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6 - Restructured Citizen–Government Relationship in Kenya's 2010 Constitution and the Right of Hawkers to the City in Nairobi 6 -肯尼亚2010年宪法中重构的公民-政府关系与内罗毕小贩的城市权利
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.57054/ad.v46i1.749
Esther Wangui Kimani, S. Gachigua, G. Kariuki
This article interrogates how various actors in the Nairobi Central Business District (CBD) space have made sense of the 2010 Constitution’s expansive provisions on socio-political and economic rights to advance hawkers’ claims to the right to the city. Using Lefebvre’s and human rights notions of the ‘right to the city’, the study finds that the Constitution has immense potential to secure the hawkers’ right to the city. However, various challenges impede efforts towards its realisation. Firstly, the 2007 no-hawking-in-the-CBD bylaw exerts inordinate influence, in practice suppressing the Constitution’s aspirations. Secondly, the City authorities’ efforts to facilitate the hawkers’ right to the city remain ambivalent or dependent on the whims of the serving governor. Thirdly, initiatives by other actors remain elitist, top- down and opaque with only the superficial involvement of hawkers. On their part, hawkers’ initiatives to claim their right to the city have suffered from fragmented leadership and individualistic self-help micro-strategies. Furthermore, hawkers have underutilised judicial activism as an avenue for challenging the constitutionality of the city bylaws banning hawking in the CBD. This strategy would potentially have provided a discursive platform to make their claim to the city the moral-legal claim envisaged by the Constitution. Esther Wangui Kimani, Nairobi City County Government. Email: kimaniesther.w@gmail.com Sammy Gakero Gachigua, Egerton University. Email: gachiguas@gmail.com George Mbugua Kariuki, Kenyatta University. Email: george.mbugua2@gmail.com
本文探讨奈洛比中央商务区(CBD)的不同行动者如何理解2010年宪法关于社会政治和经济权利的广泛条款,以推动小贩对城市权利的主张。利用列斐伏尔的“城市权”和人权概念,该研究发现,宪法在保障小贩的城市权方面具有巨大的潜力。然而,各种挑战阻碍了实现这一目标的努力。首先,2007年颁布的《禁止在生物多样性公约》细则施加了过大的影响,在实践中压制了宪法的诉求。其次,伦敦市政府在促进小贩进入伦敦的权利方面所做的努力仍然是矛盾的,或者取决于现任州长的一时兴起。第三,其他参与者的倡议仍然是精英主义的、自上而下的、不透明的,只有小贩的表面参与。就小贩而言,他们主张自己在香港拥有权利的举措,受到了支离破碎的领导和个人主义自助微观策略的影响。此外,小贩们还没有充分利用司法能动主义来挑战禁止在CBD叫卖的城市章程的合宪性。这一策略可能会提供一个话语平台,使他们对城市的要求成为宪法所设想的道德-法律要求。埃丝特·旺吉·基马尼,内罗毕县政府。电子邮件:kimaniesther.w@gmail.com萨米·加克罗·加奇瓜,埃格顿大学。邮箱:gachiguas@gmail.com肯雅塔大学George Mbugua Kariuki。电子邮件:george.mbugua2@gmail.com
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引用次数: 0
8 - Africa’s Economic Transformation and Global Value Chains: An Analysis of the Platinum Value Chain in South Africa 8-非洲经济转型与全球价值链——南非白金价值链分析
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.57054/ad.v45i1.657
Asanda Fotoyi
This article is concerned with the transformation of the African continent beyond the supply of raw materials towards the expansion of productive capabilities in ways that meet the needs of the African people. The article assesses the platinum value chain in South Africa to examine how the sector has impacted on economic transformation in the country. The analysis shows that South Africa is the biggest supplier of platinum globally but continues to miss economic opportunities presented by its platinum endowment. This is due to very weak forward or upstream linkages between the platinum sector and the related manufacturing