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Anti-Immigration vs Anti-EU: Political Discourse Analysis of Brexit Decision of The UK 反移民与反欧盟:英国脱欧决定的政治话语分析
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.676664
Deniz Eroglu, Nergiz Özkural Köroğlu
United Kingdom’s relation with the European Union has been always distant. As literature mainly underlines, the UK has never been a full participant of certain policy areas; particularly in the area of ‘justice and home affair’ the UK showed limited enthusiasm to cooperate Nevertheless, Britain’s decision to leave the European Union, so-called the Brexit decision, has been one of the shocking development happening in 2016 and both EU and member state leaders expressed their disappointment. The Brexit process is still ambiguous, but we have already witnessed the social consequences of the racist discourses of the referendum process. In this regard, the increases in racist attacks indicated in the official reports are worrying. The study has four main parts. After the introduction part, the historical relation between the EU and the UK has indicated and distant relationship between the parts is highlighted. Following on from this part, Euroscepticism in Britain is explained and its role behind Brexit's decision is clarified as part of the main argument of this study. After this historical explanation, the main analysis started. The study is conducted by relying on Political Discourse Analysis developed by Teun van Dijk. At this point, clarification of “discourse” is somewhat important. According to van Dijk, discourse is essential to control people’s minds, ideas, knowledge, opinions, and their personal and social representations. He also argues that discourses are significant to have power, dominance and the reproduction of racism within societies and political discourses tend to be future-oriented. The actors topicalise certain issues and use discourses to direct masses towards certain actions. During the referendum process, UKIP was not the only party supporting the leave campaign, Boris Johnson, for example, also encouraged the public to vote for Brexit. Nigel Farage allegedly persuaded more than 17 million people to vote to leave the EU In the analysis, we first pointed the ‘positive self-presentation’ in Farage’s discourses. Here, “WE” always represent the ‘more democratic and civilised’ one. Similar to this ‘others’ have negative meaning and correspond to threats to the coherence of the country. During the campaign, the party and the leader targeted immigrants and categorised their threat according to three aspects of life: the welfare system, the UK public’s security, and social norms. However, Farage never accepted that he was being ‘racist’, even he argued he supported refugees by emphasising bogus/real refugee distinction. In addition, Farage’s strategy was to justify his ‘firm and fair’ immigration control for the good of an inner circle, in other words in the interests of the British people. He tried to justify his actions by arguing they were the demands of British people. On top of all these, he indicated some real/unreal numbers to persuade masses. After discourse analysis, the article indicates how racism within society was reprodu
英国与欧盟的关系一直很疏远。正如文献主要强调的那样,英国从未完全参与过某些政策领域;尽管如此,英国决定离开欧盟,即所谓的英国脱欧决定,是2016年发生的令人震惊的事态发展之一,欧盟及其成员国领导人都表达了失望之情。英国脱欧进程仍不明朗,但我们已经目睹了公投进程中种族主义言论的社会后果。在这方面,官方报告所指出的种族主义攻击的增加令人担忧。这项研究有四个主要部分。在引言部分之后,指出了欧盟与英国之间的历史关系,并强调了部分之间的遥远关系。从这一部分开始,英国的欧洲怀疑主义被解释,它在英国脱欧决定背后的作用被澄清,作为本研究的主要论点的一部分。在此历史解释之后,开始主要的分析。本研究依靠Teun van Dijk的政治话语分析进行。在这一点上,澄清“话语”是很重要的。根据van Dijk的观点,话语对于控制人们的思想、想法、知识、意见以及他们的个人和社会表征至关重要。他还认为,话语对于拥有权力、支配地位和种族主义在社会中的再生产具有重要意义,政治话语往往是面向未来的。演员将某些问题公式化,用话语引导群众采取某些行动。在公投过程中,英国独立党并不是唯一支持脱欧的政党,例如鲍里斯·约翰逊也鼓励公众投票支持脱欧。据称,奈杰尔·法拉奇说服了1700多万人投票离开欧盟。在分析中,我们首先指出了法拉奇话语中的“积极自我表现”。在这里,“我们”总是代表“更民主、更文明”的一方。与此类似,“他人”具有负面含义,对应于对国家一致性的威胁。在竞选期间,该党及其领导人针对移民,并根据生活的三个方面将他们的威胁分类:福利制度、英国公众安全和社会规范。然而,法拉奇从未承认自己是“种族主义者”,他甚至辩称,他通过强调假难民和真难民的区别来支持难民。此外,法拉奇的策略是为了一个核心集团的利益,证明他“坚定而公平”的移民管制是合理的,换句话说,是为了英国人民的利益。他试图为自己的行为辩护,说那是英国人民的要求。在所有这些之上,他指出一些真实/不真实的数字来说服群众。通过话语分析,指出种族主义是如何在社会中再现的。通过展示仇恨犯罪报告,表明攻击在公投后达到顶峰,这项研究强调,言论并不是低效的工具,事实上,它们可以为一些危险的结果铺平道路。英国国家警察和联合国的报告都证明,种族仇恨犯罪的数量有所增加,尤其是在英格兰、威尔士和北爱尔兰。总而言之,我们认为在整个欧洲一体化的历史中,英国在欧盟中的作用一直是“英国例外论”之一。另一方面,移民问题为遵循这种例外主义政策和退出欧盟成员国提供了重要机会,但它导致了对社会中所有“其他人”的种族主义和仇外攻击。在不忽视历史背景的情况下,本研究依赖于公投过程和公投后时代产生的数据,旨在为移民和英国脱欧研究文献做出贡献。由于本文没有空间解释其他政党的话语和公投的长期影响,通过增加不同政党的话语来扩大调查,描述它们对公众的影响以及今天移民如何受到影响,这将是有趣的。
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引用次数: 1
Kemalpaşazâde’ye Göre Müşâkele Sanatı (Problemler ve Eleştirler)
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.674844
M. Çifçi
Abstract This study focuses on Kamal Pashazade's evaluations and criticisms about mushakala and aims to reach his views on the mushakala’s theory and practice through these. Because, besides being a literary art, mushakala is also related to al-kalâm and al-tafsir that Kamal Pashazade was well specialized in. So, his approach to this art is important in our opinion. The art of mushakala in Arabic language rhetoric that can be described shortly as using the same word with two different meanings in the same context contains many problems in it as its structure and examples. For example, metaphorical meaning in the second word, the relevance of this metaphor and the nature of this relevance have always been discussed. Kamal Pashazade also did not state his thoughts about the art of mushakala clearly. However, he inclined to the view that it was a kind of metaphor based on the companionship of meanings. So, he analyzed many examples of mushakala in the literature of Arabic language rhetoric in different ways without mentioning the art of mushakala. Naturally, mushakale art in his Tafsir has revealed as the last option in places where real meaning cannot be reached and strong literary arts are not applied. In this context, we can say that Kamal Pashazade has a tendency not to bring such a controversial type of metaphor closer to the Qur'anic commentary. On the other hand, Sari ad-Din al-Misri responded to his critiques against Mulla al-Fanari, Abu Ya ʿ qub al-Sakkaki and al-Sayyid al-Shar i f al-J u rjan i about the mushakala art in the same tone by establishing his arguments on solid foundations. Summary