{"title":"Review of Zhang (2020): Contrastive Studies of English and Chinese Phonology","authors":"Jianjun Zhao, Dazuo Wang","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.21010.zha","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.21010.zha","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45847679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lixin Jin, Wei Wang, Kun Xie, Xiaohua Wang, Xiaodong Tang
The “perfective” (Chinese term: wánzhěngtǐ) and the “perfect”(Chinese term: wánchéngtǐ) seem to be two different terms that are distinguished by definition. But in the description of actual languages, the boundary between them is not clear. The use of these two terms in many literatures is very arbitrary. This arbitrariness frequently causes confusion in typological studies in tense and aspect. This arbitrary use has a lot to do with the classification and definition of Comrie (1976). Based on a description of the perfective/imperfective distinction in Russian, this paper finds that perfective is sensitive to the inner boundaries of events, and perfect is sensitive to the relation between event time and reference time. Based on a description of the four aspectual markers (zhe, le, guo, and zai) in Mandarin Chinese, this paper finds that they respectively express three different event phases (inchoative, durative and terminative) in realization aspect. The present study shows that Mandarin is not a language sensitive to boundaries of events, but to phasal aspect. Phasal aspect also exists in Japanese.
{"title":"Perfective aspect and perfect aspect","authors":"Lixin Jin, Wei Wang, Kun Xie, Xiaohua Wang, Xiaodong Tang","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.20003.jin","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.20003.jin","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The “perfective” (Chinese term: wánzhěngtǐ) and the “perfect”(Chinese term: wánchéngtǐ) seem to\u0000 be two different terms that are distinguished by definition. But in the description of actual languages, the boundary between them\u0000 is not clear. The use of these two terms in many literatures is very arbitrary. This arbitrariness frequently causes confusion in\u0000 typological studies in tense and aspect. This arbitrary use has a lot to do with the classification and definition of Comrie (1976). Based on a description of the perfective/imperfective distinction in\u0000 Russian, this paper finds that perfective is sensitive to the inner boundaries of events, and perfect is sensitive to the relation\u0000 between event time and reference time. Based on a description of the four aspectual markers (zhe, le, guo, and\u0000 zai) in Mandarin Chinese, this paper finds that they respectively express three different event phases\u0000 (inchoative, durative and terminative) in realization aspect. The present study shows that Mandarin is not a language sensitive to\u0000 boundaries of events, but to phasal aspect. Phasal aspect also exists in Japanese.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45560557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to explain the development of “zhě” serving as a conditional marker mainly in Late Archaic Chinese and to show that the conditional marker “zhě” derives from the nominalizer “zhě”. The grammaticalization of “zhě” is at the level of pragmatic inference, which shows an interaction of nominalization, topicality, and conditionality. Nominalization directly makes the original clause lose its ability to confirm the factuality of the event, and the nominalized construction then is endowed with a generic meaning, which is in some way related to conditionals. Specifically, the contexts triggering this grammaticalization can be summarized as follows: Firstly, the construction “VP/clause + zhě” always occupies the topic position; secondly, VPs/clauses in that construction always represent a kind of non-factual event, which means that the semantic feature of the VPs/clauses is non-factual or unreal. Furthermore, there are two clues, namely modal auxiliary and negator, which can help identify the non-factual event.
{"title":"On the conditional marker “zhě”(者)","authors":"Fanxi Li","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.19022.li","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.19022.li","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper aims to explain the development of “zhě” serving as a conditional marker mainly in Late Archaic Chinese\u0000 and to show that the conditional marker “zhě” derives from the nominalizer “zhě”. The grammaticalization of “zhě” is at the level\u0000 of pragmatic inference, which shows an interaction of nominalization, topicality, and conditionality. Nominalization directly\u0000 makes the original clause lose its ability to confirm the factuality of the event, and the nominalized construction then is\u0000 endowed with a generic meaning, which is in some way related to conditionals. Specifically, the contexts triggering this\u0000 grammaticalization can be summarized as follows: Firstly, the construction “VP/clause + zhě” always occupies the topic position;\u0000 secondly, VPs/clauses in that construction always represent a kind of non-factual event, which means that the semantic feature of\u0000 the VPs/clauses is non-factual or unreal. Furthermore, there are two clues, namely modal auxiliary and negator, which can help\u0000 identify the non-factual event.