{"title":"形容词并列短语对其关联词的选择","authors":"C. Wu, Lawrence Yam-Leung Cheung","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.00017.wu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.00017.wu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000汉语形容词并列短语中可用的关联词有很多，如“而”“又”“和”“又…又…”等等，讲话人何时且为何选择某种关联词就成了一大问题。本研究意在总结限制关联词选择的相关因素，并分析它们的影响力大小。基于900条取自北京大学语料库的相关语料，本文选定前人提出的7个限制因素为自变量，6个最常用的关联词为因变量，建立多项式逻辑回归模型，发现形容词并列短语对于关联词的选择是多因素共同作用的结果，总结出了6个限制关联词选择的自变量，按次序分别是：句法位置、音节数量、语义关系、修饰成分、语体、并列项数量，其中“句法位置”和“音节数量”的作用最大。","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"155 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138998144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this study, I first provide an in-depth study on the TSM ho-V construction with a monosyllabic V, especially on the morpho-syntactic function and the degree-introducing function of the morpheme ho ‘hoVD’. Then, based on Liu’s (2020) study on the TSM u-V construction, I comprehensively compare these two constructions, which reaches two major points. First, the ho-V sequence and the u-V sequence are intransitive compound verb. The V that u ‘uVD’ merges with can be a lexical verb or an aspectual verb; however, the V that ho ‘hoVD’ merges with must be a lexical verb. When forming a compound verb with a lexical verb, u ‘uVD’ has the same morpho-syntactic function as ho ‘hoVD’. Second, these two morphemes differ in how to introduce the degree meaning for their corresponding construction. Namely, the dimension of measurement carried by the measure function introduced by u ‘uVD’ is determined by what is measured; however, the morpheme ho ‘hoVD’ intrinsically carries a dimension of measurement. Depending on what the morpheme ho ‘hoVD’ modifies is the entity denoted by the subject in question or the eventuality argument of V, the dimension of measurement carried by it can be interpreted as ‘be good for one to V’ or ‘it is easy for one to V’.
在本研究中，我首先对带有单音节 V 的 TSM ho-V 结构进行了深入研究，尤其是对语素 ho "hoVD "的形态句法功能和程度引申功能进行了研究。然后，笔者在刘晓明（2020）对 TSM u-V 结构研究的基础上，对这两种结构进行了综合比较，得出了两个要点。首先，ho-V 顺序和 u-V 顺序都是不及物复合动词。u'uVD'合并的V可以是词性动词，也可以是方面动词；而ho'hoVD'合并的V必须是词性动词。在与词性动词构成复合动词时，u 'uVD' 与 ho 'hoVD' 具有相同的形态句法功能。其次，这两个词素在如何为其相应的结构引入度量意义上是不同的。也就是说，u'uVD'引入的度量功能所承载的度量维度是由被度量的内容决定的；而语素ho'hoVD'则内在地承载着度量维度。根据语素 ho 'hoVD' 所修饰的是主语所表示的实体还是 V 的事件论据，它所携带的测量维度可以被解释为'对一个人来说 V 是好的'或'对一个人来说 V 是容易的'。
{"title":"The ho-V construction in Taiwanese Southern Min and the degree-introducing morpheme\u0000 ho and u","authors":"Chen-Sheng Luther Liu","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.00014.liu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.00014.liu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this study, I first provide an in-depth study on the TSM ho-V construction with a monosyllabic\u0000 V, especially on the morpho-syntactic function and the degree-introducing function of the morpheme ho\u0000 ‘hoVD’. Then, based on Liu’s (2020) study on the TSM\u0000 u-V construction, I comprehensively compare these two constructions, which reaches two major points. First, the\u0000 ho-V sequence and the u-V sequence are intransitive compound verb. The V that\u0000 u ‘uVD’ merges with can be a lexical verb or an aspectual verb; however, the V that\u0000 ho ‘hoVD’ merges with must be a lexical verb. When forming a compound verb with a lexical verb,\u0000 u ‘uVD’ has the same morpho-syntactic function as ho ‘hoVD’. Second,\u0000 these two morphemes differ in how to introduce the degree meaning for their corresponding construction. Namely, the dimension of\u0000 measurement carried by the measure function introduced by u ‘uVD’ is determined by what is measured;\u0000 however, the morpheme ho ‘hoVD’ intrinsically carries a dimension of measurement. Depending on what\u0000 the morpheme ho ‘hoVD’ modifies is the entity denoted by the subject in question or the eventuality\u0000 argument of V, the dimension of measurement carried by it can be interpreted as ‘be good for one to V’ or ‘it is easy for one to\u0000 V’.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"64 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138999285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Cai (2022): Teaching and Researching Chinese Second Language Listening","authors":"Tae Eun Kim","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.00018.kim","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.00018.kim","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"1 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138999464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to examine the problem of universal metrics developed with English sonnets by analyzing meter in Japanese haiku and Chinese recent-style verse.1 Following Martin (2007), In this study, a haiku is defined as a traditional form of Japanese poetry consisting of three lines, typically with seventeen metrical units per verse arranged in a pattern of five, seven, and five units per line. The data reveals that a system with metrical prominence cannot be applied to Chinese and Japanese metrical verse since linguistic prominence is missing in both languages. The only common feature shared among the metrical systems of the three languages is the existence of a contrast between two types of syllables that belong to opposite classes. However, this contrast only applies in limited situations in the Japanese case. Lastly, instead of a universal metrical structure, the data suggests that the metrical structure in the three languages should be distinguished.
