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Izutsu’nun Kur’ân'daki Ahlâki Kavramlara İlişkin Görüşlerinin Din Eğitimi Açısından Analizi
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.662512
Ramazan Diler
 Abstract Toshihiko Izutsu is an orientalist scientist who studied on several religions. He also produced important works about Islam and the Qur'an. In this article, Izutsu’s works Ethico and Religious Concepts in the Qur'an and Allah and Man in the Qur'an are examined. The methodology he uses in his studies is semantic, he explains the methodology he adopted in his studies and adheres to it. Semantics can be briefly expressed as meaning scholarship. He tries to explain with the examples how the moral concepts in the Qur'an have changed with the Qur'an. There is also an educational reality of the moral concepts that Izutsu emphasizes in his work. In this respect, analyzing the texts that focuses on the Qur'an-moral relation from an educational perspective can have significant results. The works of Izutsu are considered important in terms of understanding the Qur'an-moral and Qur'an-education relationship. Therefore, the study is expected to make an important contribution to moral educators. The main problem of the study is understanding how Izutsu established the Qur'an-moral relationship. The questions sought in the study are: What are the themes emerging in the Qur'an-moral relationship in the works of Izutsu? How the themes emerging in the Qur'an-moral relationship can be evaluated educationally? In this research, content analysis is used as a method. Content analysis is a method used to understand and analyze a content. Some of the results Izutsu has achieved in his work are as follows: The Quran has seriously influenced the moral traditions of the Arabs. The Quran has redefined many traditional moral concepts used by arabic society. The Quran engaged these concepts to a universal principle. The most focal word in the Quran is Allah. In this respect, the basic concept that dominates moral concepts is Allah. Izutsu's moral concept analysis and his views on moral or value education were evaluated. Keywords: Religious Education, Morality, Value, Moral Education, Izutsu. Summary Toshihiko Izutsu is a Japanese orientalist scientist who has many studies on living religions. He produced important works especially about Islam and his holy book, Qur'an. In this article, Izutsu’s works Ethico and Religious Concepts in the Qur'an and Allah and Man in the Qur'an are examined. It can be seen that the author explains his methodology, ensures the integrity of the subject and prevents misunderstandings, and remains true to his methodology until the end of his studies. The methodology used by Izutsu in his works is semantic. Semantics can be briefly expressed as meaning scholarship . In line with the principles of semantic science, the researcher examines, analyzes and makes some evaluations on the moral concepts in the Qur'an. He tries to explain how some of the basic concepts related to morality in the ancient tradition of the Arabs had changed and improved over time with the Qur'an's verses. It can be said that semantic science facilitates the work of th
