{"title":"Lisa Mojsin. 2016. Mastering the American Accent","authors":"Louise Zhang","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.00005.ZHA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.00005.ZHA","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46437527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Mandarin, predicative quantity adjectives (henceforth, Q-adjectives; e.g., duō ‘many’ and shăo ‘few ’; henceforth, predicative Q-adjectives), but not ordinary adjectives (e.g., cōngmi̇́ng ‘smart’), may influence the interpretation of the nominals they are predicates of; while the Mandarin counterpart of speaking of the students one taught, Zhangsan many can (and only can) mean that the students that Zhangsan taught are many, that of speaking of the students one taught, Zhangsan smart can only mean that Zhangsan, but not the student/s that Zhangsan taught, is/are smart. This paper is to show how this previously unnoticed contrast may be accounted for in current theories of degree syntax and semantics. The proposal is couched on Solt’s (2015) analysis of Q-adjectives, according to which measurement of cardinality is introduced via a covert functional head rather than the Q-adjectives per se. The main idea is that in Mandarin the covert functional head that introduces measurement of cardinality semantically encodes a contextually provided function from individuals to individuals. Crucially, although the content of this function is context-dependent, various syntactic and semantic factors may be at play.
在普通话中，谓语量形容词(以下简称q形容词);例如，duhi是“许多”的意思，shaloo是“很少”的意思;从今以后，谓语形容词(q -形容词)，而不是普通形容词(例如cōngmi / ng ' smart ')，可能会影响它们作为谓语的名词的解释;在普通话中，“张三多”指的是张三教的学生多，“张三聪明”指的是张三教的学生多，而“张三聪明”指的是张三聪明，而不是张三教的学生聪明。本文将展示如何在当前的程度语法和语义学理论中解释这种以前未被注意到的对比。该建议是根据Solt(2015)对q -形容词的分析提出的，根据该分析，基数的测量是通过隐蔽的功能头而不是q -形容词本身引入的。主要思想是，在普通话中，引入基数测量的隐蔽功能头在语义上编码了上下文提供的从个体到个体的功能。至关重要的是，尽管该功能的内容依赖于上下文，但各种句法和语义因素可能在起作用。
{"title":"Q-adjectives in Mandarin and the interpretation of nominal phrases","authors":"I-Ta Chris Hsieh","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.18006.HSI","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.18006.HSI","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In Mandarin, predicative quantity adjectives (henceforth, Q-adjectives; e.g.,\u0000 duō ‘many’ and shăo ‘few ’; henceforth, predicative Q-adjectives), but not ordinary\u0000 adjectives (e.g., cōngmi̇́ng ‘smart’), may influence the interpretation of the nominals they are predicates of;\u0000 while the Mandarin counterpart of speaking of the students one taught, Zhangsan many can (and only can) mean that\u0000 the students that Zhangsan taught are many, that of speaking of the students one taught, Zhangsan smart can only\u0000 mean that Zhangsan, but not the student/s that Zhangsan taught, is/are smart. This paper is to show how this previously unnoticed\u0000 contrast may be accounted for in current theories of degree syntax and semantics. The proposal is couched on Solt’s (2015) analysis of Q-adjectives, according to which measurement of cardinality is introduced via a\u0000 covert functional head rather than the Q-adjectives per se. The main idea is that in Mandarin the covert\u0000 functional head that introduces measurement of cardinality semantically encodes a contextually provided function from individuals\u0000 to individuals. Crucially, although the content of this function is context-dependent, various syntactic and semantic factors may\u0000 be at play.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42768146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Yang Yang, Stella Gryllia, Leticia Pablos, L. Cheng
Mandarin wh-words such as shénme are wh-indeterminates, which can have interrogative interpretations (‘what’) or non-interrogative interpretations (i.e., ‘something’), depending on the context and licensors. For example, when diǎnr (‘a little’) appears right in front of a wh-word, the string can have either a wh-question or a declarative interpretation (henceforth, wh-declarative). Yang (2018) carried out a production study and the results showed that wh-questions and wh-declaratives have different prosodic properties. To investigate whether and when listeners make use of prosody to anticipate the clause type (i.e., question vs. declarative), we conducted a sentence perception study and an audio-gating experiment. Results of the perception study and the gating experiment show that (1) Participants can make use of prosody to differentiate the two clause types; (2) Starting from the onset of the first word of the target sentence (wh-question/wh-declarative), participants already demonstrate a preference for the clause type that was intended by the speaker. The current study also sheds light on the clausal typing mechanism in Mandarin (e.g., how to mark a clause as a wh-question) by providing evidence of the role of prosody in marking clause types in Mandarin.
