The original Pan-African ideal had, as its programmatic agenda, the struggle to free Africans in the diaspora from slave bondage and to liberate the African continent from the despicable occupation by European imperial powers. This article revisits this agenda for liberation, placing it in the current crisis of globalisation and examining the continued marginal place of Africa in the global capitalist political economy. The article sketches out the genealogy and contours of the liberation agenda that looped the African diaspora to developments on the African continent, dating back to the antislavery struggles at the end of the eighteenth century through to the era of independent Africa. I argue that the highest point of the liberation agenda, the final defeat of apartheid in South Africa, ironically coincided with the deepening of Africa’s place on the lowest rungs of the global capitalist system. Today, globalisation has fastened rather than loosened Africa’s position on the ladder of the global political economy. To push back against Africa’s continued marginal position perforce requires returning to the original motivation of the Pan-African agenda and ideal: the unity of purpose and collective action of Africans on the continent and in the diaspora for radical liberation.
{"title":"Rethinking the Pan-African Agenda: Africa, the African Diaspora and the Agenda for Liberation","authors":"Moses Khisa","doi":"10.57054/ad.v47i4.2975","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i4.2975","url":null,"abstract":"The original Pan-African ideal had, as its programmatic agenda, the struggle to free Africans in the diaspora from slave bondage and to liberate the African continent from the despicable occupation by European imperial powers. This article revisits this agenda for liberation, placing it in the current crisis of globalisation and examining the continued marginal place of Africa in the global capitalist political economy. The article sketches out the genealogy and contours of the liberation agenda that looped the African diaspora to developments on the African continent, dating back to the antislavery struggles at the end of the eighteenth century through to the era of independent Africa. I argue that the highest point of the liberation agenda, the final defeat of apartheid in South Africa, ironically coincided with the deepening of Africa’s place on the lowest rungs of the global capitalist system. Today, globalisation has fastened rather than loosened Africa’s position on the ladder of the global political economy. To push back against Africa’s continued marginal position perforce requires returning to the original motivation of the Pan-African agenda and ideal: the unity of purpose and collective action of Africans on the continent and in the diaspora for radical liberation. ","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45195986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nadeige Ngo Nlend, L. Ladǒ, Gishleine Oukouomi, Ewane Etah, Eric Acha
Reposant sur la collecte des données empiriques et sur la recherche documentaire, l’article compare l’enseignement de l’histoire du Cameroun dans les sous-systèmes francophones et anglophones à partir de l’analyse de supports pédagogiques et didactiques variés. Il questionne la place que revêt le Cameroun dans la discipline historique de niveau secondaire ainsi que la manière dont y sont traitées certaines séquences de son passé. Si les programmes d’histoire du premier cycle que partagent les deux sous-systèmes mentionnent bien le Cameroun à certains niveaux d’enseignement, le volume horaire ainsi que l’ampleur des sujets traités sont de loin plus élevés dans le sous-système anglophone. Par ailleurs, alors que les manuels d’histoire, limités au premier cycle dans le sous-système francophone, font l’impasse sur les thématiques relatives à la construction de l’État du Cameroun, les manuels anglophones inscrits au premier cycle et au second cycle y consacrent de larges extraits. Sans toutefois postuler une relation de cause à effet, l’article tente une exploration des enjeux de cette pédagogie contrastée pour les politiques mémorielles au Cameroun, au coeur du réveil d’un protonationalisme anglophone qui donne lieu à des relectures contrastées de l’histoire du Cameroun.