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41563464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"河南获嘉方言阳声韵所对应Z变韵形式的语音分析","authors":"M. Wei","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.21011.wei","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.21011.wei","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000本文分析了河南获嘉方言阳声韵所对应Z变韵形式的语音生成过程，笔者认为获嘉方言阳声韵基本韵母的早期形式在“加缀合音”、“合音变韵”、“韵尾变[-ŋ]”、“韵腹滋生介音[i]”、“音长趋普”、“单元音化”以及“主元音鼻化”规则的按顺序作用下就可以推导出合格的表层Z变韵形式。同时，本文对[-n]尾阳声韵基本韵母在Z变韵过程中发生的韵尾、韵腹主元音及韵头的变化情况分别进行了讨论。笔者认为Z变韵过程中，韵尾[-n]变韵尾[-ŋ]是后缀[u]在合音过程中被前一音节的韵尾鼻化后变音所致；韵腹主元音音质的变化则与Z变韵后期，咸山摄阳声韵所对应的Z变韵母走上与咸山摄阳声韵基本韵母一致的演变道路有关；而韵腹滋生介音[i]是[an]组和[en]组阳声韵基本韵母在合音变韵过程中分别混入[ai]组和[ei]组阴声韵进行演化的结果。通过对咸山摄阳声韵所对应Z变韵母的语音形式进行分析，本文进一步提出“变韵不一定由合音引起”的观点。","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45480902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article studies Chinese V-de sentences from the perspective of verb-copying constructions (VCC) and presents some more evidence in favor of the distinction between descriptive V-de constructions and resultative V-de constructions. VCC with descriptive V-de sentences (VCCD) and VCC with resultative V-de sentences (VCCR) are linearly described as [NP1+ V1+ NP2 + V2 + de +XP]. Five asymmetries, though not very sharp, have been observed between VCCD and VCCR: (a) the movement asymmetry of [V1+NP2], (b) the questioning asymmetry between weishenme ‘why’ and shenme ‘what’, (c) the definiteness asymmetry of NP2, (d) the repetition asymmetry of V1, and (e) the asymmetry of subject-oriented adverb guyi ‘intentionally’. To explain these differences, we assume that [V1+NP2] in VCCD is a constituent, acting as an internal topic. While similar analysis cannot be extended to VCCR. We propose instead that [NP1+V1+NP2] is a constituent in VCCR, projecting further into a complex NP and acting as a sentential subject. These structural differences can well explain the five asymmetries from the island effects, and the semantic and pragmatic constraints (on internal topics and subject-oriented adverbs). Meanwhile, based on the restriction of manner adverbial modification, the V2 in VCCD and VCCR is assumed to be externally merged at the morphological level via External Morphological Merger to satisfy the affixal properties of de. The copying of V1 as V2 is not driven syntactically, but morphologically. This morphosyntactic approach to VCCD and VCCR provides a new perspective to explore V-de sentences and VCC, which may shed light on the morphosyntactic studies of Mandarin Chinese from a crosslinguistic perspective.
{"title":"Asymmetries in two types ofde-related verb-copying constructionsin Mandarin Chinese","authors":"Changsong Wang","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.20007.wan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.20007.wan","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article studies Chinese V-de sentences from the perspective of verb-copying constructions\u0000 (VCC) and presents some more evidence in favor of the distinction between descriptive V-de constructions and\u0000 resultative V-de constructions. VCC with descriptive V-de sentences (VCCD) and VCC with\u0000 resultative V-de sentences (VCCR) are linearly described as [NP1+ V1+ NP2 + V2 + de +XP]. Five asymmetries,\u0000 though not very sharp, have been observed between VCCD and VCCR: (a) the movement asymmetry of [V1+NP2], (b) the questioning\u0000 asymmetry between weishenme ‘why’ and shenme ‘what’, (c) the definiteness asymmetry of NP2, (d)\u0000 the repetition asymmetry of V1, and (e) the asymmetry of subject-oriented adverb guyi ‘intentionally’. To explain\u0000 these differences, we assume that [V1+NP2] in VCCD is a constituent, acting as an internal topic. While similar analysis cannot be\u0000 extended to VCCR. We propose instead that [NP1+V1+NP2] is a constituent in VCCR, projecting further into a complex NP and acting\u0000 as a sentential subject. These structural differences can well explain the five asymmetries from the island effects, and the\u0000 semantic and pragmatic constraints (on internal topics and subject-oriented adverbs). Meanwhile, based on the restriction of\u0000 manner adverbial modification, the V2 in VCCD and VCCR is assumed to be externally merged at the morphological level via External\u0000 Morphological Merger to satisfy the affixal properties of de. The copying of V1 as V2 is not driven\u0000 syntactically, but morphologically. This morphosyntactic approach to VCCD and VCCR provides a new perspective to explore\u0000 V-de sentences and VCC, which may shed light on the morphosyntactic studies of Mandarin Chinese from a\u0000 crosslinguistic perspective.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44484192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The position of the reason-asking ‘why’ has been under much discussion for the past few years. Although some have suggested that it is situated within the CP domain, its exact position varies depending on different proposals. Meanwhile, a noncanonical why-like ‘what’ has also attracted much attention. Some assume it to be merged to the top of a sentence while some assume it to be merged lower. In this study, new evidence is provided to show that in Chinese the reason-asking ‘why’ should be merged to the Int(errogative)P in the CP zone, confirming Rizzi’s (2001) and Tsai’s (2008) claims, whereas the why-like ‘what’ should be merged as low as in vP but target the topmost of a clause, supposedly ForceP, by covert movement.