{"title":"Problems with universal metrics","authors":"Bo Zhan","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.00016.zha","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.00016.zha","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper aims to examine the problem of universal metrics developed with English sonnets by analyzing meter in\u0000 Japanese haiku and Chinese recent-style verse.1 Following Martin (2007), In this study, a haiku is defined as a traditional form of Japanese poetry consisting of three lines,\u0000 typically with seventeen metrical units per verse arranged in a pattern of five, seven, and five units per line. The data reveals\u0000 that a system with metrical prominence cannot be applied to Chinese and Japanese metrical verse since linguistic prominence is\u0000 missing in both languages. The only common feature shared among the metrical systems of the three languages is the existence of a\u0000 contrast between two types of syllables that belong to opposite classes. However, this contrast only applies in limited situations\u0000 in the Japanese case. Lastly, instead of a universal metrical structure, the data suggests that the metrical structure in the\u0000 three languages should be distinguished.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"1 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138996464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"同源異形漢字考六則","authors":"Hui-chuan Hsu","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.22003.hsu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.22003.hsu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000在方言對比和諧聲串聯的基礎上，本文訴諸舌根音唇化、舌根塞音塞擦化和去塞擦化，論述臺閩語「箍茶~、豆~｣、｢啡~血、~痰、~瀾：吐口水呸~瀾：吐口水｣、｢齊~勻：平均、喬協調、調整｣、｢晬度~：周歲｣、｢逗、鬥拼湊、同居、結伴一起」和臺灣華語「拐架~子」的本字分別是「麩｣、｢唾｣、｢調｣、｢歲｣、｢湊」及「肘」。中古字母未必是語音討論起點，同音替代時日一久，積非成是。一個理論意義是：知組上古恐非來自端組，而是見組。","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42617797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Previous research has long been divided on the issues of Chinese tone bearing unit and lexical stress. To help address these issues, the present study proposes a tonal timing framework based on two types of timing units, specified μ and unspecified X. It uses Mandarin third tone sandhi and Shanghai Wu tone split and spread processes to illustrate that the proposed framework can provide a unified account of different tone sandhi processes from the temporal dimension. It also discusses the implications of the framework for the TBU size, default tone type, tonal prominence, tonal foot, word-level prominence, and tone-syllable association.
{"title":"Timing specification of Chinese tones","authors":"Ya Li","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.21016.li","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.21016.li","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Previous research has long been divided on the issues of Chinese tone bearing unit and lexical stress. To help\u0000 address these issues, the present study proposes a tonal timing framework based on two types of timing units, specified μ and\u0000 unspecified X. It uses Mandarin third tone sandhi and Shanghai Wu tone split and spread processes to illustrate that the proposed\u0000 framework can provide a unified account of different tone sandhi processes from the temporal dimension. It also discusses the\u0000 implications of the framework for the TBU size, default tone type, tonal prominence, tonal foot, word-level prominence, and\u0000 tone-syllable association.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46978505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper presents empirical evidence for six reconstruction effects in Mandarin Chinese. It includes data concerning the copula verb, epistemic modals, scope of aspectual sentence-final particle –le over indefinite wh-phrases, downward entailing quantifiers, predicates of creation, Binding Condition B, quantifier scope and dōu-quantification. The syntactic structures in which reconstruction applies can be derived either by A- or A-bar-movement. Our investigation brings empirical facts to bear on the syntax-semantics interface showing an essential property of natural language that semantic properties and syntactic structures do not vary freely.