{"title":"Enjeux de la pédagogie contrastée de l’histoire dans les sous-systèmes anglophone et francophone pour les politiques mémorielles au Cameroun","authors":"Nadeige Ngo Nlend, L. Ladǒ, Gishleine Oukouomi, Ewane Etah, Eric Acha","doi":"10.57054/ad.v47i4.2983","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i4.2983","url":null,"abstract":"Reposant sur la collecte des données empiriques et sur la recherche documentaire, l’article compare l’enseignement de l’histoire du Cameroun dans les sous-systèmes francophones et anglophones à partir de l’analyse de supports pédagogiques et didactiques variés. Il questionne la place que revêt le Cameroun dans la discipline historique de niveau secondaire ainsi que la manière dont y sont traitées certaines séquences de son passé. Si les programmes d’histoire du premier cycle que partagent les deux sous-systèmes mentionnent bien le Cameroun à certains niveaux d’enseignement, le volume horaire ainsi que l’ampleur des sujets traités sont de loin plus élevés dans le sous-système anglophone. Par ailleurs, alors que les manuels d’histoire, limités au premier cycle dans le sous-système francophone, font l’impasse sur les thématiques relatives à la construction de l’État du Cameroun, les manuels anglophones inscrits au premier cycle et au second cycle y consacrent de larges extraits. Sans toutefois postuler une relation de cause à effet, l’article tente une exploration des enjeux de cette pédagogie contrastée pour les politiques mémorielles au Cameroun, au coeur du réveil d’un protonationalisme anglophone qui donne lieu à des relectures contrastées de l’histoire du Cameroun. ","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43871751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gender-based division of labour is a system practised throughout the world; in precolonial times the Southern Highlands of Tanzania was no exception. Given that gender-based division of labour was established by tradition, it was feared that breaching cultural norms by transgressing labour boundaries would bring on a curse. Even so, women assumed the extra burden of tasks left by their migrant husbands. This included clearing the land, which was chiefly a man’s duty, and so meant violating cultural norms. Since women traditionally had not been obliged to clear the land, they employed various tactical strategies to facilitate this, such as paying available men to perform the task. We argue in this article that this decision, despite its complexity, promoted women’s decision-making and enabled them to enjoy a degree of autonomy and manage all stages of crop cultivation. In analysing the data, we use the Gender Analysis Framework, which captures the central issues of gender. The results show that, apart from other mechanisms, the phenomenon of male migrant labour boosted the status of women, as well as their decision-making and autonomy. Consequently, women gained more – the situation for them was one of ‘fertility’ rather than a curse.
{"title":"The Curse or Fertility of Land Clearing: How Migrant Labour Modified Gender-Based Division of Labour in the Southern Highlands of Tanzania","authors":"Angelus Mnenuka, Nives Kinunda Ngullu, S. Mhajida","doi":"10.57054/ad.v47i4.2977","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i4.2977","url":null,"abstract":"Gender-based division of labour is a system practised throughout the world; in precolonial times the Southern Highlands of Tanzania was no exception. Given that gender-based division of labour was established by tradition, it was feared that breaching cultural norms by transgressing labour boundaries would bring on a curse. Even so, women assumed the extra burden of tasks left by their migrant husbands. This included clearing the land, which was chiefly a man’s duty, and so meant violating cultural norms. Since women traditionally had not been obliged to clear the land, they employed various tactical strategies to facilitate this, such as paying available men to perform the task. We argue in this article that this decision, despite its complexity, promoted women’s decision-making and enabled them to enjoy a degree of autonomy and manage all stages of crop cultivation. In analysing the data, we use the Gender Analysis Framework, which captures the central issues of gender. The results show that, apart from other mechanisms, the phenomenon of male migrant labour boosted the status of women, as well as their decision-making and autonomy. Consequently, women gained more – the situation for them was one of ‘fertility’ rather than a curse. ","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44872103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Omar Nagati, Hanaa Gad, Amin Ali El-Didi, J. Kihila, E. Mbuya, Emmanuel Njavike
This article’s starting point is the recognition that urban Africa faces a set of economic, social, political and infrastructural challenges sufficiently specific to its context to warrant its own (hitherto modest) repertoire of the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) localisation roadmaps. Drawing on field-based comparative research across Cairo and Dar es Salaam, and focusing on SDG 6 (water and sanitation) and SDG 11.2 (mobility), the article develops a research methodology that helps to detect fissures between the general SDG framework and microscopic realities on the ground in African cities. Although each of the two cities has a specific set of urban realities and development paradigms, the paper develops a localisation process that is applicable across both geographies (and beyond) based on the similar prevalence of urban informality in African cities, which the current SDG framework insufficiently, or at times inaccurately, factors in. The methodology comprises three key components: 1) a top-down policy analysis of SDG responses at national and city levels; 2) grounded field research of local practices at a neighbourhood level; and 3) revising the SDG targets and indicators through a proposed ‘Toolkit for Localising’.