【摘要】Toshihiko Izutsu是一位研究过几种宗教的东方学科学家。他还撰写了关于伊斯兰教和《古兰经》的重要著作。本文对出津的《古兰经中的伦理与宗教观念》和《古兰经中的安拉与人》进行了考察。他在研究中使用的方法是语义的,他解释了他在研究中采用的方法并坚持这种方法。语义学可以简单地表达为意义学术。他试图用例子来解释古兰经中的道德观念是如何随着古兰经的变化而变化的。出津在他的作品中也强调了道德观念的教育现实。在这方面,从教育的角度分析古兰经与道德关系的文本可以产生重要的结果。在理解《古兰经》与道德、《古兰经》与教育的关系方面,出津的著作被认为是重要的。因此,本研究有望对德育工作者做出重要贡献。研究的主要问题是了解出津如何建立古兰经与道德的关系。研究中寻求的问题是:出津作品中出现的古兰经与道德关系的主题是什么?古兰经与道德关系中出现的主题如何在教育上进行评估?本研究采用内容分析法作为研究方法。内容分析是一种用来理解和分析内容的方法。Izutsu在他的工作中取得的一些成果如下:《古兰经》严重影响了阿拉伯人的道德传统。《古兰经》重新定义了阿拉伯社会使用的许多传统道德观念。《古兰经》将这些概念纳入一个普遍原则。《古兰经》中最重要的词是“安拉”。在这方面,支配道德观念的基本概念是真主。对出津的道德观念分析及其道德或价值教育观进行了评价。关键词:宗教教育,道德,价值观,道德教育,IzutsuToshihiko Izutsu是一位日本东方学科学家,他对现存的宗教有很多研究。他创作了一些重要的作品,特别是关于伊斯兰教和他的圣书《古兰经》。本文对出津的《古兰经中的伦理与宗教观念》和《古兰经中的安拉与人》进行了考察。可以看出,作者解释了他的方法论,保证了主题的完整性,防止了误解,直到他的研究结束,他仍然忠于自己的方法论。出津在他的作品中使用的方法论是语义的。语义学可以简单地表达为意义学术。本文本着语义科学的原则,对《古兰经》中的道德观念进行考察、分析和评价。他试图解释阿拉伯人古老传统中与道德有关的一些基本概念是如何随着古兰经的经文而改变和改进的。可以说,语义科学为作者解释道德观念的变化提供了便利。然而,尽管作者的方法方法,他受到一些批评。批评者认为,出津的语义科学抛弃了一些基本原则;他根据自己的想法塑造和诠释它们。有人认为,用这种新方法获得的信息不能称为古兰经语义学。此外,还有人认为作者忽视了语义学和阿拉伯古典诗歌以外的基本信息来源。特别是有人批评说,他没有充分利用伊斯兰教的基本宗教资源。一个理想的穆斯林的一般特征的主要决定因素是在《古兰经》和先知的圣训。因此,道德教育的第一步是揭示《古兰经》的观点。有必要从这一基本来源出发,尝试确定伊斯兰宗教教育要塑造的人的特征。在这方面,研究《古兰经》与道德的关系,特别是在教育方面的关系,可能具有重要的意义。出津作品中的道德观念也指向了一种教育现实。在理解《古兰经》的观点方面,这项研究的重要性似乎有所增加。Izutsu的工作被认为是理解《古兰经》整体,理解《古兰经》道德和《古兰经》教育关系的重要途径。因此,本研究有望对德育工作者做出重要贡献。研究的主要问题是了解出津如何建立古兰经与道德的关系。 【摘要】Toshihiko Izutsu是一位研究过几种宗教的东方学科学家。他还撰写了关于伊斯兰教和《古兰经》的重要著作。本文对出津的《古兰经中的伦理与宗教观念》和《古兰经中的安拉与人》进行了考察。他在研究中使用的方法是语义的,他解释了他在研究中采用的方法并坚持这种方法。语义学可以简单地表达为意义学术。他试图用例子来解释古兰经中的道德观念是如何随着古兰经的变化而变化的。出津在他的作品中也强调了道德观念的教育现实。在这方面,从教育的角度分析古兰经与道德关系的文本可以产生重要的结果。在理解《古兰经》与道德、《古兰经》与教育的关系方面,出津的著作被认为是重要的。因此,本研究有望对德育工作者做出重要贡献。研究的主要问题是了解出津如何建立古兰经与道德的关系。研究中寻求的问题是:出津作品中出现的古兰经与道德关系的主题是什么?古兰经与道德关系中出现的主题如何在教育上进行评估?本研究采用内容分析法作为研究方法。内容分析是一种用来理解和分析内容的方法。Izutsu在他的工作中取得的一些成果如下:《古兰经》严重影响了阿拉伯人的道德传统。《古兰经》重新定义了阿拉伯社会使用的许多传统道德观念。《古兰经》将这些概念纳入一个普遍原则。《古兰经》中最重要的词是“安拉”。在这方面,支配道德观念的基本概念是真主。对出津的道德观念分析及其道德或价值教育观进行了评价。关键词:宗教教育,道德,价值观,道德教育,IzutsuToshihiko Izutsu是一位日本东方学科学家,他对现存的宗教有很多研究。他创作了一些重要的作品,特别是关于伊斯兰教和他的圣书《古兰经》。本文对出津的《古兰经中的伦理与宗教观念》和《古兰经中的安拉与人》进行了考察。可以看出,作者解释了他的方法论,保证了主题的完整性,防止了误解,直到他的研究结束,他仍然忠于自己的方法论。出津在他的作品中使用的方法论是语义的。语义学可以简单地表达为意义学术。本文本着语义科学的原则,对《古兰经》中的道德观念进行考察、分析和评价。他试图解释阿拉伯人古老传统中与道德有关的一些基本概念是如何随着古兰经的经文而改变和改进的。可以说,语义科学为作者解释道德观念的变化提供了便利。然而,尽管作者的方法方法,他受到一些批评。批评者认为,出津的语义科学抛弃了一些基本原则;他根据自己的想法塑造和诠释它们。有人认为,用这种新方法获得的信息不能称为古兰经语义学。此外,还有人认为作者忽视了语义学和阿拉伯古典诗歌以外的基本信息来源。特别是有人批评说,他没有充分利用伊斯兰教的基本宗教资源。一个理想的穆斯林的一般特征的主要决定因素是在《古兰经》和先知的圣训。因此,道德教育的第一步是揭示《古兰经》的观点。有必要从这一基本来源出发,尝试确定伊斯兰宗教教育要塑造的人的特征。在这方面,研究《古兰经》与道德的关系,特别是在教育方面的关系,可能具有重要的意义。出津作品中的道德观念也指向了一种教育现实。在理解《古兰经》的观点方面,这项研究的重要性似乎有所增加。Izutsu的工作被认为是理解《古兰经》整体,理解《古兰经》道德和《古兰经》教育关系的重要途径。因此,本研究有望对德育工作者做出重要贡献。研究的主要问题是了解出津如何建立古兰经与道德的关系。 研究中寻求的问题是:出津作品中出现的古兰经与道德关系的主题是什么?古兰经与道德关系中出现的主题如何在教育上进行评估?在研究中,为了回答主要问题,采用了内容分析法。内容分析作为一种用于理解和分析内容的方法而脱颖而出。内容分析的主要目的是揭示大量文本内容的共同方面,从而得出可以解释文本中数据的概念和关系。这种方法的基本过程是在一定的概念和主题的框架内收集类似的数据,并以读者可以理解的方式组织和解释它们。根据我对Izutsu的研究,我创造了不同的主题,使这个主题易于理解。在研究中创造的主题和在这些主题的框架内获得的一些结果如下:Izutsu认为人有道德本性,潜在的道德能力。根据他的说法,尽管他们生活在不同的文化中,但人们都有道德传统。无知的阿拉伯人也与他们的道德和美德有
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Millî tarihin yeniden inşa sürecinde sabitler ve değişkenler: Bağımsızlık öncesi ve sonrası Azerbaycan tarihçiliğinde Osmanlı imajı (tarih ders kitapları çerçevesinde)
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.551181
Elnura Azizova
Being one of the most influential areas having great influence on the development of historiography, especially in the last two centuries, national history writing has been the most effective means of creating political and cultural identity beyond recording of the vital events of the political, social and cultural life of the nations. During the last century national historiography in Azerbaijan has experienced ideologically, politically and culturally three different stages of its history: Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (1918-1920), Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic (1920-1991) and Azerbaijan Republic (1991-). 