{"title":"Six reconstruction effects in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"P. Law, H. Pan","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.23002.law","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.23002.law","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The paper presents empirical evidence for six reconstruction\u0000 effects in Mandarin Chinese. It includes data concerning the copula verb,\u0000 epistemic modals, scope of aspectual sentence-final particle\u0000 –le over indefinite wh-phrases, downward\u0000 entailing quantifiers, predicates of creation, Binding Condition B, quantifier\u0000 scope and dōu-quantification. The syntactic structures in which\u0000 reconstruction applies can be derived either by A- or A-bar-movement. Our\u0000 investigation brings empirical facts to bear on the syntax-semantics interface\u0000 showing an essential property of natural language that semantic properties and\u0000 syntactic structures do not vary freely.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47042355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present study focuses on the refutatory wh-sentences in Chinese. The main idea is two-fold. First, contrary to the previous accounts arguing for the interrogative nature of refutatory sentences, we argue that refutatory wh-sentences exclude the interrogative force and should be distinguished from rhetorical questions accordingly. Second, we will show that all wh-words bearing the refutatory interpretation should occur as adjuncts, which are syntactically placed in the left periphery. Two subtypes of refutatory wh-adjuncts, namely, propositional refutatory wh-adjuncts and modal refutatory wh-adjuncts, are further classified in this study. The former is semantically akin to the pure negator bu, while the latter semantically relates to modality.
{"title":"Wh-adjuncts in Chinese refutatory\u0000 wh-sentences","authors":"Rong Yin, Xiaoshi Hu","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.22005.yin","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.22005.yin","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The present study focuses on the refutatory\u0000 wh-sentences in Chinese. The main idea is two-fold. First, contrary to the previous accounts arguing for the interrogative nature of\u0000 refutatory sentences, we argue that refutatory wh-sentences\u0000 exclude the interrogative force and should be distinguished from rhetorical\u0000 questions accordingly. Second, we will show that all\u0000 wh-words bearing the refutatory interpretation should occur\u0000 as adjuncts, which are syntactically placed in the left periphery. Two subtypes\u0000 of refutatory wh-adjuncts, namely, propositional refutatory\u0000 wh-adjuncts and modal refutatory\u0000 wh-adjuncts, are further classified in this study. The former\u0000 is semantically akin to the pure negator bu, while the latter\u0000 semantically relates to modality.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58644939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Cao & Yu (2019): Language Contact and Change in Chinese","authors":"Y. Luo","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.22016.luo","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.22016.luo","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47612160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper proposes an eventive copula 做 tso3 in contrast with the stative copula 是 si7 in Taiwanese Southern Min. The eventive copula 做 tso3 can be established on syntactic grounds. It can occur in copular small clauses on purposive phrases c-selected by distinct types of matrix verbs. The eventive copula 做 tso3 and the stative copula 是 si7 are in complementary distribution. Furthermore, due to its eventive nature the copula 做 tso3 is compatible with experiential and progressive aspect markers and durative time adverbs. Nevertheless, unlike the stative copular 是 si7 , the eventive 做 tso3 cannot function as a focus marker. In addition, the eventive copula 做 tso3 rather than its stative counterpart 是 si7 is limited to predicational clauses only.
{"title":"Interpreting the eventive copula 做 tso3 in Taiwanese Southern Min","authors":"Chin-fa Lien","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.16017.lie","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.16017.lie","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper proposes an eventive copula 做 tso3\u0000 in contrast with the stative copula 是 si7\u0000 in Taiwanese Southern\u0000 Min. The eventive copula 做 tso3\u0000 can be established on syntactic grounds. It can occur in\u0000 copular small clauses on purposive phrases c-selected by distinct types of matrix verbs. The eventive copula 做 tso3\u0000 and the stative copula\u0000 是 si7\u0000 are in\u0000 complementary distribution. Furthermore, due to its eventive nature the copula 做 tso3\u0000 is compatible with experiential and progressive\u0000 aspect markers and durative time adverbs. Nevertheless, unlike the stative copular 是 si7\u0000 , the eventive 做 tso3\u0000 cannot function as a\u0000 focus marker. In addition, the eventive copula 做 tso3\u0000 rather than its stative counterpart 是 si7\u0000 is limited to\u0000 predicational clauses only.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46810125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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