影响?疫情是否加速了从美国主导的单极世界卫生治理向中国崛起扩大全球南方国家行动空间的转变?它是否增加了多边机构,尤其是世卫组织和非洲联盟的影响力?在国内,各国是否利用新冠肺炎破坏了冷战结束以来许多非洲国家在“重建”过程中建立的宪法秩序?我们能否就非洲国家的内部和外部能力和有效性得出更大的结论?本文将讨论这些问题,重点是三个东非国家:肯尼亚、坦桑尼亚和乌干达的发展情况。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Irish Studies in International Affairs
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