Bedi ʿ discipline is one of three main topics that form the eloquence of the Arabic language. The mushakala that means ‘similarity’ in the dictionary as literary art in bedi ʿ discipline and is defined as using the same word with two different meanings in the same context is one of the arts that caused controversy among eloquence scholars due to its complex structure. Even if the formal similarity between two words in the same sentence the second word has a different meaning in this art. For example in the sentence “Laugh! The days I will laugh at you are close!” ‘laugh’ is originally used in the true sense in the previous sentence. Nevertheless, in the following sentence, the same word means “I will make you regret laughing at me.” It is clear that the same word has completely different meanings in two sentences. This art has much more complex examples than which we gave here. Kamal Pashazade (d. 940/1534), Ottoman Shaykh al-Islam, reveals his views which is also the topic of this study by using this kind of example. Mushakala is an art that has been used frequently in Arabic literature and defined with different names. It is said that is the first rhetorician who used this art which has many examples in the Qur'an, the hadiths and poetry of Jahiliyya with current usage in bedi’ science is Abu al-Qāsim Ma ḥ m ū d ibn ʿ Umar al-Zamakhsharī (d. 538/11
本研究主要考察卡迈勒·帕沙扎德对穆沙卡拉的评价和批评,旨在通过这些评价和批评来了解他对穆沙卡拉理论和实践的看法。因为,除了作为一门文学艺术,mushakala还与Kamal Pashazade非常擅长的al- kal<e:1>和al-tafsir有关。所以,在我们看来,他处理这门艺术的方法很重要。阿拉伯语修辞学中的mushakala艺术可以简单地描述为在同一上下文中使用同一个词具有两种不同的含义,其结构和例子都存在许多问题。例如,第二个词的隐喻意义,这个隐喻的相关性和这种相关性的性质一直被讨论。卡迈勒·帕沙扎德也没有清楚地说明他对mushakala艺术的看法。然而,他倾向于认为这是一种基于意义陪伴的隐喻。因此,他以不同的方式分析了阿拉伯语修辞学文献中许多mushakala的例子,但没有提到mushakala的艺术。自然,在他的Tafsir中,mushakale艺术被揭示为无法达到真正意义和不适用强大文学艺术的地方的最后选择。在这种情况下,我们可以说Kamal Pashazade倾向于不让这种有争议的隐喻更接近《古兰经》注释。另一方面,Sari ad-Din al-Misri以同样的语气回应了他对Mulla al-Fanari, Abu Ya - qub al-Sakkaki和al-Sayyid al- shai f al-J - rjani关于mushakala艺术的批评,并将他的论点建立在坚实的基础上。Bedi - al学科是形成阿拉伯语口才的三个主要主题之一。“mushakala”在词典中是“相似”的意思,是“在相同的语境中使用相同的词,有不同的意思”,是因结构复杂而引起口才学者争议的艺术之一。即使两个词在同一句中的形式相似,第二个词在这门艺术中也有不同的含义。例如在“笑!”我嘲笑你的日子近了!在前面的句子中,“laugh”本来是真正意义上的用法。然而,在接下来的句子中,这个词的意思是“我会让你后悔嘲笑我。”很明显,同一个词在两个句子中有完全不同的意思。这门艺术有比我们在这里给出的复杂得多的例子。Kamal Pashazade(公元940/1534年),奥斯曼帝国的伊斯兰教谢赫,通过这种例子揭示了他的观点,这也是本研究的主题。Mushakala是一种在阿拉伯文学中经常使用的艺术,并有不同的名称。据说是第一个使用这种艺术的修辞学家,在古兰经、贾希里亚的圣训和诗歌中有很多例子,目前在贝迪科学中使用的是阿布al-Qāsim Ma ' m ' d ibn ' al- Umar al- zamakhshari(公元538/1144年)。然而,在Abu Yaqub Yusuf al-Sakkaki(公元626/1229年)的bedi科学中,mushakala取代了它的位置和字面定义。后来,随着Khatib al-Qazwini(公元739/1338年)的加入,这一定义得到了扩展,下面的定义被普遍接受:“在同一上下文中使用同一个词具有两种不同的含义,这是明显的或虚构的。”根据这个定义,mushakala被分为两部分,证据mushakala和想象mushakala。我们的研究是关于Shaykh al-Islam Kamal Pashazade对上面描述的mushakala艺术的方法。卡迈勒·帕沙扎德在他关于mushakala的论文和其他关于隐喻的论文中都对这个问题进行了深入的讨论。然而,他一如既往地以批评的形式提出了自己的观点。另一方面,Kamal Pashazade的古兰经Tafsir包含了他在解释古兰经经文时将mushakala艺术放在哪里的重要线索。在这方面,认为有必要在本条中分三个阶段处理这个问题。首先,对卡迈勒·帕沙扎德的隐喻作品进行考察,试图确定他将mushakala运用于哪一种文学艺术中。在第二阶段,试图确定他是如何描述mushakala的。此外,本节还讨论了Kamal Pashazade基于mushakala艺术的批评以及他所得到的回答。在第三阶段,对凯末尔·帕沙扎德的Tafsir进行了检查,并试图确定他在解释《古兰经》经文时如何从mushakala艺术中受益。根据我们得出的结果,可以明显地说,由于词与意义之间存在着陪伴关系,mushakala在卡迈勒·帕夏扎德的思维中是一种隐喻。kemalpasaz<e:1> de关于mushakala作品的主要问题是伙伴关系的性质,这种关系带来了mushakala艺术的隐喻意义。因为,隐喻必须建立在已有关系的基础上。 本研究主要考察卡迈勒·帕沙扎德对穆沙卡拉的评价和批评,旨在通过这些评价和批评来了解他对穆沙卡拉理论和实践的看法。因为,除了作为一门文学艺术,mushakala还与Kamal Pashazade非常擅长的al- kal<e:1>和al-tafsir有关。所以,在我们看来,他处理这门艺术的方法很重要。阿拉伯语修辞学中的mushakala艺术可以简单地描述为在同一上下文中使用同一个词具有两种不同的含义,其结构和例子都存在许多问题。例如,第二个词的隐喻意义,这个隐喻的相关性和这种相关性的性质一直被讨论。卡迈勒·帕沙扎德也没有清楚地说明他对mushakala艺术的看法。然而,他倾向于认为这是一种基于意义陪伴的隐喻。因此,他以不同的方式分析了阿拉伯语修辞学文献中许多mushakala的例子,但没有提到mushakala的艺术。自然,在他的Tafsir中,mushakale艺术被揭示为无法达到真正意义和不适用强大文学艺术的地方的最后选择。在这种情况下,我们可以说Kamal Pashazade倾向于不让这种有争议的隐喻更接近《古兰经》注释。另一方面,Sari ad-Din al-Misri以同样的语气回应了他对Mulla al-Fanari, Abu Ya - qub al-Sakkaki和al-Sayyid al- shai f al-J - rjani关于mushakala艺术的批评,并将他的论点建立在坚实的基础上。Bedi - al学科是形成阿拉伯语口才的三个主要主题之一。“mushakala”在词典中是“相似”的意思,是“在相同的语境中使用相同的词,有不同的意思”,是因结构复杂而引起口才学者争议的艺术之一。即使两个词在同一句中的形式相似,第二个词在这门艺术中也有不同的含义。例如在“笑!”我嘲笑你的日子近了!在前面的句子中,“laugh”本来是真正意义上的用法。然而,在接下来的句子中,这个词的意思是“我会让你后悔嘲笑我。”很明显,同一个词在两个句子中有完全不同的意思。这门艺术有比我们在这里给出的复杂得多的例子。Kamal Pashazade(公元940/1534年),奥斯曼帝国的伊斯兰教谢赫,通过这种例子揭示了他的观点,这也是本研究的主题。Mushakala是一种在阿拉伯文学中经常使用的艺术,并有不同的名称。据说是第一个使用这种艺术的修辞学家,在古兰经、贾希里亚的圣训和诗歌中有很多例子,目前在贝迪科学中使用的是阿布al-Qāsim Ma ' m ' d ibn ' al- Umar al- zamakhshari(公元538/1144年)。然而,在Abu Yaqub Yusuf al-Sakkaki(公元6
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引用次数: 1
ALEVİ ÖĞRENCİLERİN DİN KÜLTÜRÜ VE AHLAK BİLGİSİ DERSİNE KARŞI TUTUMLARI ÜZERİNE BİR DEĞERLENDİRME
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.534552
Nevzat Gencer
Bu arastirmada, Alevi vatandaslarin yogun olarak yasadigi Corum ili Bahcelievler Mahallesinde bulunan dort ortaokulda ogrenim goren Alevi ogrencilerin Din Kulturu ve Ahlak Bilgisi (DKAB) dersine yonelik tutumlarinin cesitli degiskenler acisindan incelenmesi amaclanmaktadir. “Tabakali Ornekleme” yontemiyle belirlenen orneklem, okullarin 6., 7. ve 8. siniflarinda okuyan 184 ogrenciden olusmaktadir. Arastirma verilerini toplamak icin “Kisisel Bilgi Anketi” ve "Din Kulturu ve Ahlak Bilgisi Dersi Tutum Olcegi" kullanilmistir. 20 maddelik Din Kulturu ve Ahlak Bilgisi Dersi Tutum Olceginin Cronbach Alpha guvenirlik katsayisi 0,97 olarak bulunmustur. Anket ve olcek yoluyla toplanan verilerin degerlendirilmesinde SPSS 16.0 paket programi kullanilmistir. Arastirma problemlerinin test edilmesinde t-testi ve varyans analizi kullanilmistir. Coklu karsilastirmalarda ise Tukey ve Tamhane’s T2 testlerinden faydalanilmistir. Denencelerin test edilmesinde 0,05 anlamlilik duzeyi esas alinmistir. Arastirma bulgularina gore, ogrencilerin DKAB dersine yonelik tutumlari genel olarak olumludur. Ayrica ogrencilerin DKAB dersine yonelik tutum duzeyleri ile cinsiyetleri, sinif seviyeleri, anne-babanin ogrenim duzeyi, DKAB dersi basari durumu, DKAB dersi ve DKAB ogretmeni ile ilgili dusuncesi, DKAB ogretmeninin ders isleme yontemini begenme, DKAB ogretmeninin ogrencilere karsi tutumu ve ailenin ogrencisinin dini bilgi almasini isteyip istememe durumu arasinda anlamli bir faklilasma bulunmustur. Bununla birlikte; ailenin gelir durumu, ogrencinin diger derslerdeki basari durumu, okul disinda dini egitim alip almama durumu ile DKAB dersine yonelik tutumu arasinda anlamli bir farklilasma yoktur.