71 years of Soviet and 28 years of the post-soviet period are the periodic limits of this research. Similarly to other nations, history of Azerbaijani Turks has been developed through the military, political, economic, social and cultural interaction with other nations. In this context, in terms of national historiography of Azerbaijan, Turkey was one of historically important figures that cannot be compared with other states. Taking into account its earlier and later stages as Seljuks and the Republic of Turkey, the Ottoman Empire took part within the history of Azerbaijan. The main purpose of this investigation is to determine the perception of the Ottomans in Azerbaijani historiography and to analyze the continuity and changes between these two periods of the national historiography. The relevant data from the history textbooks which were, and still are standard and compulsory by the Ministry of Education in schools of Azerbaijan in both the soviet and post-soviet periods will be evaluated qualitatively by applying content analysis method. Key Words: Turkish History, National Historiography, History Textbooks, Ottomans, Turkey, Azerbaijan Summary During the Soviet period, the Ottoman Empire was introduced as “occupying state” for Azerbaijan according to the policy of Soviet historiography. This image of the Ottomans has changed throughout the rereading process of the history after Azerbaijan gained its independency and the approaches that led to significant changes in the Ottoman perception were put forward. In the Soviet period history textbooks, the Ottoman Empire is mentioned as a foreigner who occupied the territory of Azerbaijan. The Ottomans, who occupied large lands in Europe, Asia and Africa, is the most fearful dream of Azerbaijan in the region, especially during the 16-17th centuries. The Ottoman-Safavids relations, which worsened in the Battle of Chaldiran, provided a good excuse for the occupation, and the Ottomans carried out invasion marches on the territory of Azerbaijan. During these marches the Ottomans murdered and enslaved tens of thousands of people, oppressed and persecuted Shiites and Christians, bankrupted the people because of heavy taxes, took to Turkey many scholars and craftsmen. As a result, the Ottomans became the most damaging state from which Azerbaijan suffered in political, economic and cultural term
民族史写作是对史学发展影响最大的领域之一,特别是在过去的两个世纪里,民族史写作是除了记录民族政治、社会和文化生活的重大事件之外,创造政治和文化认同的最有效手段。在上个世纪,阿塞拜疆的民族史学在意识形态、政治和文化上经历了三个不同的历史阶段:阿塞拜疆民主共和国(1918-1920)、阿塞拜疆苏维埃社会主义共和国(1920-1991)和阿塞拜疆共和国(1991-)。苏联71年和后苏联28年是本研究的周期限制。与其他国家一样,阿塞拜疆土耳其人的历史是通过与其他国家的军事、政治、经济、社会和文化互动而发展起来的。在此背景下,就阿塞拜疆的国家史学而言,土耳其是其他国家无法比拟的历史重要人物之一。考虑到其早期和后期的塞尔柱和土耳其共和国,奥斯曼帝国参与了阿塞拜疆的历史。这项调查的主要目的是确定阿塞拜疆史学对奥斯曼人的看法,并分析这两个国家史学时期之间的连续性和变化。本文将运用内容分析法,对阿塞拜疆前苏联时期和后苏联时期教育部标准和必修历史教科书中的相关数据进行定性评价。关键词:土耳其史,国家史学,历史教科书,奥斯曼人,土耳其,阿塞拜疆摘要在苏联时期,根据苏联史学的政策,奥斯曼帝国被介绍为阿塞拜疆的“占领国”。在阿塞拜疆获得独立后,奥斯曼人的这一形象在整个重读历史的过程中发生了变化,并提出了导致对奥斯曼人看法发生重大变化的方法。在苏联时期的历史教科书中,奥斯曼帝国被认为是占领阿塞拜疆领土的外国人。奥斯曼帝国占领了欧洲、亚洲和非洲的大片土地,是阿塞拜疆在该地区最可怕的梦,特别是在16-17世纪。在查尔迪兰战役中恶化的奥斯曼-萨法维关系为占领提供了一个很好的借口,奥斯曼人对阿塞拜疆领土进行了入侵。在这些行军中,奥斯曼人杀害和奴役了成千上万的人,压迫和迫害什叶派和基督徒,因重税而使人民破产,将许多学者和工匠带到土耳其。结果,奥斯曼帝国成为阿塞拜疆在政治、经济和文化方面遭受的最具破坏性的国家。虽然独立后时期的历史教科书中的奥斯曼形象在某些方面与苏联时期重叠,但它经常试图通过不同的方法创造一个更温和的奥斯曼形象。奥斯曼-萨法维关系仍然是国家史学中最敏感的主题之一。奥斯曼人反对萨法维人的主要原因是过分的宗派偏见。中世纪西方外交的政治干预也在土耳其两个主要国家之间的这场争端中得到了强调。因此,与苏联时期的史学不同,奥斯曼人被免除了单方面对这一事件的责任,并声称真正的“他者”是中世纪的西方外交,旨在阻止两个土耳其-穆斯林帝国的发展,并利用宗派差异。在独立后时期的史学中,16-18世纪奥斯曼帝国向阿塞拜疆的进军被视为占领,但强调人道主义行为被应用于针对阿塞拜疆人民的税收政策中,并提供了来自奥斯曼登记册的资料。它还强调,奥斯曼帝国无法对付的禁卫军以不同的方式压迫人民。前苏联和后苏联时期的教科书对土耳其上个世纪的看法对于反映土耳其的当前形象也很重要。根据苏联时期的教科书,类似于德国在第二次世界大战期间对高加索的政策,土耳其共和国也在继续其对阿塞拜疆的占领政策。这也意味着,土耳其共和国的这一政策与其前身奥斯曼帝国的使命类似,奥斯曼帝国在第一次世界大战期间重新占领了阿塞拜疆。 此外,还强调指出,土耳其共和国在成为北约成员国后,其政策是在西方特别是美国的影响下执行的。相反,奥斯曼人在独立后时期的教科书中被称为“兄弟奥斯曼国”,并强调它在1918年阿塞拜疆民主共和国高加索军建立期间的重要服务。奥斯曼帝国是第一个承认阿塞拜疆民主共和国的国家,土耳其共和国是1991年第一个承认阿塞拜疆共和国的国家,这两个事实都是为了突出土耳其作为阿塞拜疆在该地区的第一个盟友的作用。土耳其还被认为是阿塞拜疆在该区域最重要的国家问题上最密切的支持者,例如收复卡拉巴赫和解决亚美尼亚问题。