{"title":"Clause type anticipation based on prosody in Mandarin","authors":"Yang Yang, Stella Gryllia, Leticia Pablos, L. Cheng","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.18004.YAN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.18004.YAN","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Mandarin wh-words such as shénme are wh-indeterminates, which\u0000 can have interrogative interpretations (‘what’) or non-interrogative interpretations (i.e., ‘something’), depending on the context\u0000 and licensors. For example, when diǎnr (‘a little’) appears right in front of a wh-word, the\u0000 string can have either a wh-question or a declarative interpretation (henceforth,\u0000 wh-declarative). Yang (2018) carried out a production study and the\u0000 results showed that wh-questions and wh-declaratives have different prosodic properties. To\u0000 investigate whether and when listeners make use of prosody to anticipate the clause type (i.e., question vs. declarative), we\u0000 conducted a sentence perception study and an audio-gating experiment. Results of the perception study and the gating experiment\u0000 show that (1) Participants can make use of prosody to differentiate the two clause types; (2) Starting from the onset of the first\u0000 word of the target sentence (wh-question/wh-declarative), participants already demonstrate a\u0000 preference for the clause type that was intended by the speaker. The current study also sheds light on the clausal typing\u0000 mechanism in Mandarin (e.g., how to mark a clause as a wh-question) by providing evidence of the role of prosody\u0000 in marking clause types in Mandarin.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43669504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, I demonstrate how past time-reference, modality, negation, conditional, and the causal relationship between the protasis and the apodosis work together to generate counterfactuality in Chinese, syntactically. I study two syntactic means that can help construe counterfactuality in Chinese. First, I study the case of the specialized complementizer yaobushi ‘if not for’ based on Ippolito and Su (2009) by arguing that the causal clausal relationship and the overt or covert modality are obligatory in yaobushi counterfactual; in particular, I resort to the inherent negative entailment of the modal adverb cai ‘not until’ that satisfies the exhaustive operator to account for the needed negation in cai apodosis. Second, I propose that a hypothetical conditional clause with a past time-reference guarantees past counterfactuality in Chinese. I extend the morphological past-tense exclusion operator for counterfactuality (Iatridou 2000) to a more general and more pragmatic past time-reference to include tenseless languages like Chinese. I also show the special typological status of past tense and past counterfactual.