{"title":"Localising the SDGs in African Cities: A Grounded Methodology","authors":"Omar Nagati, Hanaa Gad, Amin Ali El-Didi, J. Kihila, E. Mbuya, Emmanuel Njavike","doi":"10.57054/ad.v47i4.2981","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i4.2981","url":null,"abstract":" \u0000 This article’s starting point is the recognition that urban Africa faces a set of economic, social, political and infrastructural challenges sufficiently specific to its context to warrant its own (hitherto modest) repertoire of the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) localisation roadmaps. Drawing on field-based comparative research across Cairo and Dar es Salaam, and focusing on SDG 6 (water and sanitation) and SDG 11.2 (mobility), the article develops a research methodology that helps to detect fissures between the general SDG framework and microscopic realities on the ground in African cities. Although each of the two cities has a specific set of urban realities and development paradigms, the paper develops a localisation process that is applicable across both geographies (and beyond) based on the similar prevalence of urban informality in African cities, which the current SDG framework insufficiently, or at times inaccurately, factors in. The methodology comprises three key components: 1) a top-down policy analysis of SDG responses at national and city levels; 2) grounded field research of local practices at a neighbourhood level; and 3) revising the SDG targets and indicators through a proposed ‘Toolkit for Localising’. ","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47174630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Selly Ba, Ndeye Amy Ndiaye, Helene Semite Mounkoro
Aborder la problématique du genre dans la cyber-radicalisation terroriste revient à s’interroger principalement sur le processus de recrutement et de radicalisation des hommes et des femmes sur l’internet. Cet article tente de répondre à ces interrogations dans un contexte où Internet est devenu l’arme de prédilection de plusieurs groupes terroristes, notamment l’État islamique, pour toucher et sensibiliser de nouvelles recrues. Le Sénégal et le Mali, présentant deux contextes sécuritaires différents, seront ciblés. Le Sénégal et le Mali étant de plus en plus connectés à Internet, leurs populations deviennent accessibles aux messages propices au radicalisme terroriste, qui sont facilement véhiculés par ce canal, prenant pour cibles hommes et femmes. C’est en cela que la croissance exponentielle du taux de pénétration dans ces pays provoque un contexte de vulnérabilité. Les terroristes entrent en contact avec les potentielles cibles à travers les réseaux sociaux en utilisant la manipulation, voire le chantage. Ils parviennent à convaincre la plupart de leurs cibles qui sont surtout des jeunes (H/F) et des femmes. Il demeure ainsi crucial aujourd’hui de mettre l’accent sur la dimension genre dans les processus de recrutement et de radicalisation terroristes en raison des impacts variables sur les femmes et les hommes.