除了其目前在国际政治中的强大地位,以及其新兴经济使土耳其成为邻国中阿塞拜疆的第一个盟友之外,土耳其还是阿塞拜疆的兄弟国家,按照“一国两制”的说法。总之,虽然阿塞拜疆史学中关于奥斯曼人看法的许多方法已经发生了根本性的变化,但其中一些方法在国家史学的主要主题中继续存在,例如领土完整和国土防御。教科书中反映的这两个时期的史学的主要缺陷之一是,它提供了关于阿塞拜疆和土耳其之间文化相互作用的微不足道的资料。这个问题是国家史学仍然更多地通过政治-军事历史问题来解释这一事实的自然后果,实际上是在双边关系中看到全貌的障碍。 此外,还强调指出,土耳其共和国在成为北约成员国后,其政策是在西方特别是美国的影响下执行的。相反,奥斯曼人在独立后时期的教科书中被称为“兄弟奥斯曼国”,并强调它在1918年阿塞拜疆民主共和国高加索军建立期间的重要服务。奥斯曼帝国是第一个承认阿塞拜疆民主共和国的国家,土耳其共和国是1991年第一个承认阿塞拜疆共和国的国家,这两个事实都是为了突出土耳其作为阿塞拜疆在该地区的第一个盟友的作用。土耳其还被认为是阿塞拜疆在该区域最重要的国家问题上最密切的支持者,例如收复卡拉巴赫和解决亚美尼亚问题。除了其目前在国际政治中的强大地位,以及其新兴经济使土耳其成为邻国中阿塞拜疆的第一个盟友之外,土耳其还是阿塞拜疆的兄弟国家,按照“一国两制”的说法。总之,虽然阿塞拜疆史学中关于奥斯曼人看法的许多方法已经发生了根本性的变化,但其中一些方法在国家史学的主要主题中继续存在,例如领土完整和国土防御。教科书中反映的这两个时期的史学的主要缺陷之一是,它提供了关于阿塞拜疆和土耳其之间文化相互作用的微不足道的资料。这个问题是国家史学仍然更多地通过政治-军事历史问题来解释这一事实的自然后果,实际上是在双边关系中看到全貌的障碍。
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引用次数: 0
İslam Psikolojisinde Gelenekler, Paradigmalar ve Temel Kavramlar
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.582958
R. Skinner, Nevzat Gencer
Psikolojinin kavramsal araclari, psikoterapistlerin hastalarinda ve kendi iclerinde gozlemledikleri olgularin karmasikligini aciklamanin yani sira tedavinin sonucunu da ongormeyi amaclamaktadir. Dogal olarak, Musluman psikologlar, ticaretinin kavramsal araclarinda ve Islam psikolojisinde yazilan seylerde tatmin arayisi icerisine girdiler- ozellikle de kulturler arasi gecersiz olan veya Islami ilkelerle celisen Bati Psikolojisinden suzerek ayrilma geregini ileri surerek Bati psikolojisini Islami bir bakis acisiyla elestiren Badri (Musluman psikologlarin ikilemi, MWH Londra, Londra, 1979) tarafindan yazilanlarda. Bu yazida Badri’nin (1979) yaklasiminin bir uzantisini savunuyorum ve geleneksel Islam dusuncesinden turetilmis benligin calisma modelini sunuyorum. Ilkel ve eksik olmasina ragmen bu modelin, bir klinisyen olarak algilarimi bilgim dâhilindeki diger herhangi bir psikolojik modelden daha iyi anladigina inaniyorum.
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引用次数: 2
Tefsir, Siyer, Tarih ve Kur'ân'ın Kaynaklığı Üzerine
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.568957
Selim Türcan
Islam’in erken donemine iliskin calismalar, hem referans degeri hem de duygusal anlami nedeniyle Muslumanlar icin cok onemli olagelmistir. Bu bilgilerin guvenilirligi ise bugun de Kur’an’a arz edilerek saglanmaya calisilmaktadir. Kur’an’in kaynakligi hem batililarin hem de Muslumanlarin yaptigi calismalarda Kur’an-siyer-tefsir iliskisi baglaminda yeniden one cikmistir. Batida son yuz elli yillik tarih boyunca Kur’an kronolojisini tespite iliskin gayretler, Kur’an metninden bir tarih kaynagi olarak yararlanmaya yonelik altyapi calismalaridir. Batililardan etkilenseler de Muslumanlar icin kronoloji bilgileri, Kur’an’i anlama gayretlerinin ancak tesrii amacli bir parcasi olmustur. Muslumanlar bu temel perspektife ek paradigmatik bir durusu hâlâ benimseyememistir. Ozellikle literalist modernizmin ve onu takip eden tarihselci yaklasimin tum klasik Islami ilimlerin yerine gecirdigi bir neo-tefsir perspektifi de Muslumanlarin yaptigi her turlu calismayi ayni tesrii dogrultuda etkisi altina almistir. Buna siyer ve tarih calismalari da dâhildir. Dolayisiyla temel bir yenilikten soz edilemez. Bizim Kur’an’in tarihi kaynaklik degerini ortaya cikarmak ve saglikli bilgiler uretmek icin Kur’an nuzul tarihini ve Kur’an kronolojisini tefsir amacli degil, tarih amacli mustakil mesai alanlarina donusturmemiz gerekmektedir. Bunlarin siyer, tefsir, fikih gibi klasik Islami ilimlere faydasi ise oncelikle dikkate almayacagimiz sonraki bir adim olarak gorulmelidir. Kisisel ve toplumsal beklentilerin donusturmedigi kendisi icin uretilmis saglikli bilgi birikimi ancak boyle saglanir.