{"title":"On the position of ReasonP","authors":"B. Yang","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.20017.yan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.20017.yan","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The position of the reason-asking ‘why’ has been under much discussion for the past few years. Although some have suggested that it is situated within the CP domain, its exact position varies depending on different proposals. Meanwhile, a noncanonical why-like ‘what’ has also attracted much attention. Some assume it to be merged to the top of a sentence while some assume it to be merged lower. In this study, new evidence is provided to show that in Chinese the reason-asking ‘why’ should be merged to the Int(errogative)P in the CP zone, confirming Rizzi’s (2001) and Tsai’s (2008) claims, whereas the why-like ‘what’ should be merged as low as in vP but target the topmost of a clause, supposedly ForceP, by covert movement.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47392225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Mandarin bǎ-construction has been one of the most well studied subjects in Chinese grammar. Although the previous studies have achieved some exciting results, the exact nature of bǎ and the syntactic derivation of the bǎ-construction remain largely controversial. The current paper constitutes an attempt to clarify the two issues under the minimalist framework. In particular, while keeping in line with the little v analysis of bǎ proposed by Sybesma 1999; Lin 2001 among others, I argue that there is a Middle applicative projection (an affected applicative) between V and v; the bǎ-NP is formed by a movement of VP-internal arguments to Spec.ApplPmid, which can optionally be occupied by gěi, and it gets an accusative Case from bǎ in v. With this analysis, we can better account for the core syntactic and semantic properties of bǎ-constructions. Furthermore, I will show that the proposed applicative approach has some interesting consequences for Taiwanese ka-constructions, a near counterpart of Mandarin bǎ-constructions. Finally, I will compare bǎ-constructions to languages with differential object marking in arguing that Mandarin uses a special strategy – light verb marking to mark the specific/affected objects.
{"title":"On Middle applicatives","authors":"Chen Zhao","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.20001.ZHA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.20001.ZHA","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The Mandarin bǎ-construction has been one of the most well studied subjects in Chinese grammar. Although the previous studies have achieved some exciting results, the exact nature of bǎ and the syntactic derivation of the bǎ-construction remain largely controversial. The current paper constitutes an attempt to clarify the two issues under the minimalist framework. In particular, while keeping in line with the little v analysis of bǎ proposed by Sybesma 1999; Lin 2001 among others, I argue that there is a Middle applicative projection (an affected applicative) between V and v; the bǎ-NP is formed by a movement of VP-internal arguments to Spec.ApplPmid, which can optionally be occupied by gěi, and it gets an accusative Case from bǎ in v. With this analysis, we can better account for the core syntactic and semantic properties of bǎ-constructions. Furthermore, I will show that the proposed applicative approach has some interesting consequences for Taiwanese ka-constructions, a near counterpart of Mandarin bǎ-constructions. Finally, I will compare bǎ-constructions to languages with differential object marking in arguing that Mandarin uses a special strategy – light verb marking to mark the specific/affected objects.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48083188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
本文通过对含有光杆动宾结构和体标记的汉语非自足句的考察，提出这些句子不合法的原因在于它们都是非限定句。在对非限定句做出的功能定义的基础上，本文指出事件句的时间理解需要三类抽象“时间”，即事件时间（Situation Time, SitT），声称/指称时间（Topic/Reference Time, TT），和说话时间（Utterance Time, UT）。在此基础上，我们进一步指出限定句的骨架的必有成分包括 CP, TP, AspP 和 VP（即 VP-e）。因此，本文讨论的句子之所以不合法，可以归因于骨架的不完整。同时，本文也检验了几种修补该类句子的手段，指出其目的多是加强了谓语的潜在的事件性，以满足限定事件句骨架的需要。由此，本文提出了一种分析汉语非自足句的新的理论框架。
This article examines Chinese non self sufficient sentences containing bare pole verb object structures and aspect markers, and proposes that the reason why these sentences are illegal is that they are all non finite sentences. Based on the functional definition of non finite sentences, this article points out that the understanding of time in event sentences requires three types of abstract "time", namely, Situation Time (SitT), Topic/Reference Time (TT), and Utterance Time (UT). On this basis, we further point out that the essential components of the skeleton of a finite sentence include CP, TP, AspP, and VP (i.e. VP-e). Therefore, the illegality of the sentences discussed in this article can be attributed to the incompleteness of the skeleton. At the same time, this article also examines several methods for repairing such sentences, pointing out that their purpose is mostly to enhance the potential eventuality of the predicate to meet the needs of the skeleton of finite event sentences. Therefore, this article proposes a new theoretical framework for analyzing Chinese non self sufficient sentences.