{"title":"Genre et cyber-radicalisation au Sénégal et au Mali","authors":"Selly Ba, Ndeye Amy Ndiaye, Helene Semite Mounkoro","doi":"10.57054/ad.v47i4.2976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i4.2976","url":null,"abstract":"Aborder la problématique du genre dans la cyber-radicalisation terroriste revient à s’interroger principalement sur le processus de recrutement et de radicalisation des hommes et des femmes sur l’internet. Cet article tente de répondre à ces interrogations dans un contexte où Internet est devenu l’arme de prédilection de plusieurs groupes terroristes, notamment l’État islamique, pour toucher et sensibiliser de nouvelles recrues. Le Sénégal et le Mali, présentant deux contextes sécuritaires différents, seront ciblés. Le Sénégal et le Mali étant de plus en plus connectés à Internet, leurs populations deviennent accessibles aux messages propices au radicalisme terroriste, qui sont facilement véhiculés par ce canal, prenant pour cibles hommes et femmes. C’est en cela que la croissance exponentielle du taux de pénétration dans ces pays provoque un contexte de vulnérabilité. Les terroristes entrent en contact avec les potentielles cibles à travers les réseaux sociaux en utilisant la manipulation, voire le chantage. Ils parviennent à convaincre la plupart de leurs cibles qui sont surtout des jeunes (H/F) et des femmes. Il demeure ainsi crucial aujourd’hui de mettre l’accent sur la dimension genre dans les processus de recrutement et de radicalisation terroristes en raison des impacts variables sur les femmes et les hommes. ","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44470815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the Cameroon-Nigeria and Eswatini-South Africa border disputes from a comparative perspective within the framework of the doctrine of uti possidetis juris in customary international law. Extant scholarly works on these two border disputes have not been sufficiently cogent to enable an evaluation of the relevance and shortcomings of uti possidetis juris. The study methodology is qualitative and includes archival and newspaper sources, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. This study reveals that the strict application of the uti possidetis juris doctrine to the Cameroon-Nigeria dispute over Bakassi was inappropriate and did not generate the anticipated peace and security. The Eswatini-South Africa bilateral talks, aimed at adjusting colonially inherited borders, were an attempt to comply with uti possidetis juris, but flopped. Following the Cameroon example, the Eswatini monarchy then contemplated taking South Africa to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). But the two scenarios were different, and the invocation of uti possidetis juris was not an appropriate instrument for resolving the Eswatini- South Africa border dispute. Eswatini irredentism has persisted because of the country’s commitment to Sobhuza’s testament, which sanctioned the unity of the Eswatini people.
{"title":"Towards Understanding the Cameroon-Nigeria and the Eswatini-South African Border Dispute through the Prism of the Principle of uti possidetis juris Customary International Law","authors":"Hlengiwe Portia Dlamini, Manka’ah Mafor Awasom-Fru, Lenhle Dlamini, Sirri Awasom-Fru","doi":"10.57054/ad.v47i4.2984","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i4.2984","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the Cameroon-Nigeria and Eswatini-South Africa border disputes from a comparative perspective within the framework of the doctrine of uti possidetis juris in customary international law. Extant scholarly works on these two border disputes have not been sufficiently cogent to enable an evaluation of the relevance and shortcomings of uti possidetis juris. The study methodology is qualitative and includes archival and newspaper sources, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. This study reveals that the strict application of the uti possidetis juris doctrine to the Cameroon-Nigeria dispute over Bakassi was inappropriate and did not generate the anticipated peace and security. The Eswatini-South Africa bilateral talks, aimed at adjusting colonially inherited borders, were an attempt to comply with uti possidetis juris, but flopped. Following the Cameroon example, the Eswatini monarchy then contemplated taking South Africa to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). But the two scenarios were different, and the invocation of uti possidetis juris was not an appropriate instrument for resolving the Eswatini- South Africa border dispute. Eswatini irredentism has persisted because of the country’s commitment to Sobhuza’s testament, which sanctioned the unity of the Eswatini people. ","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42595357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the multifaceted ways in which race impacts on processes of identification with the Ghanaian nation for mixed-race Ghanaians. Using a constructionist approach to identity, which highlights the agency of actors, the article underscores the shifting and racialising nature of national identity in transnational contexts. The article argues that whether they were born and raised in Ghana or they grew up in a Western country, mixed-race Ghanaians mainly identify as ‘Ghanaian first’. Their affiliation to Ghana stems both from growing up in the country and from being identified as black outsiders in countries of the white Western world. In both contexts, identifying as a Ghanaian is a source of pride and empowerment. However, their membership of the Ghanaian nation is often contested in their everyday life by the majority black-identified Ghanaian population, based on ethnoracial (non)authenticity premises. As such, mixed-race Ghanaian participants actively shape their Ghanaianness to justify their right to belong.
