This paper aims to explore verbs of removal in Hakka with respect to the relationship between form and meaning and has the following claims: first, we have analyzed verbs of removal in Hakka through the modified two-level meaning model. The modified model comprises several elements: the L-meaning level, the P-meaning level, frame, and thematic core tiers. Furthermore, the semantic roles display a core-peripheral continuum pattern in the conceptual structure of the verbs, manifested by [VX] constructions.
{"title":"Hakka Verbs of Removal: Integration of Verbal Meanings and [VX] Constructions","authors":"P. Liao, Huei-ling Lai","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2007.5(2).1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2007.5(2).1","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to explore verbs of removal in Hakka with respect to the relationship between form and meaning and has the following claims: first, we have analyzed verbs of removal in Hakka through the modified two-level meaning model. The modified model comprises several elements: the L-meaning level, the P-meaning level, frame, and thematic core tiers. Furthermore, the semantic roles display a core-peripheral continuum pattern in the conceptual structure of the verbs, manifested by [VX] constructions.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2007-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article reconsiders Tang's (1998) analysis of Mandarin matrix small clauses (SC) in an attempt to get a heifer understanding of the structure of the Mandarin nominal predicate. It is found that the structures which the nominal predicate can take can be a bare NP or even not-so-bare projections. All the nominal predicates manifest a kind of modifier-modifiee pattern, which implements 'modificational predication' of the subject Thus, the matrix SC is structurally ”not-so-bare” rather than ”tare” Finally, the claim of Mandarin indefinite/definite DP as an argument, not a predicate is further strengthened in this work.
{"title":"Nominal Predicates in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"魏廷冀, Ting-Chi Wei","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2007.5(2).4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2007.5(2).4","url":null,"abstract":"This article reconsiders Tang's (1998) analysis of Mandarin matrix small clauses (SC) in an attempt to get a heifer understanding of the structure of the Mandarin nominal predicate. It is found that the structures which the nominal predicate can take can be a bare NP or even not-so-bare projections. All the nominal predicates manifest a kind of modifier-modifiee pattern, which implements 'modificational predication' of the subject Thus, the matrix SC is structurally ”not-so-bare” rather than ”tare” Finally, the claim of Mandarin indefinite/definite DP as an argument, not a predicate is further strengthened in this work.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2007-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The interaction between the distribution of tones and syllable types in Thai has been found to be interesting. The absence of the rising contour tone on CVO and CVVO supports the argument that syllables with shorter phonetic duration are bad licensers for the rising contour tone (Zhang 2002). The distributional gaps on CVO and CVVO are also found to be correlated with syllable-final glottalization (Moren & Zsiga 2006). Furthermore, Ruangjaroon (2006) argues that there is the consonant-tone interaction in Thai and analyzes it under the framework of OT. However, I will indicate both theoretical and analytical problems faced by analyses in Ruangjaroon (2006) in this paper.
{"title":"PROBLEMS OF ANALYZING CONSONANT-TONE INTERACTION IN THAI: A REPLY TO RUANGJAROON","authors":"Tsung-Ying Chen","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2007.5(2).3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2007.5(2).3","url":null,"abstract":"The interaction between the distribution of tones and syllable types in Thai has been found to be interesting. The absence of the rising contour tone on CVO and CVVO supports the argument that syllables with shorter phonetic duration are bad licensers for the rising contour tone (Zhang 2002). The distributional gaps on CVO and CVVO are also found to be correlated with syllable-final glottalization (Moren & Zsiga 2006). Furthermore, Ruangjaroon (2006) argues that there is the consonant-tone interaction in Thai and analyzes it under the framework of OT. However, I will indicate both theoretical and analytical problems faced by analyses in Ruangjaroon (2006) in this paper.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2007-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71326350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
D-words in the Huojia dialect all occur without a coda consonant or an off-glide and in some cases a mid vowel is added (He 1989, Lin 1993). Huojia D-word formation has been analyzed as having an underlying D-suffix // and an output template that bans codas and complex nuclei (Lin 2001a). Some roots, however, have no D-word counterparts, and the generalization is that any root that ends in a non-high nuclear vowel cannot have a D-word. Within Optimality Theory (OT, Prince and Smolensky 1993), two major proposals have been put forward to account for absolute ungrammaticality. The first is the MPARSE analysis (Prince and Smolensky 1993), in which the constraint MPARSE (which demands that the output must have a morphological structure) is ranked below relevant markedness constraints, and the Null Parse (an output that is phonetically unrealized because of the lack of a morphological structure) is then selected. The second is proposed by Orgun and Sprouse (1999) in which a component called CONTROL acts as a filter to check the grammaticality of the output selected by constraint evaluation in OT. This paper offers an account of the ungrammatical forms under Huojia D-word formation and argues that the CONTROL model is better able to capture the generalizations that a D-word cannot have a coda consonant/glide and that the absence of a D-word results from the requirement that a D-word must be distinct from its root.