sectors. Additionally, even though the platinum sector captures a notable share of both production and employment in the mining industry, when it comes to wealth redistribution, gender and race relations, the sector is lagging. Arguably, a country’s mineral resources ought to bring about economic transformation required to meet the needs of its people, by leveraging sector specific legislations. This requires deliberate determination to ensure that such a form of resource mobilisation transitions into economic self-sufficiency for the African continent, by also leveraging regional value chains and the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). Asanda Fotoyi, PhD candidate and lecturer, Department of Economics, Nelson Mandela University, South Africa. Email: afotoyi@gmail.com
本文讨论的是非洲大陆从供应原材料向扩大生产能力的转变,以满足非洲人民的需要。本文评估了南非的铂金价值链,以研究该行业如何影响该国的经济转型。分析显示,南非是全球最大的铂金供应国,但仍在错失铂金资源带来的经济机遇。这是由于铂金行业与相关制造业之间的正向或上游联系非常薄弱。此外,尽管铂金行业在采矿业的生产和就业中都占据了显著的份额,但在财富再分配、性别和种族关系方面,该行业却落后了。可以说,一个国家的矿产资源应该通过利用特定部门的立法来实现满足其人民需要所需的经济转型。这需要深思熟虑的决心,确保这种形式的资源动员过渡到非洲大陆的经济自给自足,同时利用区域价值链和非洲大陆自由贸易协定(AfCFTA)。Asanda Fotoyi,南非纳尔逊·曼德拉大学经济系博士生、讲师。电子邮件:afotoyi@gmail.com
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引用次数: 0
3 - The Turbulent 2010s: A Historical Draft 动荡的2010年代:一个历史性的草案
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.57054/ad.v45i1.652
P. Zeleza
The 2010s was an exceptionally turbulent decade characterised by complex and contradictory changes at local, regional and global levels. The changes encompassed all spheres from the political to the economic, as well as the social, cultural, and environmental dimensions of global society. This article identifies and analyses six key trends in the historical trajectory of the period. First, the decade was marked by intense political polarization in many countries; second, was the democratic recessions and resistance in some climes; third, was the rising economic inequalities and disequilibrium; fourth was the shift in global hierarchies and hegemonies; fifth, was the emergence of surveillance capitalism; and the final one was the rebellion of nature as evident in extreme weather conditions and global struggles over climate change. In analysing these key trends the article seeks to make sense of the messy complexities, mind boggling contradictions and massive changes of the various historical conjunctures of modernity. Paul Tiyambe Zeleza, Vice Chancellor, United States International University – Africa, Nairobi, Kenya. Email: pzeleza@gmail.com
2010年代是一个异常动荡的十年,其特点是地方、区域和全球层面发生了复杂而矛盾的变化。这些变化涵盖了从政治到经济的各个领域,以及全球社会的社会、文化和环境层面。本文确定并分析了这一时期历史轨迹中的六个关键趋势。首先,这十年的特点是许多国家出现了严重的政治两极分化;第二,是一些地区的民主衰退和抵抗;第三,经济不平等和不平衡加剧;第四是全球等级制度和霸权的转变;第五,监视资本主义的出现;最后一次是大自然的反抗,这在极端天气条件和全球气候变化斗争中表现得很明显。在分析这些关键趋势时,文章试图理解现代性的各种历史转折点的混乱复杂性、令人难以置信的矛盾和巨大变化。Paul Tiyambe Zeleza,美国非洲国际大学副校长,肯尼亚内罗毕。电子邮件:pzeleza@gmail.com
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引用次数: 0
1 - Ferocity of Whites, Ferocity of Capitalism 1-白人的暴行,资本主义的暴行
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.57054/ad.v45i2.640
Samir Amin
Translated from the French version, was first published posthumously as a foreword to Rosa Amelia Plumelle-Uribe's book White Ferocity: The Genocides of Non-Whites and Non-Aryans from 1492 to Date (CODESRIA 2020). Samir Amin, (1931–2018), Professor of Economics and Former Director of Third World Forum, Dakar, Senegal.