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引用次数: 1
Son Dönem Osmanlı Müelliflerinin Çalışmalarında Zeyd-Zeyneb Hadisesi Bağlamında Voltaire’in “Fanatizm veya Peygamber Muhammed’in Bağnazlığı” Adlı Tiyatro Eseri Üzerine Bazı Değerlendirmeler
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.689001
Muhammed İ̇hsan Haciismailoğlu
Abstract As it is known, shortly after its appearance on the stage of Islam, Islam has become the target of other religious circles, who regard this new religion as their greatest rival. As a result of the spread of Islam from the Arabian Peninsula to China and from the Middle East to Europe, the non-Muslim world, especially Christianity, entered into a struggle against Islam. This struggle began to manifest itself in the scientific and cultural spheres as well as in the political and military spheres, and not only against the religion itself, but also against the Prophet Muhammad. The rapid progress of Islam in the East and the West in a short period of time drew the attention of Western society to this new religion and led them to research on Islam and Islamic sciences. However, this interest of Europeans was not due to their admiration of Islam, but because they wanted to harm both Islam and Muslims by getting to know the religion closely. In this direction, the Western world tried to defame the Prophet Muhammad with unfair accusations and wrote many works for this. The subject they used most was the family life of the Prophet Muhammad. The polygamy of the Prophet Muhammad and especially his marriage with Zaynab bint Jahsh, who had been divorced by his adopted son Zayd b. Harithah, was described by Western writers and it was used to criticize Muhammad and Islam and even to attack Islam. In this way, one of the authors who distorted the truth about the Prophet Muhammad and Islam is the French writer Voltaire. Voltaire’s play Le Fanatisme ou Mahomet le Prophete Tragedie / Mahomet the Prophet or Fanaticism, which has been staged several times in European theaters, has aroused great indignation in Islamic society, especially in the Ottoman public. In this research, the rumors and comments about the subject were tried to be evaluated. Summary Shortly after its appearance on the World stage, Islam became the target of other religious circles, who regarded this new religion as their greatest rival. As a result of the spread of Islam from the Arabian Peninsula to China and from the Middle East to Europe, the non-Muslim world, especially Christianity, entered into a struggle against Islam. This struggle began to manifest itself in the scientific and cultural spheres as well as in the political and military spheres and was targeted not only against the religion itself but also against the Prophet Muhammad. The rapid progress of Islam in the East and the West in a short period of time drew the attention of Western society to this new religion and led them to research Islam and Islamic sciences. However, this interest of the Europeans was not due to their admiration of Islam, but it was because they wanted to harm both Islam and Muslims by getting to know the religion closely. This way, the Western world tried to defame the Prophet Mohammad with unfair accusations and produced many works on this subject. The subject they used most was the family life of t
众所周知,伊斯兰教在伊斯兰舞台上出现后不久,就成为其他宗教界的攻击对象,他们把这个新兴宗教视为最大的对手。由于伊斯兰教从阿拉伯半岛传播到中国,从中东传播到欧洲,非穆斯林世界,特别是基督教,进入了与伊斯兰教的斗争。这种斗争开始在科学和文化领域以及政治和军事领域表现出来,不仅反对宗教本身,而且反对先知穆罕默德。伊斯兰教在东西方短时间内的迅速发展,引起了西方社会对这一新兴宗教的关注,并促使他们对伊斯兰教和伊斯兰科学进行研究。然而,欧洲人的这种兴趣并不是因为他们对伊斯兰教的崇拜,而是因为他们想通过密切了解伊斯兰教来伤害伊斯兰教和穆斯林。在这个方向上,西方世界试图用不公正的指控来诋毁先知穆罕默德,并为此写了许多作品。他们使用最多的主题是先知穆罕默德的家庭生活。先知穆罕默德的一夫多妻制,特别是他与扎伊纳布·宾特·贾什的婚姻,被他的养子扎伊德·b·哈里塔离婚,被西方作家用来批评穆罕默德和伊斯兰教,甚至攻击伊斯兰教。这样看来,歪曲先知穆罕默德和伊斯兰教真相的作家之一就是法国作家伏尔泰。伏尔泰的戏剧《先知穆罕默德》(Le Fanatisme ou Mahomet Le Prophete悲剧/先知穆罕默德或狂热主义)在欧洲剧院多次上演,引起了伊斯兰社会,特别是奥斯曼公众的极大愤慨。在本研究中,我们试图对被试者的谣言和评论进行评价。伊斯兰教在世界舞台上出现后不久,就成为其他宗教界的攻击目标,他们把这个新兴宗教视为最大的对手。由于伊斯兰教从阿拉伯半岛传播到中国,从中东传播到欧洲,非穆斯林世界,特别是基督教,进入了与伊斯兰教的斗争。这场斗争开始在科学和文化领域以及政治和军事领域表现出来,其目标不仅是反对宗教本身,而且反对先知穆罕默德。伊斯兰教在短时间内在东西方的迅速发展,引起了西方社会对这一新兴宗教的关注,并促使他们对伊斯兰教和伊斯兰科学进行研究。然而,欧洲人的这种兴趣并不是因为他们对伊斯兰教的崇拜,而是因为他们想通过密切了解伊斯兰教来伤害伊斯兰教和穆斯林。就这样,西方世界试图用不公平的指控来诋毁先知穆罕默德,并在这个问题上产生了许多作品。他们使用最多的主题是先知穆罕默德的家庭生活。先知穆罕默德的一夫多妻制,特别是他与扎伊纳布·宾特·贾什的婚姻,被他的养子扎伊德·b·哈里塔离婚,被西方作家用来批评穆罕默德和伊斯兰教,甚至攻击伊斯兰教。在这方面歪曲穆罕默德和伊斯兰教真相的作家之一是法国作家伏尔泰。伏尔泰的戏剧《先知穆罕默德》(Le Fanatisme ou Mahomet Le Prophete悲剧/先知穆罕默德或狂热主义)在欧洲剧院多次上演,引起了伊斯兰社会,特别是奥斯曼公众的极大愤慨。Zaynab bint Jahsh是先知穆罕默德姨妈的女儿。而zayed b. Harithah是穆罕默德的自由奴隶。在他从奴隶制中解放出来后,穆罕默德收养了他。先知穆罕默德将扎伊德嫁给了扎伊纳卜。但这段婚姻并没有持续多久,扎伊德和扎伊纳布离婚了。几个月后,先知穆罕默德收到安拉的启示,命令他与宰纳卜结婚。在这节经文中,古兰经旨在消除古代阿拉伯传统中禁止与养子的离婚妻子结婚的情况。穆罕默德在安拉的命令下娶了扎伊纳布,这个阿拉伯传统已经消失了。穆罕默德和扎伊纳布的婚姻在接下来的几个世纪里被东方学家们讨论了很多。东方主义者利用这个问题攻击伊斯兰教。人们经常声称,允许与养子离婚的妻子结婚只是因为穆罕默德想娶扎伊纳布。但这无疑是对东方主义者的诽谤。因为,如果穆罕默德真正的愿望是娶宰纳卜,他早就这么做了。许多东方学家对穆罕默德与扎伊纳布的婚姻做出了错误的断言。法国作家伏尔泰也写了一部关于这一事件的戏剧。 众所周知,伊斯兰教在伊斯兰舞台上出现后不久,就成为其他宗教界的攻击对象,他们把这个新兴宗教视为最大的对手。由于伊斯兰教从阿拉伯半岛传播到中国,从中东传播到欧洲,非穆斯林世界,特别是基督教,进入了与伊斯兰教的斗争。这种斗争开始在科学和文化领域以及政治和军事领域表现出来,不仅反对宗教本身,而且反对先知穆罕默德。伊斯兰教在东西方短时间内的迅速发展,引起了西方社会对这一新兴宗教的关注,并促使他们对伊斯兰教和伊斯兰科学进行研究。然而,欧洲人的这种兴趣并不是因为他们对伊斯兰教的崇拜,而是因为他们想通过密切了解伊斯兰教来伤害伊斯兰教和穆斯林。在这个方向上,西方世界试图用不公正的指控来诋毁先知穆罕默德,并为此写了许多作品。他们使用最多的主题是先知穆罕默德的家庭生活。先知穆罕默德的一夫多妻制,特别是他与扎伊纳布·宾特·贾什的婚姻,被他的养子扎伊德·b·哈里塔离婚,被西方作家用来批评穆罕默德和伊斯兰教,甚至攻击伊斯兰教。这样看来,歪曲先知穆罕默德和伊斯兰教真相的作家之一就是法国作家伏尔泰。伏尔泰的戏剧《先知穆罕默德》(Le Fanatisme ou Mahomet Le Prophete悲剧/先知穆罕默德或狂热主义)在欧洲剧院多次上演,引起了伊斯兰社会,特别是奥斯曼公众的极大愤慨。在本研究中,我们试图对被试者的谣言和评论进行评价。伊斯兰教在世界舞台上出现后不久,就成为其他宗教界的攻击目标,他们把这个新兴宗教视为最大的对手。由于伊斯兰教从阿拉伯半岛传播到中国,从中东传播到欧洲,非穆斯林世界,特别是基督教,进入了与伊斯兰教的斗争。这场斗争开始在科学和文化领域以及政治和军事领域表现出来,其目标不仅是反对宗教本身,而且反对先知穆罕默德。伊斯兰教在短时间内在东西方的迅速发展,引起了西方社会对这一新兴宗教的关注,并促使他们对伊斯兰教和伊斯兰科学进行研究。然而,欧洲人的这种兴趣并不是因为他们对伊斯兰教的崇拜,而是因为他们想通过密切了解伊斯兰教来伤害伊斯兰教和穆斯林。就这样,西方世界试图用不公平的指控来诋毁先知穆罕默德,并在这个问题上产生了许多作品。他们使用最多的主题是先知穆罕默德的家庭生活。先知穆罕默德的一夫多妻制,特别是他与扎伊纳布·宾特·贾什的婚姻,被他的养子扎伊德·b·哈里塔离婚,被西方作家用来批评穆罕默德和伊斯兰教,甚至攻击伊斯兰教。在这方面歪曲穆罕默德和伊斯兰教真相的作家之一是法国作家伏尔泰。伏尔泰的戏剧《先知穆罕默德》(Le Fanatisme ou Mahomet Le Prophete悲剧/先知穆罕默德或狂热主义)在欧洲剧院多次上演,引起了伊斯兰社会,特别是奥斯曼公众的极大愤慨。Zaynab bint Jahsh是先知穆罕默德姨妈的女儿。而zayed b. Harithah是穆罕默德的自由奴隶。在他从奴隶制中解放出来后,穆罕默德收养了他。先知穆罕默德将扎伊德嫁给了扎伊纳卜。但这段婚姻并没有持续多久,扎伊德和扎伊纳布离婚了。几个月后,先知穆罕默德收到安拉的启示,命令他与宰纳卜结婚。在这节经文中,古兰经旨在消除古代阿拉伯传统中禁止与养子的离婚妻子结婚的情况。穆罕默德在安拉的命令下娶了扎伊纳布,这个阿拉伯传统已经消失了。穆罕默德和扎伊纳布的婚姻在接下来的几个世纪里被东方学家们讨论了很多。东方主义者利用这个问题攻击伊斯兰教。人们经常声称,允许与养子离婚的妻子结婚只是因为穆罕默德想娶扎伊纳布。但这无疑是对东方主义者的诽谤。因为,如果穆罕默德真正的愿望是娶宰纳卜,他早就这么做了。许多东方学家对穆罕默德与扎伊纳布的婚姻做出了错误的断言。法国作家伏尔泰也写了一部关于这一事件的
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引用次数: 1
Çağdaş Şiî Islah Düşüncesinde Selefî Etkiler: Şerîat Senglecî Örneği
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.689029
Habip Demi̇r
Islam dusuncesinin tarihi seruveninde cok sayida fikir akimi boy gostermis, bunlarin bircogu zamanla ortadan kaybolmustur. Bir zihniyet ve dusunus bicimi olarak Selefilik, tarihi surecte Islam dusuncesini en cok etkileyen ve etkisi halen devam eden onemli bir ekoldur. Tarihin belirli bir doneminin ve o donemde uretilen her turlu bilginin kutsallastirilarak dini dusuncede her turlu yeniligin ve kisisel gorusun bid‘at, hurafe gibi isimler altinda sapkin goruldugu bir zihniyet olarak Selefi dusunce, belirli bir mezhep ya da ekole has degil, her mezhep ve fikir akiminda gorulebilecek dini-siyasi ideolojik bir olgudur. Her ne kadar yalnizca Sunni mezheplere has bir olgu olarak goruluyor olsa da her mezhebin Selefi dusunceyi benimseyen mensuplarinin oldugundan bahsedilebilir. Bu zihniyetin Ehl-i Sunnet cevrelerindeki olusumu, tarihi sureci ve gunumuzdeki tezahurleri hakkinda hâlihazirda cok sayida calisma yapilmistir. Şemsiye bir kavram olarak Selefi zihniyet, yalniz Ehl-i Sunnet’i degil, Şii dusunceyi de derinden etkilemistir. Şii dusuncede ilk asirlardan itibaren ulemânin dini alanda otorite kurdugu bilinmektedir. Modern donemlerle birlikte Islam dunyasinin genelinde ihya ve islah hareketlerinin ortaya cikmasi, suphesiz Şiilik uzerinde de tesir birakmistir. Ihya hareketleriyle birlikte de anilan Selefiligin Şii dusunce uzerindeki etkisi henuz calismalara konu olmamistir. Calismamiz, sahislar uzerinde derinlesme prensibiyle, Selefiligin modern donemde Şiilikteki tezahurlerine deginerek bu ekolun Iran’da tesir biraktigi ilk temsilcisi sayilabilecek olan Şeriat Sengleci’nin fikirlerine yogunlasmaktadir.