{"title":"‘Ghanaian first’: Nationality, Race and the Slippery Side of Belonging for Mixed-Race Ghanaians","authors":"Karine Geoffrion, G. Oduro, M. Prah","doi":"10.57054/ad.v47i4.2980","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i4.2980","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the multifaceted ways in which race impacts on processes of identification with the Ghanaian nation for mixed-race Ghanaians. Using a constructionist approach to identity, which highlights the agency of actors, the article underscores the shifting and racialising nature of national identity in transnational contexts. The article argues that whether they were born and raised in Ghana or they grew up in a Western country, mixed-race Ghanaians mainly identify as ‘Ghanaian first’. Their affiliation to Ghana stems both from growing up in the country and from being identified as black outsiders in countries of the white Western world. In both contexts, identifying as a Ghanaian is a source of pride and empowerment. However, their membership of the Ghanaian nation is often contested in their everyday life by the majority black-identified Ghanaian population, based on ethnoracial (non)authenticity premises. As such, mixed-race Ghanaian participants actively shape their Ghanaianness to justify their right to belong. ","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42057550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tuabou est une localité soninké du département de Bakel fortement marquée par la migration liée au durcissement des conditions écologiques à partir des années 1930. Cet article aborde la sécurité alimentaire sous le prisme des répercussions des dynamiques migratoires sur le système de production agricole à Tuabou. Il s’appuie sur une recherche documentaire, une enquête conduite auprès des concessions, des entretiens et des observations. Selon les informations recueillies, la satisfaction des besoins alimentaires dans la décennie précédant l’indépendance reposait sur le mil et le fonio sauvage qui palliaient le manque de céréales. La période allant des années 1960 à la fin des années 1990 correspond à la dépendance à l’égard des transferts d’argent. Avec l’essoufflement des réseaux migratoires, l’agriculture de décrue et irriguée apparaissent comme une alternative mais avec une certaine innovation. Si l’agriculture de décrue avait comme unité d’intervention la famille, on assiste de plus en plus à la coexistence de parcelles individuelles et familiales. Plus de 85 pour cent des concessions combinent les revenus issus de l’émigration et la vente des produits de cette agriculture pour la couverture des besoins alimentaires. Les revenus générés par les lots individuels satisfont les besoins individuels de leur propriétaire.
{"title":"Dynamiques migratoires et sécurité alimentaire à Tuabou (Sénégal)","authors":"Dramane Cissokho","doi":"10.57054/ad.v47i3.2677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i3.2677","url":null,"abstract":"Tuabou est une localité soninké du département de Bakel fortement marquée par la migration liée au durcissement des conditions écologiques à partir des années 1930. Cet article aborde la sécurité alimentaire sous le prisme des répercussions des dynamiques migratoires sur le système de production agricole à Tuabou. Il s’appuie sur une recherche documentaire, une enquête conduite auprès des concessions, des entretiens et des observations. Selon les informations recueillies, la satisfaction des besoins alimentaires dans la décennie précédant l’indépendance reposait sur le mil et le fonio sauvage qui palliaient le manque de céréales. La période allant des années 1960 à la fin des années 1990 correspond à la dépendance à l’égard des transferts d’argent. Avec l’essoufflement des réseaux migratoires, l’agriculture de décrue et irriguée apparaissent comme une alternative mais avec une certaine innovation. Si l’agriculture de décrue avait comme unité d’intervention la famille, on assiste de plus en plus à la coexistence de parcelles individuelles et familiales. Plus de 85 pour cent des concessions combinent les revenus issus de l’émigration et la vente des produits de cette agriculture pour la couverture des besoins alimentaires. Les revenus générés par les lots individuels satisfont les besoins individuels de leur propriétaire. ","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46601009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the changing dynamics of rural labour migration in Zimbabwe following the radical land redistribution since 2000 through the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP). Since the colonial period, dispossessed peasants with inadequate land access were forced to offer cheap migrant wage labour for large-scale capitalist farms (LSCFs) and beyond. Despite the wide acknowledgement of the redistributive nature of the FTLRP, there is sparse understanding of how the new land access patterns impacted on rural labour migration. Empirical evidence from Goromonzi and Kwekwe districts demonstrates that while there were many peasant beneficiaries, land shortages were not completely eradicated and the new farm labour markets depended on the super-exploitation of landless migrants. Altogether, the data contradicts the conventional wisdom that views migration as a deliberate diversification strategy of household labour to enhance a livelihood. Rather, resistance to proletarianisation undergirds the struggles of farm labourers as they largely seek autonomous land-based social reproduction outside the wage economy.