该书由法语版翻译而成,在罗莎·阿梅里亚·普卢梅勒·乌里韦去世后首次出版,作为其著作《白人暴行:1492年至今非白人和非雅利安人的种族灭绝》(CODESRIA 2020)的前言。Samir Amin,(1931–2018),经济学教授,第三世界论坛前主任,塞内加尔达喀尔。
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引用次数: 0
5 - Illicit Capital Flows and Money Laundering in Botswana: An Institutional Economic Analysis 博茨瓦纳的非法资本流动和洗钱:制度经济分析
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.57054/ad.v45i1.654
P. K. Mogomotsi, G. Mogomotsi, W. Hambira
Despite the success story of Botswana’s economy, the country is among other southern African countries that are highly prone to money laundering and illicit financial flows. Botswana has been regarded as one of the global conduits for illicit economic activities. Approximately US$ 1.1 billion and US$ 1.2 billion illicit financial flows were recorded in 2004 and 2013 respectively. However, there is a dearth of literature on the illicit financial flows in Botswana that takes into account the peculiar institutions, transactions and markets in Botswana. This study therefore aims to contribute to the body of literature by using document analysis and an institutional approach to analyse illicit financial flows in Botswana. The results show that over the years, tremendous efforts have been made to respond to money laundering and related offences. However, some deficiencies still remain. It is essential for financial institutions to carry out remedial exercises in their customer due diligence data in order for them to have useful profiles for risk management purposes. Furthermore, inter-agency co-operation and co-ordination should be enhanced and promoted in order to combat illicit capital flows and money laundering. Patricia K. Mogomotsi, Associate Professor (Natural Resources Economics), Okavango Research Institute, University of Botswana. Email: finkymadigele@gmail.com; pmadigele@ub.ac.bw Goemeone E.J. Mogomotsi, Senior Research Fellow (Environmental Law & Policy), Okavango Research Institute, University of Botswana. Wame L. Hambira, Senior Research Fellow (Climate Change Adaptation Economics), Okavango Research Institute, University of Botswana.
尽管博茨瓦纳经济取得了成功,但该国与其他南部非洲国家一样,非常容易受到洗钱和非法资金流动的影响。博茨瓦纳一直被视为非法经济活动的全球渠道之一。2004年和2013年分别记录了约11亿美元和12亿美元的非法资金流动。然而,关于博茨瓦纳非法资金流动的文献很少考虑到博茨瓦纳特有的机构、交易和市场。因此,本研究的目的是通过使用文件分析和体制方法分析博茨瓦纳的非法资金流动,为文献作出贡献。调查结果显示,多年来,海关在打击洗黑钱及有关罪行方面作出了巨大努力。然而,仍存在一些不足。金融机构必须对其客户尽职调查数据进行补救,以便为风险管理目的提供有用的资料。此外,应加强和促进机构间的合作与协调,以打击非法资本流动和洗钱。Patricia K. Mogomotsi,博茨瓦纳大学奥卡万戈研究所副教授(自然资源经济学)。电子邮件:finkymadigele@gmail.com;pmadigele@ub.ac.bw Goemeone E.J. Mogomotsi,博茨瓦纳大学奥卡万戈研究所高级研究员(环境法与政策)。Wame L. Hambira,博茨瓦纳大学奥卡万戈研究所气候变化适应经济学高级研究员。
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引用次数: 0
3 - Moving forward to African Monetary Integration: Lessons from the CFA Franc 迈向非洲货币一体化:非洲金融共同体法郎的经验教训
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.57054/ad.v45i2.642
N. Sylla
The CFA franc was established in 1945 as a colonial currency. As such, its rationale was to transfer economic surpluses from the French colonies in West and Central Africa to the metropolis. Despite formal decolonisation, this currency shared by 14 countries still performs the same function and remains under the political control of the French government. Recently, the CFA franc has been increasingly challenged by a growing number of African intellectuals and Pan-Africanist social movements demanding its abolition. The objective of this article is to derive lessons about African monetary integration, building on this special but heuristic case. Following a brief history of the CFA franc currency arrangement and a description of its economic shortcomings, this article discusses the options for moving out of the monetary status quo. The author argues that, in the current circumstances, a system of solidary national currencies is the best way forward for African monetary integration. Ndongo Samba Sylla, Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, Dakar, Senegal. Email: ndongo.sylla@rosalux.org