霍家方言的d字都不带尾辅音或滑音，有时还会加一个中间元音(He 1989, Lin 1993)。火家d字构词法被分析为具有一个底层d后缀//和一个禁止尾键和复杂核的输出模板(Lin 2001a)。然而，有些词根没有对应的d字，一般来说，任何以非高元音结尾的词根都不能有d字。在最优化理论(OT, Prince and Smolensky 1993)中，提出了两个主要的建议来解释绝对不语法性。第一种是MPARSE分析(Prince and Smolensky 1993)，其中约束MPARSE(要求输出必须具有形态学结构)排在相关标记约束之下，然后选择Null Parse(由于缺乏形态学结构而在语音上无法实现的输出)。第二种是由Orgun和Sprouse(1999)提出的，其中一个称为CONTROL的组件充当过滤器，检查OT中约束评估选择的输出的语法性。本文对霍家d字构词法下的不符合语法的形式进行了分析，并认为CONTROL模型能够更好地捕捉到d字不能有尾辅音/滑音以及d字的缺失是由于要求d字必须与其词根不同。
{"title":"Ungrammatical Affixed Words in the Huojia Dialect","authors":"林燕慧, Yen-Hwei Lin","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2007.5(1).1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2007.5(1).1","url":null,"abstract":"D-words in the Huojia dialect all occur without a coda consonant or an off-glide and in some cases a mid vowel is added (He 1989, Lin 1993). Huojia D-word formation has been analyzed as having an underlying D-suffix // and an output template that bans codas and complex nuclei (Lin 2001a). Some roots, however, have no D-word counterparts, and the generalization is that any root that ends in a non-high nuclear vowel cannot have a D-word. Within Optimality Theory (OT, Prince and Smolensky 1993), two major proposals have been put forward to account for absolute ungrammaticality. The first is the MPARSE analysis (Prince and Smolensky 1993), in which the constraint MPARSE (which demands that the output must have a morphological structure) is ranked below relevant markedness constraints, and the Null Parse (an output that is phonetically unrealized because of the lack of a morphological structure) is then selected. The second is proposed by Orgun and Sprouse (1999) in which a component called CONTROL acts as a filter to check the grammaticality of the output selected by constraint evaluation in OT. This paper offers an account of the ungrammatical forms under Huojia D-word formation and argues that the CONTROL model is better able to capture the generalizations that a D-word cannot have a coda consonant/glide and that the absence of a D-word results from the requirement that a D-word must be distinct from its root.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2007-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I propose a syntactic derivation for Split Antecedent Relative Clause Constructions such as Mary met a man and John met a woman who knew each other well. I claim that the two antecedents of such a construction are originally two conjuncts of a coordinate nominal. Then each has undergone a sideward movement, landed in a new working site, and been selected by a verb. After that, a coordinate clausal complex is constructed. In the old working site, a complex nominal is also constructed, in which the relative clause takes the remnant coordinate nominal as its antecedent. Finally, the complex nominal adjoins to the coordinate clausal complex. This analysis shows how the freedom in the selection of the landing site gained from sideward movement makes the syntactic derivations of this special type of relative clause construction possible, while at the same time avoiding the problems of the alternative three-dimensional analysis.