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引用次数: 0
"Ruûsu’l-Mesâil" İsimli Eseri Bağlamında Zemahşerî’nin Fıkıhçılığı
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.569949
Abdülkadir Tekin
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引用次数: 0
John Dewey'in Naturalistik Din Anlayışı
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.581966
Ilhami Çitir, Abdulkadir Tanış
One of the leading figures in pragmatism, John Dewey expresses his views on religion in his A Common Faith . From a naturalistic perspective, he builds his views about religion on the distinction which he has made between religion and religious. The religion refers to a particular body of beliefs or practices of a religion or the institutional structure formed around these beliefs and practices. In contrast, the religious means an attitude that can be adopted towards all human ideal ends in the life. Basically, his view is the rejection of historical religions, institutions or teachings that identify the religious with supernatural, and thus is to liberate the religious elements of experience from encumbrances such beliefs, dogmas which come from historical religions. Therefore, he argues that religious experience should be interpreted within the contingent conditions of the natural world without referring to the supernatural. In this study, Dewey’s claims on religion will be analyzed critically. For this purpose, his views on religion will be presented descriptively in detail and then their value will be discussed. Firstly, we will claim that Dewey cannot be considered as a theist or realist when his views on religion and God are compared with traditional theist and realist approaches. Secondly, although his views cannot be considered in a realist or theist approach, we will argue that he also has not a purely anti-realist or atheist point of view, but rather he adopts a middle way. Summary John Dewey, a prominent figure in pragmatism, makes important claims on religion and God in his A Common Faith . Dewey’s views on the subject is based on the distinction between “religion” as a substantive noun and “religious” as an adjective which points to the quality of experience. According to the distinction, while religion refers to beliefs, practices and institutions, religious designates an attitude that can be adopted towards whole existence, objects and ideal ends. So it is possible to express religious as a modus of experience. Dewey’s basic thesis is to leave aside any religion or institutional structure that bases on supernatural and to evaluate the religious quality of experience within the contingent conditions of the natural world. According to him, when historical religions or institutions are rejected, the value of religious experience will be understood more appropriately since it will liberate from encumbrances such beliefs, doctrines and dogmas which come from historical religions. He argues that the identification of religion with belief in supernatural will inevitably lead to a distinction between religious and secular. When religion is confined in a particular compartment, this leads to the division mind and energy of religious person. As a result, religious believer will not use his energy for social ends and ideals since he gives priority to supernatural. Dewey links the religious quality of experience with its function and asserts t