非洲金融共同体法郎于1945年作为殖民地货币成立。因此,它的基本原理是将西非和中非法属殖民地的经济盈余转移到大都市。尽管正式去殖民化,这种由14个国家共享的货币仍然发挥着同样的作用,并且仍然在法国政府的政治控制下。最近,非洲金融共同体法郎受到越来越多的非洲知识分子和泛非洲主义社会运动的挑战,他们要求废除非洲金融共同体法郎。本文的目的是在这个特殊但具有启发性的案例基础上,得出有关非洲货币一体化的经验教训。在简要介绍非洲金融共同体法郎货币安排的历史和对其经济缺陷的描述之后,本文讨论了摆脱货币现状的选择。作者认为,在目前情况下,统一的国家货币制度是非洲货币一体化的最佳途径。恩东戈桑巴塞拉,罗莎卢森堡基金会,达喀尔,塞内加尔。电子邮件:ndongo.sylla@rosalux.org
{"title":"3 - Moving forward to African Monetary Integration: Lessons from the CFA Franc","authors":"N. Sylla","doi":"10.57054/ad.v45i2.642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v45i2.642","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000The CFA franc was established in 1945 as a colonial currency. As such, its rationale was to transfer economic surpluses from the French colonies in West and Central Africa to the metropolis. Despite formal decolonisation, this currency shared by 14 countries still performs the same function and remains under the political control of the French government. Recently, the CFA franc has been increasingly challenged by a growing number of African intellectuals and Pan-Africanist social movements demanding its abolition. The objective of this article is to derive lessons about African monetary integration, building on this special but heuristic case. Following a brief history of the CFA franc currency arrangement and a description of its economic shortcomings, this article discusses the options for moving out of the monetary status quo. The author argues that, in the current circumstances, a system of solidary national currencies is the best way forward for African monetary integration. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000Ndongo Samba Sylla, Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, Dakar, Senegal. Email: ndongo.sylla@rosalux.org \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":39851,"journal":{"name":"Africa Development/Afrique et Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46800768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
2 - Post-colonial African Economic Development in Historical Perspective 历史视角下的后殖民时期非洲经济发展
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.57054/ad.v45i1.651
Alan Hirsch, Carlos Lopes
Africa is frequently framed in a narrative that reduces or minimises its significance and achievements. We review geographical and historical perspectives of Africa and present data that provides Africa greater significance and allows us to consider post-colonial African economic achievements outside of a simplistic narrative. We argue that placing Africa in a fairer historical and geographical perspective allows for more coherent planning for Africa’s future development. Alan Hirsch, Professor and Director, The Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance, University of Cape Town. Email: alanhirsch03@gmail.com Carlos Lopes, Honorary Professor, The Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance, University of Cape Town and Visiting Professor, Sciences-Po, Paris. Email: carlos.lopes@uct.ac.za