{"title":"The Syntactic Derivations of Split Antecedent Relative Clause Constructions","authors":"N. Zhang","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2007.5(1).2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2007.5(1).2","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I propose a syntactic derivation for Split Antecedent Relative Clause Constructions such as Mary met a man and John met a woman who knew each other well. I claim that the two antecedents of such a construction are originally two conjuncts of a coordinate nominal. Then each has undergone a sideward movement, landed in a new working site, and been selected by a verb. After that, a coordinate clausal complex is constructed. In the old working site, a complex nominal is also constructed, in which the relative clause takes the remnant coordinate nominal as its antecedent. Finally, the complex nominal adjoins to the coordinate clausal complex. This analysis shows how the freedom in the selection of the landing site gained from sideward movement makes the syntactic derivations of this special type of relative clause construction possible, while at the same time avoiding the problems of the alternative three-dimensional analysis.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2007-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bu as a negator in Mandarin Chinese cannot co-occur with an aspect marker such as le. Moreover, bu cannot occur with the first verb in a descriptive/resultative construction. Huang (1988) suggests that the sequences [bu V le] and [bu descriptive/resultative construction] are ruled out for semantic reasons. That is, bu is first attached to V and then le is attached to the negated verb. Such a sequence [[bu-V]-le] is semantically absurd since the event that has not happened cannot be said to have been completed. [Bu descriptive/resultative construction] is ruled out for similar semantic reasons. The problem this paper proposes to tackle is: At which level is bu attached to V? Two arguments may be posited for the proposal that bu is lexically attached to V. The first argument comes from a consideration of the status of both bu and le and it is shown that only when bu is attached to V in the lexicon can the ungrammatical sequence [bu V le] be explained. Further evidence comes from the focus/contrast markers, shi and bu-shi, which have a flexible distribution. If bu is lexically attached to shi and then together bu-shi is inserted as a focus/contrast marker, then the flexible distribution can be explained. Throughout the discussion, it will be shown that bu can be the manifestation of bu alone, bu-Modal, or bu-shi. That is, unlike what it appears to be, bu is not just bu.
但作为汉语普通话中的否定词，不能与象le这样的词性标记同时出现。此外，在描述性/结果式结构中，bu不能与第一个动词连用。Huang(1988)认为，由于语义原因，序列[但V - le]和[但描述性/结果结构]被排除在外。也就是说，bu首先与V连用，然后le与否定动词连用。这样的顺序[[bu-V]-le]在语义上是荒谬的，因为没有发生的事件不能说已经完成。[但描述性/结果式结构]由于类似的语义原因被排除在外。本文要解决的问题是:在哪个层次上，bu是依附于V的?对于bu在词汇上依附于V的说法，可以提出两个论点。第一个论点来自对bu和le的地位的考虑，结果表明，只有当bu在词汇中依附于V时，才可以解释不符合语法的序列[bu V le]。进一步的证据来自于焦点/对比标记物“是”和“不是”，它们具有灵活的分布。如果在词法上把“不”与“是”连用，然后把“不”与“不”连用作为焦点/对比标记，那么这种灵活的分布就可以解释了。在整个讨论中，我们将会看到，bu可以是bu单独、bu- modal或bu-shi的表现形式。也就是说，不像它看起来的那样，但不仅仅是“但是”。
{"title":"Bu 'Not' in Mandarin Chinese: A Lexical Stative Negator","authors":"林惠玲, Huei-Ling Lin","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).2","url":null,"abstract":"Bu as a negator in Mandarin Chinese cannot co-occur with an aspect marker such as le. Moreover, bu cannot occur with the first verb in a descriptive/resultative construction. Huang (1988) suggests that the sequences [bu V le] and [bu descriptive/resultative construction] are ruled out for semantic reasons. That is, bu is first attached to V and then le is attached to the negated verb. Such a sequence [[bu-V]-le] is semantically absurd since the event that has not happened cannot be said to have been completed. [Bu descriptive/resultative construction] is ruled out for similar semantic reasons. The problem this paper proposes to tackle is: At which level is bu attached to V? Two arguments may be posited for the proposal that bu is lexically attached to V. The first argument comes from a consideration of the status of both bu and le and it is shown that only when bu is attached to V in the lexicon can the ungrammatical sequence [bu V le] be explained. Further evidence comes from the focus/contrast markers, shi and bu-shi, which have a flexible distribution. If bu is lexically attached to shi and then together bu-shi is inserted as a focus/contrast marker, then the flexible distribution can be explained. Throughout the discussion, it will be shown that bu can be the manifestation of bu alone, bu-Modal, or bu-shi. That is, unlike what it appears to be, bu is not just bu.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
VR (resultative verb) 1 constructions are most generally treated as compounds or verbs plus complements by Chinese linguists. In this paper, I would like to question the validity of this analysis with reference to the example of Taiwanese VR constructions, and propose and justify an alternative analysis within the lexicase dependency framework. A Taiwanese VR construction is a single word, and not a compound, which is different from the traditional analysis that views a VR as a compound composed of two verbs. In this paper I claim that a Taiwanese VR is in fact a single word composed of a verb and a derivational suffix. It has been claimed that differences in the distribution of the object of VR forms depends on whether the object is definite or not. For example, an indefinite object has to be positioned after the VR construction (i.e., VR + O). The distribution of the objects is claimed to be more flexible if they are definite (e.g., O + VR). However, in this paper I would like to account for this phenomenon purely in terms of the transitivity of the resultative verbs. The transitive VR constructions take the nouns that follow them as their dependents and assign accusative case form to them. If the dependent object comes before the VR construction, a so-called disposal marker kā is required; otherwise, no accusative case form will be assigned, and the sentence will be ill-formed. Intransitive VR constructions cannot have their dependents following them simply because no accusative case form can be assigned to them.