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引用次数: 2
Bağımzıslık Öncesi ve Sonrası Kırgız Toplumunda Din ve Dini Kurumlar Üzerine Bir Analiz
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.669036
Timur Kozukulov
Abstract Regarding the sociology of religion and political science perspectives, this article attempts to examine the influence of religion on Kyrgyzstan’s social and political life after her independence from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). This study addresses the following pieces of information before discussing the current circumstances. First, the historical background of how Islam has spread in Kyrgyzstan has different narratives and needs to be addressed before explaining the role of Islam in today’s Kyrgyzstan. Also, to show how and when the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Kyrgyzstan (SAMK), which is also called the Muftiyat of Kyrgyzstan, has emerged, it is necessary to examine the USSR era of Islam. In addition, since the first years of independence, religion and religious life have been given full freedom in Kyrgyzstan; however, the State Security Council in the meeting of February 2014 has decided that the prior religious freedom policy was wrong. In the following period, it was decided that the state would implement politics that would lead the religious structure and the religious life of society. In this study, religious tendencies and social sanctions for religion were studied in terms of sociology and political science in the post-independence period. Furthermore, the study focused on the work process and sanctions for the social and political stability of Kyrgyz society. This article also elaborates on the practices of the Kyrgyz state, which had a quarter-century past, on religion and shows that the practices are unstable and changing based on new circumstances. Summary Islamic elements are important in the daily life of the Kyrgyz people. Some of these are considered as traditions and customs by some people. The Kyrgyz were worshipping pre-Islamic Tengrism (Theism) and the elements of this faith. According to some researchers, Tengrism did not obstruct Islam, and it did not conflict with Islam, but rather made it easier for the Kyrgyz to embrace Islam. It has been suggested that various traditions are compatible with Islam and that they are accepted as Islamic. Tengrians keep this question in their agenda: “When did the Kyrgyz people accept Islam as a religion?” Even though they have just emerged with their current view, they claim that they have come from their ancestors. They try to portray Islam and Islamization as a distortion in society, whereas Islam has an ancient history and has become a national value and an integral part of life. The radical people identify Islam and Muslims as being Arab and disseminating this idea in society and portray the Kyrgyz Muslims as Arabized. Although they consider Kyrgyz and Islam as two different phenomena, it is clear that Kyrgyz people are Muslims from early times. Nobody can deny this fact. However, some events in the society and some practices are not accepted by some parts of the society in the name of Islam. For example, those who consider the Arab outfit as
摘要本文试图从宗教社会学和政治学的角度,考察宗教对吉尔吉斯斯坦脱离苏联后社会政治生活的影响。在讨论当前情况之前,本研究处理了以下信息。首先,伊斯兰教如何在吉尔吉斯斯坦传播的历史背景有不同的叙述,需要在解释伊斯兰教在今天的吉尔吉斯斯坦所扮演的角色之前加以解决。另外,为了说明被称为“穆夫提亚特”的吉尔吉斯斯坦穆斯林精神管理机构(SAMK)是如何以及何时出现的,有必要研究一下苏联时期的伊斯兰教。此外,自独立的头几年以来,宗教和宗教生活在吉尔吉斯斯坦得到充分的自由;然而,国务院在2014年2月的会议上决定,先前的宗教自由政策是错误的。在接下来的一段时间里,决定由国家实行政治来领导宗教结构和社会的宗教生活。本研究从社会学和政治学的角度,研究后独立时期的宗教倾向和社会对宗教的制裁。此外,研究的重点是吉尔吉斯社会的社会和政治稳定的工作过程和制裁。本文还详细阐述了四分之一世纪以来吉尔吉斯国家在宗教方面的做法,并表明这些做法是不稳定的,并且会随着新的情况而变化。伊斯兰元素在吉尔吉斯人的日常生活中很重要。其中一些被一些人认为是传统和习俗。吉尔吉斯人崇拜前伊斯兰教的腾格里斯主义(有神论)和这种信仰的元素。一些研究人员认为,腾格里主义并没有阻碍伊斯兰教,也没有与伊斯兰教发生冲突,而是使吉尔吉斯人更容易接受伊斯兰教。有人认为,各种传统与伊斯兰教是相容的,它们被接受为伊斯兰教。吉尔吉斯斯坦人把这个问题列入他们的议事日程:“吉尔吉斯人是什么时候接受伊斯兰教作为宗教的?”尽管他们刚刚以目前的观点出现,但他们声称自己来自他们的祖先。他们试图把伊斯兰教和伊斯兰化描绘成社会的扭曲,而伊斯兰教有着悠久的历史,已经成为一种民族价值和生活的组成部分。激进分子认为伊斯兰教和穆斯林是阿拉伯人,并在社会上传播这种观点,把吉尔吉斯穆斯林描绘成阿拉伯化的。虽然他们认为吉尔吉斯族和伊斯兰教是两种不同的现象,但很明显吉尔吉斯人从早期起就是穆斯林。没有人能否认这一事实。然而,社会上的一些事件和一些做法是不被社会的某些部分以伊斯兰教的名义接受的。例如,那些认为阿拉伯服装是伊斯兰教象征的人更喜欢用传统或现代服装代替它。tabigh Jamaat和其他一些激进组织成员的服装引发了这种担忧。一些人用这些例子声称伊斯兰教和吉尔吉斯语之间没有联系。在苏联时期,伴随着无神论的意识形态,没有伊斯兰教。虽然这两者的理解和观念完全不同,但老苏联时代的神职人员表示,这一时期没有社会问题。吉尔吉斯斯坦独立后,无神论崩溃了。但是一些与伊斯兰误解有关的问题已经出现。自主权成立初期以来,发生了许多事件,并出现了一系列新的事实。出现了几种与传统理解相矛盾的观点。这些都导致了穆斯林的巩固。1993年,除塔什干外,吉尔吉斯斯坦成立了一个独立的穆夫提亚特(宗教事务),名为“吉尔吉斯斯坦穆斯林精神管理局”。然而,这个机构在宗教和社会事务方面仍然非常薄弱,因此它并没有阻止不同观念在公众中传播。甚至,它还导致了一些其他观念的传播。在建立穆夫提亚特期间没有进行任何创新。在前苏联时期,以塔什干为基础的穆夫提亚特体系的一个分支在吉尔吉斯斯坦建立。在穆夫提亚特成立之后,它一直未能建立一个新的制度,直到今天。穆夫提亚特是一个非政府组织,但他们自称是吉尔吉斯斯坦穆斯林的宗教管理机构。社区也以同样的方式接受它。到目前为止,穆夫提亚特是吉尔吉斯斯坦境内清真寺和伊斯兰学校的所有者。但它与社会组织和国家没有任何关系。独立以来,宗教教育的开展缺乏计划和制度。 摘要本文试图从宗教社会学和政治学的角度,考察宗教对吉尔吉斯斯坦脱离苏联后社会政治生活的影响。在讨论当前情况之前,本研究处理了以下信息。首先,伊斯兰教如何在吉尔吉斯斯坦传播的历史背景有不同的叙述,需要在解释伊斯兰教在今天的吉尔吉斯斯坦所扮演的角色之前加以解决。另外,为了说明被称为“穆夫提亚特”的吉尔吉斯斯坦穆斯林精神管理机构(SAMK)是如何以及何时出现的,有必要研究一下苏联时期的伊斯兰教。此外,自独立的头几年以来,宗教和宗教生活在吉尔吉斯斯坦得到充分的自由;然而,国务院在2014年2月的会议上决定,先前的宗教自由政策是错误的。在接下来的一段时间里,决定由国家实行政治来领导宗教结构和社会的宗教生活。本研究从社会学和政治学的角度,研究后独立时期的宗教倾向和社会对宗教的制裁。此外,研究的重点是吉尔吉斯社会的社会和政治稳定的工作过程和制裁。本文还详细阐述了四分之一世纪以来吉尔吉斯国家在宗教方面的做法,并表明这些做法是不稳定的,并且会随着新的情况而变化。伊斯兰元素在吉尔吉斯人的日常生活中很重要。其中一些被一些人认为是传统和习俗。吉尔吉斯人崇拜前伊斯兰教的腾格里斯主义(有神论)和这种信仰的元素。一些研究人员认为,腾格里主义并没有阻碍伊斯兰教,也没有与伊斯兰教发生冲突,而是使吉尔吉斯人更容易接受伊斯兰教。有人认为,各种传统与伊斯兰教是相容的,它们被接受为伊斯兰教。吉尔吉斯斯坦人把这个问题列入他们的议事日程:“吉尔吉斯人是什么时候接受伊斯兰教作为宗教的?”尽管他们刚刚以目前的观点出现,但他们声称自己来自他们的祖先。他们试图把伊斯兰教和伊斯兰化描绘成社会的扭曲,而伊斯兰教有着悠久的历史,已经成为一种民族价值和生活的组成部分。激进分子认为伊斯兰教和穆斯林是阿拉伯人,并在社会上传播这种观点,把吉尔吉斯穆斯林描绘成阿拉伯化的。虽然他们认为吉尔吉斯族和伊斯兰教是两种不同的现象,但很明显吉尔吉斯人从早期起就是穆斯林。没有人能否认这一事实。然而,社会上的一些事件和一些做法是不被社会的某些部分以伊斯兰教的名义接受的。例如,那些认为阿拉伯服装是伊斯兰教象征的人更喜欢用传统或现代服装代替它。tabigh Jamaat和其他一些激进组织成员的服装引发了这种担忧。一些人用这些例子声称伊斯兰教和吉尔吉斯语之间没有联系。在苏联时期,伴随着无神论的意识形态,没有伊斯兰教。虽然这两者的理解和观念完全不同,但老苏联时代的神职人员表示,这一时期没有社会问题。吉尔吉斯斯坦独立后,无神论崩溃了。但是一些与伊斯兰误解有关的问题已经出现。自主权成立初期以来,发生了许多事件,并出现了一系列新的事实。出现了几种与传统理解相矛盾的观点。这些都导致了穆斯林的巩固。1993年,除塔什干外,吉尔吉斯斯坦成立了一个独立的穆夫提亚特(宗教事务),名为“吉尔吉斯斯坦穆斯林精神管理局”。然而,这个机构在宗教和社会事务方面仍然非常薄弱,因此它并没有阻止不同观念在公众中传播。甚至,它还导致了一些其他观念的传播。在建立穆夫提亚特期间没有进行任何创新。在前苏联时期,以塔什干为基础的穆夫提亚特体系的一个分支在吉尔吉斯斯坦建立。在穆夫提亚特成立之后,它一直未能建立一个新的制度,直到今天。穆夫提亚特是一个非政府组织,但他们自称是吉尔吉斯斯坦穆斯林的宗教管理机构。社区也以同样的方式接受它。到目前为止,穆夫提亚特是吉尔吉斯斯坦境内清真寺和伊斯兰学校的所有者。但它与社会组织和国家没有任何关系。独立以来,宗教教育的开展缺乏计划和制度。 尽管开设了这么多伊斯兰学校,但它并不能传播传统的伊斯兰教义。所有的伊斯兰学校都依赖于伊斯兰教法。伊斯兰学校和教育理念的开放通常取决于当地宗教人士的主动性。换句话说,如果一个人是学者,那么这个人必须有一个伊斯兰学校。根据这位学
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引用次数: 3
THE PHILOSOPHICAL CONTENTS OF DĪWĀN LUGHĀT AL-TURK (Divanü Lûgat-it-Türk’te Felsefî İçerikler).