非洲经常被描述为一种降低或最小化其重要性和成就的叙事。我们回顾了非洲的地理和历史视角,并提供了为非洲提供更大意义的数据,使我们能够在简单的叙述之外考虑后殖民时代非洲的经济成就。我们认为,从更公平的历史和地理角度看待非洲,可以对非洲的未来发展进行更连贯的规划。Alan Hirsch,开普敦大学纳尔逊·曼德拉公共治理学院教授兼院长。电子邮件:alanhirsch03@gmail.comCarlos Lopes,开普敦大学纳尔逊·曼德拉公共治理学院名誉教授,巴黎科学院客座教授。电子邮件:carlos.lopes@uct.ac.za
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引用次数: 2
7 - Understanding Shifts in Nigeria’s Trade Policy: From Realism to Protectionism 理解尼日利亚贸易政策的转变:从现实主义到保护主义
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.57054/ad.v45i1.656
Folarin Alayande
The reluctance of Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy, to sign two major international trade liberalisation agreements in 2018 shocked many local and international observers. However, these trade policy postures were not unexpected. Undiscerned by many analysts, many subtle changes had happened to Nigeria’s international co-operation architecture and foreign economic policy in a seemingly incoherent manner. In addition, the premise for expecting Nigeria to automatically consent to both agreements was faulty for two main reasons. First, the pretext of connectivity and market access as the underlying rationale for both agreements was allegedly hinged on the fallacy of composition, with the assumption that the whole was greater than the sum of its parts. This pretext was increasingly questioned by the influential, organised private sector in Nigeria, which had shifted from the altruistic foreign policy tenets of the 1970s to insulation from negative externalities of trade. Second, Nigeria’s trade posture was erroneously considered separately from its foreign economic policy posture, which was increasingly hinged on beneficial concentricism and regaining internal capabilities. In this new dispensation, with a focus on strategic trade policy underpinned by economic pragmatism, understanding shifts in the domestic balance of power is critical to predicting Nigeria’s trade policy responses. Folarin Alayande, Department of Economics and Development Studies, Covenant University, Nigeria Email: falayande@yahoo.com
2018年,非洲最大经济体尼日利亚不愿签署两项重要的国际贸易自由化协定,令许多当地和国际观察人士感到震惊。然而,这些贸易政策姿态并不出人意料。许多分析人士没有察觉到,尼日利亚的国际合作架构和对外经济政策发生了许多看似不连贯的微妙变化。此外,期望尼日利亚自动同意这两项协议的前提是错误的,主要有两个原因。第一,以连通性和市场准入作为这两项协定的基本理由的借口,据称是建立在构成谬误的基础上的,即假定整体大于各部分的总和。这一借口越来越受到尼日利亚有影响力、有组织的私营部门的质疑,这些私营部门已经从20世纪70年代的利他主义外交政策信条转变为与贸易的负面外部性隔绝。其次,尼日利亚的贸易姿态被错误地与其对外经济政策姿态分开考虑,后者越来越依赖于有利的集中和恢复内部能力。在这种以经济实用主义为基础的战略贸易政策的新形势下,了解国内权力平衡的变化对于预测尼日利亚的贸易政策反应至关重要。Folarin Alayande,尼日利亚圣约大学经济与发展研究系,电子邮件:falayande@yahoo.com
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引用次数: 2
2 - Eurocentrism and the Contemporary Social Sciences 欧洲中心主义与当代社会科学
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.57054/ad.v45i2.641
L. Keita
The contemporary social sciences emerged in the West from the eighteenth century as new modes of technology and scientific research developed. There is no doubt that technological advances led to the triumph of empiricism over metaphysics. This was the basis for the transformation of the nomenclatures of natural philosophy and moral philosophy into natural science and moral science respectively. As the empiricist methodologies of the natural sciences became successful, the social sciences chose to emulate their techniques. Thus, the methodological claim was made that that the social sciences and their division of labour compartmentalisation of the social world reflected that world in objectivist terms. But the fact that humans themselves were involved in describing and explaining the behaviours of other humans meant that a subjective