{"title":"Lexicase Points with Taiwanese VR Constructions","authors":"Khinhuann Li","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).4","url":null,"abstract":"VR (resultative verb) 1 constructions are most generally treated as compounds or verbs plus complements by Chinese linguists. In this paper, I would like to question the validity of this analysis with reference to the example of Taiwanese VR constructions, and propose and justify an alternative analysis within the lexicase dependency framework. A Taiwanese VR construction is a single word, and not a compound, which is different from the traditional analysis that views a VR as a compound composed of two verbs. In this paper I claim that a Taiwanese VR is in fact a single word composed of a verb and a derivational suffix. It has been claimed that differences in the distribution of the object of VR forms depends on whether the object is definite or not. For example, an indefinite object has to be positioned after the VR construction (i.e., VR + O). The distribution of the objects is claimed to be more flexible if they are definite (e.g., O + VR). However, in this paper I would like to account for this phenomenon purely in terms of the transitivity of the resultative verbs. The transitive VR constructions take the nouns that follow them as their dependents and assign accusative case form to them. If the dependent object comes before the VR construction, a so-called disposal marker kā is required; otherwise, no accusative case form will be assigned, and the sentence will be ill-formed. Intransitive VR constructions cannot have their dependents following them simply because no accusative case form can be assigned to them.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thai tones have traditionally been characterized in terms of a correlation between tones and syllable type (Gandour 1974, Tumtavitikul 1993, Intrasri 2001, Morin and Zsiga 2006). However, I show that a more interesting set of observations can be made on the distribution of Thai tones in which they can be explained as a consequence of consonant-tone interaction within an OT framework. The observations are that unaspirated stops are not compatible with a high tone vowel in the nucleus. An obstruent coda has the effect of shortening the vowel in the nucleus, something that is testable via phonetic experimentation. This shortening effect places a burden on either phonetic perception or production, so that the five-way contrast is neutralized to a two-way contrast. The shortening effect places an especially strong burden on contour tones, so these tones are preferably excluded from the two-way contrast. The best two-way contrast among the three level tones is a simple high-low contrast, which is more readily perceivable than a low-mid or high-mid contrast. I also show that unaspirated obstruents prefer to be adjacent to a non-high tone. Unaspirated coda are allowed to be adjacent to a preceding high tone in a short vowel, but a long vowel presents an opportunity to insert a low tone on the second tone bearing unit, thus producing a two-way contrast between low and falling tone instead. This insertion of a low tone is done in order to avoid a situation where a high tone vowel would be adjacent to the unaspirated consonant. A high-tone vowel-unaspirated coda sequence would result otherwise. It is argued that the attested patterns of consonant-tone interaction in Thai are captured by conjoining two markedness constraints in addition to the simple markedness constraints.
{"title":"Consonant-Tone Interaction in Thai: An OT Analysis","authors":"Sugunya Ruangjaroon","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).1","url":null,"abstract":"Thai tones have traditionally been characterized in terms of a correlation between tones and syllable type (Gandour 1974, Tumtavitikul 1993, Intrasri 2001, Morin and Zsiga 2006). However, I show that a more interesting set of observations can be made on the distribution of Thai tones in which they can be explained as a consequence of consonant-tone interaction within an OT framework. The observations are that unaspirated stops are not compatible with a high tone vowel in the nucleus. An obstruent coda has the effect of shortening the vowel in the nucleus, something that is testable via phonetic experimentation. This shortening effect places a burden on either phonetic perception or production, so that the five-way contrast is neutralized to a two-way contrast. The shortening effect places an especially strong burden on contour tones, so these tones are preferably excluded from the two-way contrast. The best two-way contrast among the three level tones is a simple high-low contrast, which is more readily perceivable than a low-mid or high-mid contrast. I also show that unaspirated obstruents prefer to be adjacent to a non-high tone. Unaspirated coda are allowed to be adjacent to a preceding high tone in a short vowel, but a long vowel presents an opportunity to insert a low tone on the second tone bearing unit, thus producing a two-way contrast between low and falling tone instead. This insertion of a low tone is done in order to avoid a situation where a high tone vowel would be adjacent to the unaspirated consonant. A high-tone vowel-unaspirated coda sequence would result otherwise. It is argued that the attested patterns of consonant-tone interaction in Thai are captured by conjoining two markedness constraints in addition to the simple markedness constraints.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper studies the distribution of tone production deficits in aphasic speech in comparison to tone errors in normal production in Mandarin and their implications. 876 aphasic tone errors and 2515 normal tone errors are analyzed and results support the following findings: First, the percentage of tone errors is similar to that of consonant errors, suggesting that the extent of tone impairment is comparable to that of consonant impairment in Mandarin aphasics. Second, contextual tone errors within clause boundaries (e.g., those involving anticipatory or perseveratory effects) reflect the aphasics’ less efficient monitoring mechanism in speech production planning and execution. Finally, the high tone is the least resistant to aphasic disturbance, suggesting that aphasic patients select the high tone as the replacing tone to some extent based on its strength of being easier to be produced and earlier to be acquired in Mandarin.