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.673391
Vefa Taşdelen
Abstract Philosophy is a work of mind which is produced in language. The power of expression regarding being, mankind, society, morality, and value manifests the philosophical potential of a language as well. The potential of the language is the potential of philosophy and the potential of philosophy is the potential of the language. Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk is one of the oldest and the most important texts of Turkish culture. This work that is written to teach Turkish to foreigners, is not a work of dictionary in a simplistic sense, it has a quality of an “anthology” which presents the samples from the structure of the language of its own period such as poetry, proverb, and story according to the requirement of the language teaching that is embodying and exemplary. It is one of the works that has a quality of exhibiting the philosophical potential of Turkish, the possibility to conceive and articulate the being in scope of the riddle of human being, God and universe; for the first time as in the most advanced level. This article aims to deal with the philosophical content in the text. In this article words, idioms, proverbs, poems, stories, and sample sentences will be examined in terms of their philosophical contents and connotations. This accumulation, will take place in order to reflect the holistic perspective of philosophy within the frame of: (1) conception of being, (2) conception of knowledge, (3) conception of human, (4) ethical and aesthetic values. Summary Great texts are texts which are alive; they need to be re-read, re-comprehended and reproduced. Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk  is such a living text; it embodies the accumulated education, science, thought, and culture of life in its own period. Language is simultaneously experience, worldview, conception of the universe, culture of living, and the apprehension of civilization; language is a common reason with the words, conceptions and traditional verbal components (epics, proverbs, ballads, tales, myths, elegies, jokes) it embodies. Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk  is precisely such a book of common reason. It is the common accumulation and common treasure of Turkish civilization; its intention is to present a common language of culture and communication without respect to the differentiations of accent and dialect that arise from distance over space (geography) and time. Likewise, Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk  opens up the conception of Turkish into Arabic, in terms of its worldview, apprehension of life, and cultural riches; it furthermore opens up Arabic, the language of education, science, philosophy and literature, into Turkish. It does so by the means of reproducing Turkish in Arabic; it, so to speak, attunes the two languages to one another via their mutual encounter. Philosophy is a language study and emerging in the language. The power of expressing existence, people, society, morality and value constitutes the philosophical potential of a language. Languages in which great philosophies are produced are
哲学是一种以语言产生的思想作品。语言对存在、对人类、对社会、对道德、对价值的表达能力,也体现了语言的哲学潜能。语言的潜能就是哲学的潜能哲学的潜能就是语言的潜能。Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk是土耳其文化最古老和最重要的文本之一。这部作品是为了向外国人教授土耳其语而写的,不是一本简单意义上的词典,它具有“选集”的性质,它根据语言教学的要求,从自己的语言结构中呈现出诗歌,谚语和故事等样本,具有体现性和示范性。这是一部具有展示土耳其语哲学潜力的作品,在人类、上帝和宇宙之谜的范围内构思和表达存在的可能性;第一次在最先进的水平。本文旨在探讨文本中的哲学内容。在这篇文章中,词汇、成语、谚语、诗歌、故事和例句将从其哲学内容和内涵的角度进行研究。这种积累是为了在以下框架内反映哲学的整体视角:(1)存在的概念,(2)知识的概念,(3)人的概念,(4)伦理和审美价值。伟大的文本是有生命的文本;它们需要被重新阅读、重新理解和复制。Dīwān Lughāt土耳其语就是这样一个活生生的文本;它凝聚了其所处时代的教育、科学、思想、文化的积淀。语言同时是经验、世界观、宇宙观、生活文化和对文明的理解;语言是一种共同的理性,它包含了词语、概念和传统的语言成分(史诗、谚语、民谣、故事、神话、挽歌、笑话)。Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk正是这样一本关于共同理性的书。是土耳其文明的共同积累和共同宝藏;它的目的是呈现一种文化和交流的共同语言,而不考虑由于空间(地理)和时间的距离而产生的口音和方言的差异。同样,Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk在世界观、对生活的理解和文化财富方面,将土耳其的概念打开为阿拉伯语;它进一步将阿拉伯语——教育、科学、哲学和文学的语言——开放为土耳其语。它通过在阿拉伯语中复制土耳其语来做到这一点;可以说,它通过两种语言的相互接触使它们彼此协调。哲学是一门语言研究和新兴的语言。语言表达存在、人、社会、道德和价值的能力构成了语言的哲学潜能。产生伟大哲学的语言是允许对存在进行详细和全面考虑的语言。哲学与语言的“交替”与“互惠”关系不仅体现在语言到思想之间,也体现在思想到语言之间;在最广泛的意义上赋予存在的意义,表达存在的能力和技巧是对语言发展和丰富的贡献。语言的潜能决定了哲学上的努力;语言的潜能就是哲学的潜能;哲学的潜力就是语言的潜力。Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk是土耳其语的哲学潜力首次在人类、上帝和宇宙概念的背景下得到展示的作品之一。语言有它自己的能力,人类也有自己的能力。正如语言拥有自己的智慧一样,每个人也都有自己的智慧。在某种程度上,语言超越了仅仅是一种“工具”,而转变为一种精神或意识状态,这种状态反映了它自身数千年的积累。在这里,人们仿佛置身于一条从历史深处奔流而来的激流之中,越流越大,越流越强。哲学作为一种深刻的思考活动,产生于人类的能力与语言的能力的交汇点,产生于语言的积累与人类的积累的交叉点。当语言的能力被人类的能力和努力所满足时,它就不仅仅是一种潜力,而成为一种积极的力量。每种语言都有自己的思维结构和世界观。语言不仅反映了一个民族的世界观、文化和哲学,而且还具有哲学性,它所蕴含的是一种独特的存在观念、知识观念和价值观。对于Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk来说确实如此。 哲学是一种以语言产生的思想作品。语言对存在、对人类、对社会、对道德、对价值的表达能力,也体现了语言的哲学潜能。语言的潜能就是哲学的潜能哲学的潜能就是语言的潜能。Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk是土耳其文化最古老和最重要的文本之一。这部作品是为了向外国人教授土耳其语而写的,不是一本简单意义上的词典,它具有“选集”的性质,它根据语言教学的要求,从自己的语言结构中呈现出诗歌,谚语和故事等样本,具有体现性和示范性。这是一部具有展示土耳其语哲学潜力的作品,在人类、上帝和宇宙之谜的范围内构思和表达存在的可能性;第一次在最先进的水平。本文旨在探讨文本中的哲学内容。在这篇文章中,词汇、成语、谚语、诗歌、故事和例句将从其哲学内容和内涵的角度进行研究。这种积累是为了在以下框架内反映哲学的整体视角:(1)存在的概念,(2)知识的概念,(3)人的概念,(4)伦理和审美价值。伟大的文本是有生命的文本;它们需要被重新阅读、重新理解和复制。Dīwān Lughāt土耳其语就是这样一个活生生的文本;它凝聚了其所处时代的教育、科学、思想、文化的积淀。语言同时是经验、世界观、宇宙观、生活文化和对文明的理解;语言是一种共同的理性,它包含了词语、概念和传统的语言成分(史诗、谚语、民谣、故事、神话、挽歌、笑话)。Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk正是这样一本关于共同理性的书。是土耳其文明的共同积累和共同宝藏;它的目的是呈现一种文化和交流的共同语言,而不考虑由于空间(地理)和时间的距离而产生的口音和方言的差异。同样,Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk在世界观、对生活的理解和文化财富方面,将土耳其的概念打开为阿拉伯语;它进一步将阿拉伯语——教育、科学、哲学和文学的语言——开放为土耳其语。它通过在阿拉伯语中复制土耳其语来做到这一点;可以说,它通过两种语言的相互接触使它们彼此协调。哲学是一门语言研究和新兴的语言。语言表达存在、人、社会、道德和价值的能力构成了语言的哲学潜能。产生伟大哲学的语言是允许对存在进行详细和全面考虑的语言。哲学与语言的“交替”与“互惠”关系不仅体现在语言到思想之间,也体现在思想到语言之间;在最广泛的意义上赋予存在的意义,表达存在的能力和技巧是对语言发展和丰富的贡献。语言的潜能决定了哲学上的努力;语言的潜能就是哲学的潜能;哲学的潜力就是语言的潜力。Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk是土耳其语的哲学潜力首次在人类、上帝和宇宙概念的背景下得到展示的作品之一。语言有它自己的能力,人类也有自己的能力。正如语言拥有自己的智慧一样,每个人也都有自己的智慧。在某种程度上,语言超越了仅仅是一种“工具”,而转变为一种精神或意识状态,这种状态反映了它自身数千年的积累。在这里,人们仿佛置身于一条从历史深处奔流而来的激流之中,越流越大,越流越强。哲学作为一种深刻的思考活动,产生于人类的能力与语言的能力的交汇点,产生于语言的积累与人类的积累的交叉点。当语言的能力被人类的能力和努力所满足时,它就不仅仅是一种潜力,而成为一种积极的力量。每种语言都有自己的思维结构和世界观。语言不仅反映了一个民族的世界观、文化和哲学,而且还具有哲学性,它所蕴含的是一种独特的存在观念、知识观念和价值观。对于Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk来说确实如此。 虽然Lughāt不是简单意义上的字典,但它占据了一件艺术作品的位置,用它所传递的词汇来反映;在这种情况下,土耳其人对思想、信仰和道德的理解,因为后者存在于存在、知识和价值的框架中,并以最纯粹和最简洁的形式存在。丰富的文脉使我们不仅可以把它当作一本字典来读,而且可以把它当作一本知识、文化和智慧之书来读。每一篇文章都应该从哲学的角度来阅读和理解。这样的阅读丰富了文本,使其经久不衰。从哲学的角度来看一篇文章,并不是说这篇文章就是哲学的。相反,这种“哲学”阅读可以定义为:(1)概念化的阅读;