{"title":"限定性和汉语主句","authors":"R. Sybesma","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.19002.syb","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.19002.syb","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 本文通过对含有光杆动宾结构和体标记的汉语非自足句的考察，提出这些句子不合法的原因在于它们都是非限定句。在对非限定句做出的功能定义的基础上，本文指出事件句的时间理解需要三类抽象“时间”，即事件时间（Situation Time, SitT），声称/指称时间（Topic/Reference Time, TT），和说话时间（Utterance Time, UT）。在此基础上，我们进一步指出限定句的骨架的必有成分包括 CP, TP, AspP 和 VP（即 VP-e）。因此，本文讨论的句子之所以不合法，可以归因于骨架的不完整。同时，本文也检验了几种修补该类句子的手段，指出其目的多是加强了谓语的潜在的事件性，以满足限定事件句骨架的需要。由此，本文提出了一种分析汉语非自足句的新的理论框架。","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44803143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the domain of the prosodic word in the Ningbo dialect. The goal of this paper is to provide a critical review of the studies on the prosodic word (PW) in various languages of the world, and to investigate the phonological phenomena within the domain formed by morpho-syntactic words in the Ningbo dialect as well as discussing the role that the prosodic word plays in the phonological rule application in the Ningbo dialect. This paper provides a complete survey on various types of morpho-syntactic formation in the Ningbo dialect as well as examining the application of phonological phenomena with reference to the different types of morpho-syntactic words. It will show that the lexical tone sandhi rule (LTS) applies within the domain formed by the major types of morpho-syntactic words in Ningbo dialect. However, pure phonological information may also affect the application of LTS.
{"title":"The phonological word in the Ningbo dialect","authors":"Xiangru Lyu","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.19004.LYU","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.19004.LYU","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines the domain of the prosodic word in the Ningbo dialect. The goal of this paper is to provide a\u0000 critical review of the studies on the prosodic word (PW) in various languages of the world, and to investigate the phonological\u0000 phenomena within the domain formed by morpho-syntactic words in the Ningbo dialect as well as discussing the role that the\u0000 prosodic word plays in the phonological rule application in the Ningbo dialect.\u0000 This paper provides a complete survey on various types of morpho-syntactic formation in the Ningbo dialect as well\u0000 as examining the application of phonological phenomena with reference to the different types of morpho-syntactic words. It will\u0000 show that the lexical tone sandhi rule (LTS) applies within the domain formed by the major types of morpho-syntactic words in\u0000 Ningbo dialect. However, pure phonological information may also affect the application of LTS.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42078385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates the previously undocumented focus-sensitiveness of certain scope-bearing expressions in Mandarin, and argues that the syntactic effects of this property should be accommodated by a structure that involves multiple dependencies and inherited dependencies. At the empirical side, it is shown that in Mandarin, certain quantificational expressions as well as typical focusing adverbs have to occur at positions where they (i) c‑command and (ii) be as close as possible to the contrastive foci that they associate with. The similarity to the typical association-with-focus configurations is captured under a unified Agree analysis that incorporated previous variable-adjunction-site analysis for focusing particles in German, while the additional dependencies in these structures are accounted for by multiple Agree and feature inheritance. This analysis is compared with some alternative approaches, which do not have equal empirical coverage or require more complex theoretical assumptions.
{"title":"On embedded contrastive focus in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"Chih-hsiang Shu","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.19003.SHU","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.19003.SHU","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article investigates the previously undocumented focus-sensitiveness of certain scope-bearing expressions in\u0000 Mandarin, and argues that the syntactic effects of this property should be accommodated by a structure that involves multiple\u0000 dependencies and inherited dependencies. At the empirical side, it is shown that in Mandarin, certain quantificational expressions\u0000 as well as typical focusing adverbs have to occur at positions where they (i) c‑command and (ii) be as close as possible to the\u0000 contrastive foci that they associate with. The similarity to the typical association-with-focus configurations is captured under a\u0000 unified Agree analysis that incorporated previous variable-adjunction-site analysis for focusing particles in German, while the\u0000 additional dependencies in these structures are accounted for by multiple Agree and feature inheritance. This analysis is compared\u0000 with some alternative approaches, which do not have equal empirical coverage or require more complex theoretical assumptions.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42422073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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