{"title":"Encoding counterfactuality in Chinese, syntactically","authors":"Haiyong Liu","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.18002.LIU","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.18002.LIU","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this article, I demonstrate how past time-reference, modality, negation, conditional, and the causal\u0000 relationship between the protasis and the apodosis work together to generate counterfactuality in Chinese, syntactically. I study\u0000 two syntactic means that can help construe counterfactuality in Chinese. First, I study the case of the specialized complementizer\u0000 yaobushi ‘if not for’ based on Ippolito and Su (2009) by arguing\u0000 that the causal clausal relationship and the overt or covert modality are obligatory in yaobushi counterfactual;\u0000 in particular, I resort to the inherent negative entailment of the modal adverb cai ‘not until’ that satisfies\u0000 the exhaustive operator to account for the needed negation in cai apodosis. Second, I propose that a hypothetical\u0000 conditional clause with a past time-reference guarantees past counterfactuality in Chinese. I extend the morphological past-tense\u0000 exclusion operator for counterfactuality (Iatridou 2000) to a more general and more\u0000 pragmatic past time-reference to include tenseless languages like Chinese. I also show the special typological status of past\u0000 tense and past counterfactual.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49397345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to develop the empirical and theoretical basis for the necessity of motivating a cartographic approach (Rizzi 1997; Cinque 1999) to the clausal structure of nonsententials (NSs) in Mandarin. Especially noteworthy about NSs is that they are able to encode clause type information, illocutionary force and the discourse roles speaker and hearer/addressee, though their structure is considerably reduced. Following the line of reasoning in Sigurðsson & Maling (2012) and Tsai (2015a, 2015b), I show that NSs have a fully-fledged CP structure, according to the effects exerted upon their interpretation. Adopting Haegeman’s (2014) sa*P analysis of the discourse particle in West Flemish, I argue that NSs contain a suprasentential structure, a Speech Act layer, dominating ForceP and responsible for the encoding of the speaker- hearer/addressee relation sensitive to the immediate context. Crucially, it is argued that the discourse properties surrounding NSs pertain to the articulated CP structure of NSs. The major consequence of the proposed analysis is to show that the theory of discourse is closely tied to the architecture of grammar in general, adding weight to the view that the transparent syntax-discourse mapping results from a set of functional projections layered in the CP periphery.
{"title":"On the syntax-discourse interface of nonsententials in Mandarin","authors":"Wei-Cherng Sam Jheng","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.18001.JHE","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.18001.JHE","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper aims to develop the empirical and theoretical basis for the necessity of motivating a cartographic approach (Rizzi 1997; Cinque 1999) to the clausal\u0000 structure of nonsententials (NSs) in Mandarin. Especially noteworthy about NSs is that they are able to encode clause type\u0000 information, illocutionary force and the discourse roles speaker and hearer/addressee, though their\u0000 structure is considerably reduced. Following the line of reasoning in Sigurðsson & Maling\u0000 (2012) and Tsai (2015a, 2015b), I\u0000 show that NSs have a fully-fledged CP structure, according to the effects exerted upon their interpretation. Adopting Haegeman’s (2014) sa*P analysis of the discourse particle in West Flemish, I argue that\u0000 NSs contain a suprasentential structure, a Speech Act layer, dominating ForceP and responsible for the encoding of the\u0000 speaker- hearer/addressee relation sensitive to the immediate context. Crucially, it is argued that the\u0000 discourse properties surrounding NSs pertain to the articulated CP structure of NSs. The major consequence of the proposed\u0000 analysis is to show that the theory of discourse is closely tied to the architecture of grammar in general, adding weight to the\u0000 view that the transparent syntax-discourse mapping results from a set of functional projections layered in the CP periphery.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44570336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper proposes a reconciliation of two opposite perspectives on a syntactic configuration and its associated semantic interpretation. Of these two, one is the view that a syntactic structure maps onto its semantic structure on a strict compositionality condition, and one is the view that a syntactic construction is not strictly compositional but has an inherent, endowed meaning, not compositionally derived. The proposed resolution attempts to settle the disagreement by differentiating an endowed-meaning construction into a compatible compositional-meaning structure, which in reverse is integrated into the original construction. As a result, structure and construction emerge as two sides of the same coin, and the disagreement is resolved.
{"title":"Differentiating a construction into a structure","authors":"Hsin-I Hsieh","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.17009.HSI","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.17009.HSI","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper proposes a reconciliation of two opposite perspectives on a syntactic configuration and its associated semantic\u0000 interpretation. Of these two, one is the view that a syntactic structure maps onto its semantic structure on a\u0000 strict compositionality condition, and one is the view that a syntactic construction is not strictly\u0000 compositional but has an inherent, endowed meaning, not compositionally derived. The proposed resolution attempts to settle the\u0000 disagreement by differentiating an endowed-meaning construction into a compatible compositional-meaning structure, which in\u0000 reverse is integrated into the original construction. As a result, structure and construction emerge as two sides of the same\u0000 coin, and the disagreement is resolved.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43919727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this paper is to study the empty categories which may exist inside the Chinese DP domain. The primary discussion concerns an empty category which results from the deletion of NP. This paper introduces a novel observation that equation sentences with a “Modifier- Empty-NP” object can only result from ellipsis, and cannot be a base-generated pro-Form in Mandarin Chinese. I further show that the rich array of functional elements and modifications in the internal structure of the Chinese DP can aid linguists in ascertaining the domain over which deletion happens.