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引用次数: 2
Ahmed Feyzi Çorumî'nin Müntehab Adlı Risalesi'nin Tahkik, Tercüme ve Değerlendirmesi
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.688729
Abdullah Ilhan
Abstract In our tradition a great amount of work have been written on the classification of sciences. Sacaklizâde’s Tertibu’l-‘Ulum has a significant place among them. In Tertibu’l-‘Ulum , information on the definitions of the sciences, the order of studying these sciences and the verdicts on studying them is given. Additionally, the names of the suggested literature to be read in the madrasas, the educational institutions of the period, and some suggestions are also given to the teachers and students. Ahmed Feyzi Corumi’s work, al-Muntehab min Tertibi'l-‘Ulum , is based on some selections from Tertibu'l-‘Ulum . The selections are mainly on the definition of sciences and the suggested literature for those who want to learn these sciences. While making this selection, sometimes he conveys the sentences of Sacaklizâde as they are, and sometimes combines the sentences of Sacaklizâde from different parts of his book. In addition to utilise the information given by Sacaklizâde, Ahmed Feyzi occasionally explains the sentences of Sacaklizâde and refers to some works that Sacaklizâde does not mention as well. Sometimes he disagrees with the literature suggested by Sacaklizâde and refers to the ones more suitable for him. In this paper, al-Muntehâb is analyzed, translated and evaluated, and the differences between the two works are revealed. The analysis is done on the only available copy of al-Muntehab. The text is made more clear by adding some pieces and headings that are indicated in the square brackets and adding some footnotes. When the meaning is unclear, the expressions of Sacaklizâde are consulted, and this situation is stated in the footnotes. Summary The topic of the classification of the sciences has gained the attention of various scholars. A great amount of works was composed in both Western and Islamic tradition, and many of them has reached today. One of these works is Tertibu’l-‘Ulum . It is written by Sacaklizade Mehmet Efendi of Maras (d. 1145/1732), an Ottoman Scholar who wrote on various sciences such as Fiqh, Kalam, Logic, Tafseer. This work has an important place in terms of showing the curriculum of madrasahs, educational institutions of the period. Sacaklizâde’s book consists of five sections; an introduction, two chapters, one appendix and a conclusion respectively. In the introduction, the sciences are classified as canonic and non-canonic sciences and the verdicts on employing in them are given. First chapter gives the definition of useful sciences. In the second chapter, the useful sciences are graded for the students who are going to study them. While a very brief information on the praise of Qur’an, its names and its place in Hadith are given in the appendix, the writer devotes the conclusion to various topics related to philosophy. Various information such as the definitions of sciences, the order of studying them, the verdict on studying them, the names of works that are studied in madrasahs, which are educational institut
在我们的传统中,关于科学的分类已经写了大量的工作。sacakliz<e:1> de的terbu ' l- ' Ulum在其中占有重要地位。在Tertibu ' l- ' Ulum中,给出了关于科学的定义、研究这些科学的顺序和研究它们的结论的信息。此外,建议在伊斯兰学校,当时的教育机构中阅读的文学作品的名称,以及对教师和学生的一些建议。Ahmed Feyzi Corumi的作品《al-Muntehab min Tertibi'l- ' Ulum》是基于《Tertibu'l- ' Ulum》的一些选段。这些选择主要是关于科学的定义和为那些想要学习这些科学的人建议的文献。在进行这种选择时,他有时将sacakliz<e:1> de的句子原原本本地表达出来,有时将书中不同部分的sacakliz<e:1> de的句子组合在一起。Ahmed Feyzi除了利用sacakliz<e:1>所提供的信息外,偶尔也会对sacakliz<e:1>的句子进行解释,并引用一些sacakliz<e:1>没有提及的作品。有时他不同意sacakliz<e:1>建议的文献,而引用更适合他的文献。本文对《al- munteh <e:1> b》进行了分析、翻译和评价,揭示了两部作品之间的差异。分析是在al-Muntehab唯一可用的副本上完成的。通过在方括号中添加一些片段和标题以及添加一些脚注,使文本更加清晰。当意思不清楚时,参考sacakliz<e:1> de的表达,这种情况在脚注中说明。科学分类这个话题已经引起了众多学者的关注。大量的作品是在西方和伊斯兰传统中创作的,其中许多作品流传至今。其中一件作品是terbu ' l- ' Ulum。它是由马拉斯的Sacaklizade Mehmet Efendi(1145/1732年)撰写的,他是一位奥斯曼学者,写过各种科学,如Fiqh, Kalam, Logic, Tafseer。这幅作品在展示伊斯兰学校课程方面占有重要地位,伊斯兰学校是当时的教育机构。sacakliz<e:1> de的书由五个部分组成;本文分为引言、两章、一个附录和一个结论。在引言中,将科学分为正统科学和非正统科学,并给出了在这些科学中使用的判断。第一章给出了有用科学的定义。在第二章中,为将要学习这些科学的学生对有用的科学进行了评分。虽然在附录中给出了对古兰经的赞美,它的名字和它在圣训中的位置的一个非常简短的信息,但作者致力于与哲学相关的各种主题的结论。书中提供了各种信息,如科学的定义、学习它们的顺序、学习它们的结论、伊斯兰学校(当时的教育机构)学习的作品的名称。除此之外,sacakliz<e:1>还提到了伊斯兰学校使用的方法,批评了讲师的傲慢行为和态度,并指出了学生在学习过程中做出的错误选择。除了为教师和学生提供更好的教育建议外,他还通过提请注意适当的文献,为某些科学推荐各种书籍。sacakliz<e:1>为每个水平推荐书籍,列出了一些科学的初级,中级和高级水平,并告诉其他科学可以与它们进行比较。艾哈迈德·费兹·科米(Ahmed Feyzi Corumi)在sacakliz<e:1> 107年后出生,他从sacakliz<e:1>的作品中选择了一些部分,写下了他的《al-Muntehab min Tertibi ' l- ' Ulum》。这些选择主要是关于科学的定义和为那些想要学习这些科学的人建议的文献。在进行这种选择时,他有时将sacakliz<e:1> de的句子原原本本地表达出来,有时将书中不同部分的sacakliz<e:1> de的句子组合在一起。例如,在Kalam中,他在提供关于自己的信息时,引用了sacakliz<e:1>著作中第105页的一句话,也引用了第215页、第153页、第109页和第214页的句子。这仅仅说明艾哈迈德·费弗兹写的不是普通的摘要。sacakliz<e:1>将《圣训》(Tafseer)、《圣训》(Hadith)、《圣训》(Fiqh)、《卡拉姆》(Kalam)、《古兰经》系统、修辞学、逻辑学、al-Nahw》分为初级(iktis<e:1>)、中级(iktis<e:1>)和高级(istiks<e:2>)三个层次,艾哈迈德·费兹(Ahmed Feyzi)对《圣训》(Hadith)、神秘主义、灵感、咨询、阅读、《圣训》(Tajwid)、《圣训》(Fiqh)方法论、讨论、解剖学、医学、遗传、数学、韵律学、瓦德(Wad)、语法和词源学科学也进行了同样的分类。 Ahmed Feyzi除了利用sacakliz<e:1>给出的信息外,有时还会解释sacakliz<e:1>的句子,并提到sacakliz<e:1>没有提到的作品。以阿赫迈特·费兹推荐不同的书籍为例,说明教育作品的选择随着时间的推移而发生了变化。这种转变的原因可能是由于更适合当时教育的最新作品的出现,在此基础上可以说,新作品显示了教育文化的变化。例如,与sacakliz<e:1>不同的是,Ahmed Feyzi认为h<e:1>迪米(1176/1762)的作品应该在Usul al-Fiqh的开头部分阅读。sacakliz<e:1> de很可能没有看到h<e:1>迪米的作品,后者在他30年后去世。这清楚地告诉我们,Ahmed Feyzi把他那个时代有趣的作品考虑进去了。在本研究中;首先,简要介绍了sacakliz<e:1> de Mehmed Efendi和Ahmed Feyzi Corumi的生平。然后简要介绍了al-Muntehab在terbi 'l- ' Ulum的工作,并对其进行了分析。在对el- munteh<e:1> b进行分析的同时,对其进行翻译和评价,揭示了两部作品之间的差异。分析是在唯一可用的副本上完成的,这是目前在Corum Hasan Pasa手稿图书馆。添加额外的信息是为了使意思更准确;它们在括号中表示。手稿在转录过程中被分成适当的段落。此外,还增加了标题,以便读者更好地理解文本,并在必要的地方突出了一些单词。在评价文本时,Ahmed Feyzi在他的risalah中讨论的问题通过在sacakliz<e:1>的相关章节中找到它们的位置来进行比较,并在24个项目中提到了差异和相似之处。 Ahmed Feyzi除了利用sacakliz<e:1>给出的信息外,有时还会解释sacakliz<e:1>的句子,并提到sacakliz<e:1>没有提到的作品。以阿赫迈特·费兹推荐不同的书籍为例,说明教育作品的选择随着时间的推移而发生了变化。这种转变的原因可能是由于更适合当时教育的最新作品的出现,在此基础上可以说,新作品显示了教育文化的变化。例如,与sacakliz<e:1>不同的是,Ahmed Feyzi认为h<
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引用次数: 0