作为实用主义的领军人物之一,约翰·杜威在他的《共同信仰》一书中表达了他对宗教的看法。他从自然主义的角度出发,将自己的宗教观建立在对宗教与宗教的区分之上。宗教指的是一种特定的信仰或宗教的实践,或围绕这些信仰和实践形成的制度结构。相比之下,宗教意味着一种态度,可以采取的一切人类理想的生活目的。基本上,他的观点是拒绝将宗教等同于超自然的历史宗教、制度或教义,从而将经验的宗教元素从来自历史宗教的信仰、教条的阻碍中解放出来。因此,他认为宗教经验应该在自然世界的偶然条件下进行解释,而不是涉及超自然现象。在本研究中,杜威对宗教的主张将被批判性地分析。为此,将对他的宗教观点进行详细的描述,然后讨论其价值。首先,我们将杜威对宗教和上帝的看法与传统的有神论者和现实主义者的观点进行比较,我们将声称杜威不能被视为有神论者或现实主义者。其次,虽然他的观点不能用现实主义或有神论的方法来考虑,但我们认为他也不是纯粹的反现实主义或无神论的观点,而是采取了一种中间道路。约翰·杜威是实用主义的杰出人物,他在《共同信仰》一书中对宗教和上帝提出了重要主张。杜威对这一主题的看法是基于区分“宗教”作为实体性名词和“宗教”作为指称经验质量的形容词。根据这种区分,宗教指的是信仰、实践和制度,而宗教指的是一种可以对整个存在、对象和理想目的采取的态度。因此,将宗教表达为一种体验方式是可能的。杜威的基本论点是抛开任何基于超自然的宗教或制度结构,在自然世界的偶然条件下评估经验的宗教品质。他认为,当历史宗教或机构被拒绝时,宗教经验的价值将得到更恰当的理解,因为它将从来自历史宗教的信仰、教义和教条等障碍中解放出来。他认为,将宗教与对超自然现象的信仰等同起来,将不可避免地导致宗教与世俗之间的区分。当宗教被限制在一个特定的隔间时,这导致了宗教人士的思想和能量的分裂。因此,宗教信徒不会将自己的精力用于社会目的和理想,因为他优先考虑超自然现象。杜威将经验的宗教性质与其功能联系起来,并断言这种功能是自我在其组成部分之间以及与世界之间持久而深刻的和谐。根据他的观点,自我在其组成部分之间以及与世界的持久而深刻的和谐,本质上是一种理想,因为它要求自我超越自身和现实世界。因此,可以说宗教基本上是理想的。与不变的、确定的存在领域相比,理想意味着实际上不存在的潜力或可能性。实现理想的基础是人类所具有的想象力。在此基础上,杜威将上帝定义为“唤起我们欲望和行动的一切理想目标的统一”。当我们回想起理想目的的来源是想象时,上帝的理念将是想象的产物。这就引出了杜威关于宗教或上帝的思想中最具争议的一点。因为他声称上帝的观念是人类想象的产物,这导致他的许多评论家以无神论或世俗的方式解释他的观点。首先,应该明确表示,他反对传统的现实主义方法。因为他不接受上帝是一个超越物质和社会世界的固定或恒定的实体,独立于人类的目的和理想。考虑到传统的有神论观点是建立在这种现实主义方法的基础上的,我们可以很容易地说,杜威不会采用有神论的上帝观。事实上,他一再声明,必须拒绝将宗教与超自然现象联系起来的方法。其次,正如我们所述,许多认为这些主张的评论家以完全自然主义或世俗的方式解释他的观点,将他置于反现实主义或无神论的立场。然而,由于以下几个原因,这些评论可能会失败。首先,杜威表示,他的目标不仅仅是为宗教体验提供一种纯粹自然主义的解释,也不是否认宗教体验对生活的重要性。 作为实用主义的领军人物之一,约翰·杜威在他的《共同信仰》一书中表达了他对宗教的看法。他从自然主义的角度出发,将自己的宗教观建立在对宗教与宗教的区分之上。宗教指的是一种特定的信仰或宗教的实践,或围绕这些信仰和实践形成的制度结构。相比之下,宗教意味着一种态度,可以采取的一切人类理想的生活目的。基本上,他的观点是拒绝将宗教等同于超自然的历史宗教、制度或教义,从而将经验的宗教元素从来自历史宗教的信仰、教条的阻碍中解放出来。因此,他认为宗教经验应该在自然世界的偶然条件下进行解释,而不是涉及超自然现象。在本研究中,杜威对宗教的主张将被批判性地分析。为此,将对他的宗教观点进行详细的描述,然后讨论其价值。首先,我们将杜威对宗教和上帝的看法与传统的有神论者和现实主义者的观点进行比较,我们将声称杜威不能被视为有神论者或现实主义者。其次,虽然他的观点不能用现实主义或有神论的方法来考虑,但我们认为他也不是纯粹的反现实主义或无神论的观点,而是采取了一种中间道路。约翰·杜威是实用主义的杰出人物,他在《共同信仰》一书中对宗教和上帝提出了重要主张。杜威对这一主题的看法是基于区分“宗教”作为实体性名词和“宗教”作为指称经验质量的形容词。根据这种区分,宗教指的是信仰、实践和制度,而宗教指的是一种可以对整个存在、对象和理想目的采取的态度。因此,将宗教表达为一种体验方式是可能的。杜威的基本论点是抛开任何基于超自然的宗教或制度结构,在自然世界的偶然条件下评估经验的宗教品质。他认为,当历史宗教或机构被拒绝时,宗教经验的价值将得到更恰当的理解,因为它将从来自历史宗教的信仰、教义和教条等障碍中解放出来。他认为,将宗教与对超自然现象的信仰等同起来,将不可避免地导致宗教与世俗之间的区分。当宗教被限制在一个特定的隔间时,这导致了宗教人士的思想和能量的分裂。因此,宗教信徒不会将自己的精力用于社会目的和理想,因为他优先考虑超自然现象。杜威将经验的宗教性质与其功能联系起来,并断言这种功能是自我在其组成部分之间以及与世界之间持久而深刻的和谐。根据他的观点,自我在其组成部分之间以及与世界的持久而深刻的和谐,本质上是一种理想,因为它要求自我超越自身和现实世界。因此,可以说宗教基本上是理想的。与不变的、确定的存在领域相比,理想意味着实际上不存在的潜力或可能性。实现理想的基础是人类所具有的想象力。在此基础上,杜威将上帝定义为“唤起我们欲望和行动的一切理想目标的统一”。当我们回想起理想目的的来源是想象时,上帝的理念将是想象的产物。这就引出了杜威关于宗教或上帝的思想中最具争议的一点。因为他声称上帝的观念是人类想象的产物,这导致他的许多评论家以无神论或世俗的方式解释他的观点。首先,应该明确表示,他反对传统的现实主义方法。因为他不接受上帝是一个超越物质和社会世界的固定或恒定的实体,独立于人类的目的和理想。考虑到传统的有神论观点是建立在这种现实主义方法的基础上的,我们可以很容易地说,杜威不会采用有神论的上帝观。事实上,他一再声明,必须拒绝将宗教与超自然现象联系起来的方法。其次,正如我们所述,许多认为这些主张的评论家以完全自然主义或世俗的方式解释他的观点,将他置于反现实主义或无神论的立场。然而,由于以下几个原因,这些评论可能会失败。首先,杜威表示,他的目标不仅仅是为宗教体验提供一种纯粹自然主义的解释,也不是否认宗教体验对生活的重要性。 其次,如果他的目标是为宗教体验提供一种纯粹自然主义的解释,那么他为什么继续使用诸如上帝或神圣之类的宗教概念?第三,他很清楚他的观点可能会被误解:“我提出的观点有时被认为是,把神与理想的目的等同起来,使理想完全没有存在的根源,没有存在的支持。”他强烈强调,上帝在自然中的可能性,而不是自然之外的实体领域的认同,并不意味着上帝是一个只存在于人类想象中的想法。鉴于这些原因,尽管他的观点不能以现
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引用次数: 0
İbâdiyye’nin Erken Dönem Hadis Kaynakları
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.585887
Ahmet Özdemir
Hadis tedvin ve tasnif faaliyeti neticesinde ozellikle hicri ilk dort asirda hadis edebiyatinin en guzel ornek metinleri ortaya cikmis ve bu eserlerin onemli bir kismi gunumuze kadar gelebilmistir. Her ne kadar soz konusu donemde tam olarak bir mezheplesme surecinden soz etmek zor olsa da gunumuze kadar gelebilen hadis kaynaklarinin ekseriyeti, sunni mezheplere muntesip âlimlere aittir. Bununla beraber sunniler kadar olmasa da diger islami firkalarin da hadis rivayetiyle ilgilendigini ve kendilerine ait hadis kaynaklarinin olustugunu ifade etmek gerekir. Hadis rivayeti faaliyetine katilan ve buna bagli olarak kendisine ait hadis mecmualari olan mezheplerden biri de Ibâdiyye’dir. Erken donemden itibaren hadis tedvin ve tasnif faaliyetine katilan Ibâdiyye’nin hadisle ilgili bazi eserleri, gunumuze kadar gelmemis veya kaybolmus olsa Rebi’ b. Habib’in el-Câmiu’s-sahih adli eseri gunumuze kadar gelebilmistir. Ibâdiyye prensip olarak diger islami firkalarin hadis kitaplarini kabul etmekle beraber oncelikli olarak kendi hadis kaynaklarina muracaat etmektedirler. Onlara gore kendi mezhep âlimleri tarafindan telif edilen hadis mecmualari daha sahih ve muteberdir. Bu calismamizda erken donemden itibaren hadis rivayeti ile mesgul olan Ibâdiyye’nin ulasabildigimiz hadis ve sunnetle alakali kaynaklarinin neler oldugu ozellikle kendi kaynaklari referans alinarak tespit edilecektir. Ayrica soz konusu kaynaklar imkân nispetinde rivayet ve dirayet acisindan tanitilacak ve zaman zaman hadis eserleri hakkinda gerekli degerlendirmelerde bulunulacaktir.