{"title":"TONE ERRORS IN NORMAL AND APHASIC SPEECH IN MANDARIN","authors":"I-Ping Wan","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2006.4(2).3","url":null,"abstract":"This paper studies the distribution of tone production deficits in aphasic speech in comparison to tone errors in normal production in Mandarin and their implications. 876 aphasic tone errors and 2515 normal tone errors are analyzed and results support the following findings: First, the percentage of tone errors is similar to that of consonant errors, suggesting that the extent of tone impairment is comparable to that of consonant impairment in Mandarin aphasics. Second, contextual tone errors within clause boundaries (e.g., those involving anticipatory or perseveratory effects) reflect the aphasics’ less efficient monitoring mechanism in speech production planning and execution. Finally, the high tone is the least resistant to aphasic disturbance, suggesting that aphasic patients select the high tone as the replacing tone to some extent based on its strength of being easier to be produced and earlier to be acquired in Mandarin.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Complementizers are generally known as function words that introduce a clausal complement, like that in English, for instance (Radford 1997). In many languages, complementizers are re-analyzed from verba dicendi, or verbs of 'saying' (Lord 1976; Frajzyngier 1991; Hopper and Traugott 1993; Lord 1993). This paper argues for the existence of a complementizer re-analyzed from a verb of 'saying' in Cantonese by providing a synchronic analysis of waa6^1. Waa6 has often been assumed to be a lexical verb in serial verb construction because of its following a 'saying' predicate or a cognitive predicate. However, this paper argues that waa6 is not always a verb, postulating that waa6 may have different meanings and subcategorizations in different situations, including waa61 meaning 'say' [_ (PP) CP] or [_ PP NP], the transitive verb waa62 meaning 'blame/condemn' [_ NP CP], and the complementizer waa63 selecting a clause [_ IP^2]. This proposal is supported by different tests, such as aspect marking and argument selection, confirming that the complementizer waa63 formally exhibits different properties from that of the verbs waa61 and waa62.
{"title":"ON THE STATUS OF THE COMPLEMENTIZER WAA6 IN CANTONESE","authors":"Ka-wai. Yeung","doi":"10.6519/TJL.2006.4(1).1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2006.4(1).1","url":null,"abstract":"Complementizers are generally known as function words that introduce a clausal complement, like that in English, for instance (Radford 1997). In many languages, complementizers are re-analyzed from verba dicendi, or verbs of 'saying' (Lord 1976; Frajzyngier 1991; Hopper and Traugott 1993; Lord 1993). This paper argues for the existence of a complementizer re-analyzed from a verb of 'saying' in Cantonese by providing a synchronic analysis of waa6^1. Waa6 has often been assumed to be a lexical verb in serial verb construction because of its following a 'saying' predicate or a cognitive predicate. However, this paper argues that waa6 is not always a verb, postulating that waa6 may have different meanings and subcategorizations in different situations, including waa61 meaning 'say' [_ (PP) CP] or [_ PP NP], the transitive verb waa62 meaning 'blame/condemn' [_ NP CP], and the complementizer waa63 selecting a clause [_ IP^2]. This proposal is supported by different tests, such as aspect marking and argument selection, confirming that the complementizer waa63 formally exhibits different properties from that of the verbs waa61 and waa62.","PeriodicalId":41000,"journal":{"name":"Taiwan Journal of Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71325940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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