BİR FETVÂ EMİNİNİN HAYRATI: GEDİZLİ MEHMED EFENDİ’NİN VAKIF FAALİYETLERİ
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.670606
Talip Ayar
Abstract Mehmed Efendi (d. 1253/1837) from Gediz was one of the religious scholars within his family tree. He spent his earlier life period to complete his educational life and after graduating from formal schools he undertook various significant positions in ilmiyye (the Ottoman religious administration). Mehmed Efendi extended his interest out of scholar efforts such as joining charity and public services. For this purpose, he found a waqf (a charity organization) institution in 1212/1797. The base wakfiyah (first establishment documents) and zeyl waqfiyah (additional establishments’ documents) indicate that the waqf consists of a madrasah (school), library and several other properties generating income for the waqf services. Since Mehmed Efendi was born and raised in In this context, it is learned from his charter of a waqf dated 1212/1797, that he built a madrasa in Gediz, where he was born and raised and gave some income-generating resources to the foundation. Mehmed Efendi continued his charitable attitude until the last moment of his life. This is evident in the foundation charter dated 1245/1830, 1247/1832 and 1249/1833. As a matter of fact, in addition to the madrasa he had built, he incorporated his house into the foundation along with its add-ons and land. He then donated his cash savings. This time Mehmet Efendi, who was not satisfied with these, expanded the area of the madrasa he had built before and built a library and continued his charitable activities by providing books. In this respect, the scope and content of the Mehmed Efendi Foundation will be discussed. The charitable and charitable activities of Mehmed Efendi will be examined based on four charters belonging to the foundation. Summary Mehmed Efendi (d. 1253/1837) from Gediz, is one of the notable figures of Ottoman scholars that cannot be ignored. The environment in which he was born and raised contributed greatly to this position. Since his childhood, he has been in scholarly surroundings and educated himself in other fields besides religious studies. After successfully completing his education, he took his place as a professor within the scholarly class Mehmed Efendi, who gained important experiences with the tasks he carried out in more than one madrasa, undertook not only the professorship but also the duties of a qadi (judge) and fatwa authority. With his gradually increasing knowledge, he has written many books. It is possible to have information about his life, personality, collection, works, services, fatwas, the period he lived in the light of fatwas, his social life and his Sufi approach can be learned from the works he left behind and the studies carried out by researchers today. As far as we can determine, Mehmed Efendi's waqf activities, which are not subject to research, will be revealed in this article and thus we will try to contribute to the existing information about him. Mehmed Efendi's charitable activities are learned from the endowment/waqfiya docume
来自Gediz的Mehmed Efendi(1253/1837)是其家族中的宗教学者之一。他花了他的早期生活来完成他的教育生活,从正规学校毕业后,他在ilmiyye(奥斯曼宗教行政部门)担任了各种重要职位。穆罕默德·埃芬迪将他的兴趣扩展到学者的努力之外,比如参加慈善和公共服务。为了这个目的,他在1212/1797年成立了一个慈善机构。基础wakfiyah(第一家企业文件)和zeyl waqfiyah(其他企业文件)表明,waqf由一所madrasah(学校)、图书馆和其他一些为waqf服务产生收入的财产组成。由于穆罕默德·埃芬迪在此背景下出生和长大,我们可以从他1212/1797年颁发的waqf宪章中了解到,他在Gediz建造了一所伊斯兰学校,在那里他出生和长大,并为基金会提供了一些创收资源。穆罕默德·埃芬迪直到生命的最后一刻都保持着他的慈善态度。这在1245/1830年,1247/1832年和1249/1833年的基金会章程中很明显。事实上,除了他建造的伊斯兰学校外,他还把自己的房子连同附属建筑和土地纳入了基金会。然后,他捐出了自己的现金储蓄。这一次,穆罕默德·埃芬迪不满足于这些,他扩大了之前建造的伊斯兰学校的面积,建造了一座图书馆,继续他的慈善活动,提供书籍。在这方面,将讨论穆罕默德·埃芬迪基金会的范围和内容。穆罕默德·埃芬迪的慈善和慈善活动将根据属于该基金会的四份章程进行审查。来自格迪兹的穆罕默德·埃芬迪(1253/1837)是奥斯曼学者中不可忽视的著名人物之一。他出生和成长的环境对他的地位起了很大的作用。他从小就在学术环境中学习,除了宗教研究,他还自学了其他领域的知识。在成功地完成学业后,他在穆罕默德·埃芬迪(mohammed Efendi)的学术班中担任教授,他在不止一所伊斯兰学校的工作中获得了重要的经验,不仅担任教授职务,还承担了卡迪(法官)和法特瓦权威的职责。随着他知识的逐渐增长,他写了许多书。我们可以从他留下的作品和今天研究人员的研究中了解到他的生活、个性、收藏、作品、服务、教令、根据教令生活的时期、他的社会生活和他的苏菲派方法。就我们所能确定的而言,Mehmed Efendi的waqf活动(不属于研究范围)将在本文中披露,因此我们将尽力为有关他的现有信息做出贡献。穆罕默德·埃芬迪的慈善活动是从捐赠/waqfiya文件中了解到的,这些文件是他建立的waqf的一部分。Waqfiya是一种文件,上面列出了捐赠给waqf的资金、如何管理这些资金、收入将花在哪里、花给谁、谁将管理基金会、谁有资格在waqf履行职责以及他们的权利。在这方面,穆罕默德·埃芬迪建立的waqfiya确定了一个碱基waqfiya和三个zeyl waqfiya。基地waqfiya指的是1212年7月7日/ 1797年7月2日。至于zeyl waqfiya的;第一个日期是1245年6月5日/ 1830年3月30日;第二次是在1832年1月1日1247/5;1833年5月21日。穆罕默德·埃芬迪(mohammed Efendi)在1212年7月7日/ 1797年7月2日的waqfiya的基础waqfiya是根据waqf的一般模板安排的。在基地waqfiya中可以看到,作为waqf的创始人,他的第一个慈善事业是建立一所伊斯兰学校,并采取措施创造收入以维持其生存。此外,也可以从瓦克菲亚那里了解到谁将担任教学职位,他们将挣多少钱,伊斯兰学校的费用将支付多少,以及基金会的管理和监督。第一个zeyl waqfiya日期为1245年夏月5日/ 1830年3月30日,是穆罕默德·埃芬迪自己的房子的捐赠。条件是允许他和他的妻子在他们活着的时候留在家里。在他们死后,据说这些财产将被出租以产生收入。waqfiya还指出,从租金中获得的收入反映在waqf雇员的工资中,并用于伊斯兰学校的开支。第二个zeyl waqfiya日期为1247/ 1832年1月5日,进一步扩大了以前waqfiya的范围。这次捐赠的对象是现金。穆罕默德·埃芬迪给了2万库鲁现金,并在waqfiya中指出了如何管理和使用这些现金。 来自Gediz的Mehmed Efendi(1253/1837)是其家族中的宗教学者之一。他花了他的早期生活来完成他的教育生活,从正规学校毕业后,他在ilmiyye(奥斯曼宗教行政部门)担任了各种重要职位。穆罕默德·埃芬迪将他的兴趣扩展到学者的努力之外,比如参加慈善和公共服务。为了这个目的,他在1212/1797年成立了一个慈善机构。基础wakfiyah(第一家企业文件)和zeyl waqfiyah(其他企业文件)表明,waqf由一所madrasah(学校)、图书馆和其他一些为waqf服务产生收入的财产组成。由于穆罕默德·埃芬迪在此背景下出生和长大,我们可以从他1212/1797年颁发的waqf宪章中了解到,他在Gediz建造了一所伊斯兰学校,在那里他出生和长大,并为基金会提供了一些创收资源。穆罕默德·埃芬迪直到生命的最后一刻都保持着他的慈善态度。这在1245/1830年,1247/1832年和1249/1833年的基金会章程中很明显。事实上,除了他建造的伊斯兰学校外,他还把自己的房子连同附属建筑和土地纳入了基金会。然后,他捐出了自己的现金储蓄。这一次,穆罕默德·埃芬迪不满足于这些,他扩大了之前建造的伊斯兰学校的面积,建造了一座图书馆,继续他的慈善活动,提供书籍。在这方面,将讨论穆罕默德·埃芬迪基金会的范围和内容。穆罕默德·埃芬迪的慈善和慈善活动将根据属于该基金会的四份章程进行审查。来自格迪兹的穆罕默德·埃芬迪(1253/1837)是奥斯曼学者中不可忽视的著名人物之一。他出生和成长的环境对他的地位起了很大的作用。他从小就在学术环境中学习,除了宗教研究,他还自学了其他领域的知识。在成功地完成学业后,他在穆罕默德·埃芬迪(mohammed Efendi)的学术班中担任教授,他在不止一所伊斯兰学校的工作中获得了重要的经验,不仅担任教授职务,还承担了卡迪(法官)和法特瓦权威的职责。随着他知识的逐渐增长,他写了许多书。我们可以从他留下的作品和今天研究人员的研究中了解到他的生活、个性、收藏、作品、服务、教令、根据教令生活的时期、他的社会生活和他的苏菲派方法。就我们所能确定的而言,Mehmed Efendi的waqf活动(不属于研究范围)将在本文中披露,因此我们将尽力为有关他的现有信息做出贡献。穆罕默德·埃芬迪的慈善活动是从捐赠/waqfiya文件中了解到的,这些文件是他建立的waqf的一部分。Waqfiya是一种文件,上面列出了捐赠给waqf的资金、如何管理这些资金、收入将花在哪里、花给谁、谁将管理基金会、谁有资格在waqf履行职责以及他们的权利。在这方面,穆罕默德·埃芬迪建立的waqfiya确定了一个碱基waqfiya和三个zeyl waqfiya。基地waqfiya指的是1212年7月7日/ 1797年7月2日。至于zeyl waqfiya的;第一个日期是1245年6月5日/ 1830年3月30日;第二次是在1832年1月1日1247/5;1833年5月21日。穆罕默德·埃芬迪(mohammed Efendi)在1212年7月7日/ 1797年7
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引用次数: 0
Arap Dilinin Yapısından Kaynaklanan Çeviri Zorlukları
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.637402