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引用次数: 5
Kutsal Aptallık ve Aptallar Festivali - Orta Çağ’da Bir Dini Festivalin Betimsel Analizi -
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.542022
Süleyman Turan
This article is about a religious festival entitled “The Feast of Fools”. The Feast of Fools was a festival celebrated annually on 1 January for the day of the Circumcision in many parts of Europe, and especially in France. It approximately continued from the end of the eleventh to the end of the sixteenth century. Roots of this festival can be traced to ancient Roman festival, Saturnalia. It is claimed that during this festival priests and clerks wore animal and wild beast masks and women’s clothings, ate black puddings while the celebrant was saying mass, thrown dice at the altar, drank excessively, run and jump through the church, sang obscene and bawdy hymnal songs, and they defaced the words and songs of the liturgy. The feast is shortly characterized by its reversals. As far as we can see, in its excessive form it was never affirmed by Church authorities; on the contrary, it was restricted and regularly forbidden. Eventually it was abrogated in the 16th century. But its traces have been continuing until now and some festivals such Mardi Gras carries and reflects the traces of this festival. Summary  “The Feast of Fools”, which was a religious festival, was celebrated annually on 1st January for the day of the Circumcision in many parts of Europe, especially in France. It took place approximately between the end of the eleventh century and the end of the sixteenth century. It is said that the origin of the Feast of Fools dates back to pre-Christian Rome and the festival named Saturnalia. As it is known, the Roman calendar included a great number of festivals celebrated throughout the year. The Saturnalia, one of the popular Roman festivals or holidays, was originally an agricultural festival held during the winter solstice and was intended especially to honor the god Saturn. During the festival, moral restrictions became less strict and people were free to engage in all forms of celebration and fun. The first surviving notices of the Feast of Fools belong to Paris, Beauvais, and Châlons. Joannes Belethus, the rector of theology in Paris, has the oldest mention dating back to the 11th century. He briefly says that “These are four tripudia, religious dance feasts after Christmas. The feasts belong respectively to the deacons, the priests, the choir-children and the subdeacons, called the Feast of Fools. The common dates for its performance in the different churches in France are the Circumcision, Epiphany or the octave of the Epiphany.” Low-ranking subdeacons were allowed to adopt leadership roles in worship by the Feast of Fools. The choirboys and their “boy bishop” were given similar privileges on the day of the Innocents (28 December). St Paul’s statement to the Corinthians was the basic reference of this thought. Paul, toward the end of a long passage favorably comparing “the foolishness of God” (stultum Dei ) to “the wisdom of the world,” declared, “God chose what is foolish in the world to shame the wise; God chose what is weak in the wo