{"title":"The Reformed Agrarian Structure and Changing Dynamics of Rural Labour Migration in Zimbabwe","authors":"W. Chambati","doi":"10.57054/ad.v47i3.2683","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i3.2683","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the changing dynamics of rural labour migration in Zimbabwe following the radical land redistribution since 2000 through the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP). Since the colonial period, dispossessed peasants with inadequate land access were forced to offer cheap migrant wage labour for large-scale capitalist farms (LSCFs) and beyond. Despite the wide acknowledgement of the redistributive nature of the FTLRP, there is sparse understanding of how the new land access patterns impacted on rural labour migration. Empirical evidence from Goromonzi and Kwekwe districts demonstrates that while there were many peasant beneficiaries, land shortages were not completely eradicated and the new farm labour markets depended on the super-exploitation of landless migrants. Altogether, the data contradicts the conventional wisdom that views migration as a deliberate diversification strategy of household labour to enhance a livelihood. Rather, resistance to proletarianisation undergirds the struggles of farm labourers as they largely seek autonomous land-based social reproduction outside the wage economy. ","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44230626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Food insecurity is a devastating setback for vulnerable women in smallholder farming in Zimbabwe. Women’s low or limited adaptive capacity is caused by diverse factors, including , which include poverty, an unstable economy, political crisis and climate change. Adaptive strategies that differ from the conventional national and civic interventions to circumvent these factors have yielded subtle food security outcomes. As a result, there are growing calls for the adoption of social capital as an alternative grassroots-based adaptive strategy. This study examined the potential for and challenges faced by women who use social capital in adapting to food insecurity. Using in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and key informant interviews it revealed that women in smallholder farming were utilising bonding, bridging and linking capital as a means of adaptation. These three types of capital were operationalised in four projects: Food For Assets (FFA), community gardening, the Boer goat project and Fushai. It emerged that three of the projects performed better in some wards but did not do well in others. Despite its potential, the Boer goat project was riddled with challenges, which emanated from the absence of bonding capital. I therefore conclude and recommend that social capital is critical for women in food insecurity adaptation. However, it needs to be buttressed by a harmonious relationship between the three forms of social capital and all stakeholders for sustainability to be realised.
{"title":"Social Capital and Food Security amongst Women in Smallholder Farming in the Face of Climate Change in Bikita, Zimbabwe","authors":"Mafongoya Owen","doi":"10.57054/ad.v47i3.2682","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v47i3.2682","url":null,"abstract":"Food insecurity is a devastating setback for vulnerable women in smallholder farming in Zimbabwe. Women’s low or limited adaptive capacity is caused by diverse factors, including , which include poverty, an unstable economy, political crisis and climate change. Adaptive strategies that differ from the conventional national and civic interventions to circumvent these factors have yielded subtle food security outcomes. As a result, there are growing calls for the adoption of social capital as an alternative grassroots-based adaptive strategy. This study examined the potential for and challenges faced by women who use social capital in adapting to food insecurity. Using in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and key informant interviews it revealed that women in smallholder farming were utilising bonding, bridging and linking capital as a means of adaptation. These three types of capital were operationalised in four projects: Food For Assets (FFA), community gardening, the Boer goat project and Fushai. It emerged that three of the projects performed better in some wards but did not do well in others. Despite its potential, the Boer goat project was riddled with challenges, which emanated from the absence of bonding capital. I therefore conclude and recommend that social capital is critical for women in food insecurity adaptation. However, it needs to be buttressed by a harmonious relationship between the three forms of social capital and all stakeholders for sustainability to be realised. ","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44719101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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