Abdullah Hacibekiroğlu
Abstract Translation is a way in which societies throughout human history have resorted for scientific, cultural, literary and diplomatic reasons. The interaction between societies and languages is effectively achieved through the transfer of wealth belonging to one society or language to another. Translation action has its own rules and methods, but also has some difficulties. In this study, the difficulties encountered within the framework of more translation experience were addressed. One of the structural challenges we address in the study is the difficulty of reading. As is known, the use of harekes in the Arabic language is almost nonexistent except for some texts. This makes it difficult to read consonants and creates a barrier to correct meaning and correct translation. Grammatical difficulties also lead to translation difficulties. Even those with a good level of grammatical knowledge may face grammatical difficulties. The transfer of Arabic I’rab rules from the theoretical to the practical level and the abundant textual experience will help overcome the difficulties. These difficulties were explained with sample sentences and texts and suggestions were presented for the translation of these sentences. Equivalent statements have been attempted to be found. Differences between the source language and the target language, such as language structure, culture and style, restrict equivalent translation possibilities. Despite all these differences between languages and cultures, equivalent translation possibilities have been tried to be shown. Because of the unique structure of the languages, the translator himself or the cultural differences between the two languages, there may be some difficulties in the translation process. The translator must be extremely familiar with the characteristics of both languages. In this way, he will overcome these problems that arise during translation. Summary Today, translation activity should be considered as a social, cultural, economic and historical reality. In the historical process, translation activity has always existed depending on many factors. The translation method used over time has changed according to the characteristics of the period. Societies’ life styles and life perceptions are different from each other, and culture differs from one society to another. Intercultural communication is provided through translation. Translation is an indispensable bridge between societies, cultures and languages. Each culture must be fed from different sources and communicate with different cultures to enrich its language, thought and art. Literary texts are important elements that establish links between different cultures and societies. There are literary works that reflect the characteristics of every society in many ways, including cultural, scientific, moral and social. Societies promote these entities through translation. It is also able to recognize the cultures of other societies in this way. This is h
翻译是人类历史上各个社会出于科学、文化、文学和外交的原因而采取的一种方式。社会和语言之间的互动是通过将属于一个社会或语言的财富转移到另一个社会或语言来有效实现的。翻译动作有自己的规律和方法,但也有一些难点。在本研究中,在更多的翻译经验的框架内遇到的困难进行了解决。我们在研究中要解决的结构性挑战之一是阅读困难。众所周知,除了一些文本外,hakes在阿拉伯语中的使用几乎不存在。这使得读辅音变得困难,并为正确的意思和正确的翻译创造了障碍。语法困难也会导致翻译困难。即使那些语法知识水平很高的人也可能面临语法困难。将阿拉伯文的阿拉伯语规则从理论层面转移到实践层面以及丰富的文本经验将有助于克服这些困难。通过例句和文本对这些困难进行了解释,并对这些例句的翻译提出了建议。已经试图找到等价的陈述。源语和译语之间的差异,如语言结构、文化和风格等,限制了等效翻译的可能性。尽管语言和文化之间存在着这些差异,但等值翻译的可能性一直在努力展示。由于两种语言的独特结构、译者本人或两种语言之间的文化差异,在翻译过程中可能会出现一些困难。译者必须非常熟悉这两种语言的特点。这样,他就可以克服在翻译过程中出现的这些问题。今天,翻译活动应该被视为一种社会、文化、经济和历史的现实。在历史进程中,翻译活动的存在取决于多种因素。随着时间的推移,所使用的翻译方法也随着时代的特点而发生了变化。社会的生活方式和生活观念各不相同,文化也因社会而异。跨文化交流是通过翻译来实现的。翻译是社会、文化和语言之间不可或缺的桥梁。每一种文化都必须有不同的来源,并与不同的文化交流,以丰富自己的语言、思想和艺术。文学文本是建立不同文化和社会之间联系的重要因素。文学作品在许多方面反映了每个社会的特征,包括文化、科学、道德和社会。社会通过翻译来促进这些实体。它也能够通过这种方式识别其他社会的文化。这就是文化和社会之间沟通和联系的方式。翻译是语言教学的重要手段之一。外语教学的主要目的之一是使学生具备将母语和目的语的表达模式从一种语言迁移到另一种语言的能力。在翻译活动和外语教学过程中使用各种文本来培养学生的翻译能力。在翻译这些文本时,语法、语义、文化等方面可能会面临许多差异和挑战。在我们的研究中,我们对这些困难进行了分类,并提出了一些建议。我们在研究中讨论过的阿拉伯语的结构困难之一是阅读困难。克服这一点的最简单和最快的方法是使用称为harekes的符号。但是,除了一些文本外,在阿拉伯语行中几乎没有使用harekes。即使是那些中级或高级水平的人也面临着阅读的挑战。避免这种情况的方法是在那些担心被误读的信件上加上“黑克斯”。它还将在正确阅读和理解名词和动词的主导模式以及阿拉伯语I 'rab规则方面发挥关键作用。因为语言中有文化元素,所以语言之间存在文化差异。例如,在翻译隐喻、成语和谚语时,应该在目的语中找到对应的意思,考虑的是意思而不是字面意思。语法困难也会导致翻译困难。即使那些语法知识水平很高的人也可能面临语法困难。阿拉伯文《伊拉伯语》规则从理论层面向实践层面的转移以及丰富的文本经验将有助于克服这些挑战。 翻译是人类历史上各个社会出于科学、文化、文学和外交的原因而采取的一种方式。社会和语言之间的互动是通过将属于一个社会或语言的财富转移到另一个社会或语言来有效实现的。翻译动作有自己的规律和方法,但也有一些难点。在本研究中,在更多的翻译经验的框架内遇到的困难进行了解决。我们在研究中要解决的结构性挑战之一是阅读困难。众所周知,除了一些文本外,hakes在阿拉伯语中的使用几乎不存在。这使得读辅音变得困难,并为正确的意思和正确的翻译创造了障碍。语法困难也会导致翻译困难。即使那些语法知识水平很高的人也可能面临语法困难。将阿拉伯文的阿拉伯语规则从理论层面转移到实践层面以及丰富的文本经验将有助于克服这些困难。通过例句和文本对这些困难进行了解释,并对这些例句的翻译提出了建议。已经试图找到等价的陈述。源语和译语之间的差异,如语言结构、文化和风格等,限制了等效翻译的可能性。尽管语言和文化之间存在着这些差异,但等值翻译的可能性一直在努力展示。由于两种语言的独特结构、译者本人或两种语言之间的文化差异,在翻译过程中可能会出现一些困难。译者必须非常熟悉这两种语言的特点。这样,他就可以克服在翻译过程中出现的这些问题。今天,翻译活动应该被视为一种社会、文化、经济和历史的现实。在历史进程中,翻译活动的存在取决于多种因素。随着时间的推移,所使用的翻译方法也随着时代的特点而发生了变化。社会的生活方式和生活观念各不相同,文化也因社会而异。跨文化交流是通过翻译来实现的。翻译是社会、文化和语言之间不可或缺的桥梁。每一种文化都必须有不同的来源,并与不同的文化交流,以丰富自己的语言、思想和艺术。文学文本是建立不同文化和社会之间联系的重要因素。文学作品在许多方面反映了每个社会的特征,包括文化、科学、道德和社会。社会通过翻译来促进这些实体。它也能够通过这种方式识别其他社会的文化。这就是文化和社会之间沟通和联系的方式。翻译是语言教学的重要手段之一。外语教学的主要目的之一是使学生具备将母语和目的语的表达模式从一种语言迁移到另一种语言的能力。在翻译活动和外语教学过程中使用各种文本来培养学生的翻译能力。在翻译这些文本时,语法、语义、文化等方面可能会面临许多差异和挑战。在我们的研究中,我们对这些困难进行了分类,并提出了一些建议。我们在研究中讨论过的阿拉伯语的结构困难之一是阅读困难。克服这一点的最简单和最快的方法是使用称为harekes的符号。但是,除了一些文本外,在阿拉伯语行中几乎没有使用harekes。即使是那些中级或高级水平的人也面临着阅读的挑战。避免这种情况的方法是在那些担心被误读的信件上加上“黑克斯”。它还将在正确阅读和理解名词和动词的主导模式以及阿拉伯语I 'rab规则方面发挥关键作用。因为语言中有文化元素,所以语言之间存在文化差异。例如,在翻译隐喻、成语和谚语时,应该在目的语中找到对应的意思,考虑的是意思而不是字面意思。语法困难也会导致翻译困难。即使那些语法知识水平很高的人也可能面临语法困难。阿拉伯文《伊拉伯语》规则从理论层面向实践层面的转移以及丰富的文本经验将有助于克服这些挑战。 翻译首先需要翻译领域的专业知识。除了专业知识外,对源语言的表达风格和文化有良好的了解,可以提供清晰易懂的翻译。翻译过程中可能会出现不稳定。必须确定适当的策略,以尽量减少翻译损失并做出准确的决策。在本研究中,不是通过翻译理论和详细的翻译历史等问题,而是通过例句和文本来展示个人翻译经历中遇到的困难。必要时,提出了建议和建议,并说明了翻译科学方面的每个挑战。此外,虽然语言和文化之间存在差异,但指出了翻译的可能性,并指出在许多情况下也可以找到适当的对等。研究中提到的翻译困难往往是由于源语和译语之间的差异造成的。每种语言都有自己独特的结构。语言之间的文化差异也是翻译中要考虑的一个问题。包含文化元素的文本需要在目的语中进行全面的传达,并进行适当的对等。要使阿拉伯语词汇丰富而有意义,就必须考虑一词多义现象以及古典词典和现代词典的使用。这种注意将确保语句的翻译清晰、精练和流畅。在翻译过程中,总是可能面临由许多不同原因造成的翻译困难。为了尽量减少翻译中可
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引用次数: 1
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Hitit Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi-Journal of Divinity Faculty of Hitit University
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