element would be always be involved unless serious attempts were made for cognitive correctives and a self-conscious regard for consistent objectivity. While research in archaeology is relatively objective in its scientific findings, this is not the case with the other social sciences – especially anthropology and history. There has been an arbitrary Eurocentric creation and reification of theories and terms founded on whimsical and unsupported claims concerning the evolutionary status of Homo sapiens Africanus. Lansana Keita, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. Email: keitalans7@gmail.com
随着技术和科学研究的新模式的发展,当代社会科学从18世纪开始在西方出现。毫无疑问,技术进步导致了经验主义对形而上学的胜利。这是自然哲学和道德哲学的命名分别转化为自然科学和道德科学的基础。随着自然科学的经验主义方法论取得成功,社会科学选择效仿它们的技术。因此,方法论上的主张是,社会科学及其劳动分工对社会世界的划分反映了客观主义的世界。但事实上,人类自己也参与了描述和解释他人的行为,这意味着,除非认真尝试认知纠正,并自觉地考虑到始终如一的客观性,否则主观因素总是会涉及其中。虽然考古学的研究在其科学发现上是相对客观的,但其他社会科学——尤其是人类学和历史学——却并非如此。有一种武断的以欧洲为中心的创造和具体化的理论和术语,建立在关于非洲智人进化地位的异想天开和没有证据的主张上。Lansana Keita,尼日利亚伊巴丹大学。电子邮件:keitalans7@gmail.com
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引用次数: 0
1 - Epic Battles in Radical Development Theory, Field Research and Praxis: A Celebration of Björn Beckman (1938–2019) 1-激进发展理论、实地研究和实践中的史诗之战:比约恩·贝克曼庆典(1938–2019)
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-24 DOI: 10.57054/ad.v45i1.650
Y. Bangura
This article reviews the contribution of Björn Beckman, the Swedish political economist, in the study of development. It addresses three issues. The first is his engagement in theoretical debates on the political economy of development. These focus on the nature of the African state, capitalist development in poor countries, whether the military can act as a revolutionary vanguard in spearheading democratic and progressive social change, neoliberal theory of macro-economic adjustment, and the dynamics of state-civil society relations in advancing development and democracy. The second is his field research work in Ghana and Nigeria. This examines the role of organised farmers and the state in the production and marketing of cocoa in Ghana in the 1960s; the entrenchment of wheat import dependence and the failed project of wheat import-substitution in Nigeria; and the construction of a union-based labour regime in Nigeria’s textile industry that enhanced the bargaining power of unions even as a worsening macro-economic environment and industrial restructuring impacted adversely on employment and wages. The third deals with his collaborative work on a variety of organised interest groups, including labour movements, scholar activists, the Nigerian student movement, and organised informal sector groups. The last part of the article discusses the costs of Björn’s combative style of scholarship. Yusuf Bangura, Formerly with the UN Research Institute for Social Development and Professor, Fourah Bay College (2013–2014), University of Sierra Leone, Nyon, Switzerland. Email: bangura.ym@gmail.com
本文回顾了瑞典政治经济学家比约恩·贝克曼对发展研究的贡献。它涉及三个问题。第一,他参与了关于发展的政治经济学的理论辩论。这些重点关注非洲国家的性质、贫穷国家的资本主义发展、军队能否在领导民主和进步的社会变革方面发挥革命先锋的作用、宏观经济调整的新自由主义理论,以及国家与民间社会关系在推进发展和民主方面的动态。二是他在加纳和尼日利亚的实地调研工作。这考察了20世纪60年代有组织的农民和国家在加纳可可生产和营销中的作用;尼日利亚小麦进口依赖的加深和小麦进口替代项目的失败;以及在尼日利亚纺织业建立一个以工会为基础的劳工制度,增强了工会的议价能力,即使宏观经济环境恶化和产业重组对就业和工资产生了不利影响。第三部分涉及他在各种有组织的利益团体中的合作,包括劳工运动、学者活动家、尼日利亚学生运动和有组织的非正规部门团体。文章的最后一部分讨论了比约恩好斗的学术风格的代价。Yusuf Bangura,曾在联合国社会发展研究所工作,瑞士尼翁塞拉利昂大学富拉湾学院教授(2013-2014)。电子邮件:bangura.ym@gmail.com
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引用次数: 0
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