这篇文章是关于一个名为“愚人节”的宗教节日。愚人节是在每年的1月1日庆祝割礼的节日,在欧洲的许多地方,尤其是在法国。它大约从11世纪末一直持续到16世纪末。这个节日的根源可以追溯到古罗马的农神节。据说,在这个节日里,牧师和执事们戴着动物和野兽的面具,穿着女人的衣服,在司仪做弥撒的时候吃黑布丁,向圣坛扔骰子,酗酒,在教堂里跑来跑去,跳来跳去,唱淫秽下流的赞美诗,并且污损礼拜仪式的歌词和歌曲。盛宴的特点是它的反转很快。据我们所知,它的过分形式从来没有得到教会权威的肯定;相反,它受到限制并经常被禁止。最终在16世纪被废除。但它的痕迹一直延续到现在,一些节日,如狂欢节,携带和反映了这个节日的痕迹。“愚人节”是一个宗教节日,在每年的1月1日庆祝割礼的日子,在欧洲的许多地方,特别是在法国。它大约发生在11世纪末到16世纪末之间。据说愚人节的起源可以追溯到前基督教时代的罗马,当时的节日叫做农神节。众所周知,罗马历法包括全年庆祝的大量节日。农神节是罗马流行的节日之一,最初是在冬至期间举行的一个农业节日,特别为了纪念土星神。在节日期间,道德限制变得不那么严格,人们可以自由地进行各种形式的庆祝和娱乐。最早流传下来的关于愚人节的记载是在巴黎、博韦和伦敦。巴黎神学院院长Joannes Belethus最早提到的是11世纪。他简要地说,这是圣诞节后的四场宗教舞会。这些节日分别属于执事、牧师、唱诗班的孩子和副执事,被称为愚人节。在法国不同的教堂里,它表演的常见日期是割礼,主显节或主显节的八度。”低级的副执事被允许在愚人节的崇拜中担任领导角色。唱诗班的男孩和他们的“男孩主教”在无辜者日(12月28日)也获得了类似的特权。圣保罗对哥林多教会的声明是这种思想的基本参考。保罗在一篇长文的末尾,将“神的愚拙”与“世上的智慧”作比较,说:“神拣选了世上愚拙的,叫智慧人羞愧;上帝选择了世界上软弱的东西来羞辱强壮的人。神拣选了世上卑贱被人厌弃的,就是那没有的,为要将那有的归为无有,免得有人在神面前自夸”(林前一27)。这是一个传统,一个小男孩被选为模拟“教皇”或“主教”,而仆人的地位是给予最高的地方教会官员。这个小男孩被称为“暴政之王”或“愚人之王”。愚人节由四个不同的课程组成:1)到教堂的游行,2)弥撒,3)教堂内的嘉年华会,4)教堂外的嘉年华会和戏剧表演。它的内容并不死板,所以几个世纪以来,它因不同的教会而有所不同。据说,“在办公时间,可以看到牧师和职员戴着面具。他们扮成妇女或吟游诗人在唱诗班跳舞。他们唱着放荡的歌。他们在那里玩骰子。他们跑着跳着穿过教堂,没有为自己的羞愧而脸红。最后,他们坐着破旧的马车在镇上和剧院里转悠;在节日期间,他们用不雅的手势和“下流而不贞洁”的诗句,在臭名昭著的表演中激起同伴和旁观者的笑声。在这个宴会上,普通仪式的正常活动被忽视了,而它的反转则被简洁地描绘了出来。据说这是一个珍贵的日子,因为在这一天,人们抛弃了基督教的道德,转而采用荒谬的仪式。这个节日的地位和意义是有争议的。例如,包括阿兰·德波顿(Alain de Botton)在内的一些研究人员断言,这个节日被视为“神圣的恶搞”,以确保在今年剩下的时间里事情会以正确的方式进行。愚人节采取了相反的路线,被认为是对感官世界的开放。 1445年巴黎神学院的信中提到的参与者自己对盛宴的道歉清楚地反映了这一点:盛宴是必须的,因为“愚蠢,这是我们的第二天性,似乎是人类固有的,可能每年至少会自由地花费一次。”酒桶会爆裂,不要打开,让空气进来。”我们从资料中了解到,教会当局从未批准的节日是受到限制和经常禁止的。最后,它在16世纪被终止。然而,今天有一些节日,如Mardi Gras,反映了愚人节的痕迹。
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引用次数: 0
İslâm İktisâdında Suni Fiyat Artışlarına Karşı Alınan Tedbirler
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.571232
Cemil Li̇v
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引用次数: 0
William Alston'da İlâhî Bilginin Doğası ve Zaman
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.14395/hititilahiyat.551691
Abdulkadir Tanış
Cagdas din felsefesinde ilahi bilginin dogasi konusunda onemli goruslerden biri William P. Alston tarafindan ortaya atilmistir. Sezgisel bilgi anlayisi olarak adlandirabilecegimiz bu bilgi anlayisinin savunulmasinin temel gerekcesi, onun Tanri’nin mukemmelligiyle daha uyumlu olmasidir. Bu bilgi anlayisi, Tanri’nin varlik ve olgulara dair bilgisinin O’nun bu varlik ve olgularin dogrudan farkindaligindan olustugunu iddia eder. Bu bilgi anlayisinin temel vurgusu, arada Tanri’nin kendi zihinsel temsilleri dahi hicbir vasita olmaksizin O’nun her seyi mutlak dogrudan bir farkindalikla bildigidir. Bu yuzden, Tanri’nin bilgisi, dolayli olarak bilme anlamina gelecegi icin inanc veya onerme seklindeki ogeleri icermez. Alston’in ilahi bilginin dogasi konusundaki bu goruslerinin, Tanri-zaman iliskisi konusunda da onemli imalarinin oldugu iddia edilmistir. Buna dayanarak bazi yorumcular sezgisel bilgi anlayisinin Tanri’nin zamansizligini gerektirdigini iddia ederken, bazi yorumcular da tam aksini iddia etmistir. Bu calismada, sezgisel bilgi anlayisinin, Tanri’nin zamansizligi dusuncesiyle daha uyumlu gorunmesine ragmen, onun ilahi bilginin dogasini aciklama konusunda yetersiz oldugu iddia edilecek ve bu iddia icin temel olarak iki gerekce ileri surulecektir. Sezgisel bilgi anlayisi kabul edilirse, ilk olarak, bunun Tanri’nin bilgisinin kapsami konusunda bir sinirlilik yarattigi; ikinci olarak, Tanri ve yaratilmis varliklar arasindaki farkli varlik modunun nasil korunacagi probleminin ortaya ciktigi gosterilmeye calisilacaktir. Bu yuzden, Alston’in savundugu sekliyle sezgisel bilgi anlayisinin ilahi bilginin dogasini aciklama konusunda doyurucu olmadigi soylenecektir.
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Hitit Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi-Journal of Divinity Faculty of Hitit University
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