{"title":"PF deletion within Chinese DPs","authors":"Liching Livy Chiu","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.17007.CHI","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.17007.CHI","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The aim of this paper is to study the empty categories which may exist inside the Chinese DP domain. The primary\u0000 discussion concerns an empty category which results from the deletion of NP. This paper introduces a novel\u0000 observation that equation sentences with a “Modifier- Empty-NP” object can only result from ellipsis, and cannot be a\u0000 base-generated pro-Form in Mandarin Chinese. I further show that the rich array of functional elements and modifications in the internal structure of the Chinese DP can aid linguists in ascertaining the domain over which deletion happens.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45501310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article categorizes the disyllabic verbs that can appear in the "ba" sentence into six categories based on their different word formation forms, and conducts a quantitative analysis from three aspects: pitch, length, and intensity. The results show that the prosodic distribution patterns of the six sets of disyllabic verb "ba" sentences all show the maximum range of tone, the extension of sound length, and the increase of sound intensity at the verb. This indicates that the focus of "ba" sentences is on the verb, and "ba" sentences highlight their meaning through syntactic and phonological prosodic operations.
{"title":"双音节动词 “把” 字句的焦点考察","authors":"Chenwei Xie","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.18005.XIE","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.18005.XIE","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 本文将“把”字句中可出现的双音节动词按其构词形式的不同分为六类，并从音高、音长和音强三方面进行定量分析。结果表明，六组双音节动词“把”字句的韵律分布模式均是在动词处出现调域的最大值、音长的延长和音强的增幅，这说明“把”字句的焦点在动词上，“把”字句通过句法操作和语音韵律操作来凸显处置义。","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44603072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses the syntax and semantics of the DS comparative in Chinese, which is an adjectival comparative in which the sequence gèng duō ‘even-more much’ occurs as the degree búyǔ complement clause of the matrix adjective. The element duō ‘much’ is a quantity-adjective that interacts with gèng ‘even-more’ to introduce an additional standard of comparison into the DS comparative in order to make the comparison denoted by the degree búyǔ complement clause possible.
本文讨论了汉语DS比较级的句法和语义，它是一个形容词比较级，其中序列g duku ' even-more much '作为矩阵形容词的程度补语búyǔ出现。dui ' much '是一个数量形容词，它与' even-more '相互作用，在DS比较级中引入了一个额外的比较标准，以便使程度búyǔ补语从句表示的比较成为可能。
{"title":"A comparative with two standards of comparison","authors":"C. Liu","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.17003.LIU","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.17003.LIU","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article discusses the syntax and semantics of the DS comparative in Chinese, which is an adjectival comparative in which the\u0000 sequence gèng duō ‘even-more much’ occurs as the degree búyǔ complement clause of the matrix\u0000 adjective. The element duō ‘much’ is a quantity-adjective that interacts with gèng ‘even-more’\u0000 to introduce an additional standard of comparison into the DS comparative in order to make the comparison denoted by the degree\u0000 búyǔ complement clause possible.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42654526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article reviews The bilingual mind and what it tells us about language and thought 9780521716567
这篇文章回顾了双语思维以及它告诉我们的关于语言和思维的信息
{"title":"Aneta Pavlenko. 2014. The bilingual mind and what it tells us about language and thought","authors":"Haizhen Wang","doi":"10.1075/IJCHL.00004.WAN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IJCHL.00004.WAN","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews The bilingual mind and what it tells us about language and thought 9780521716567","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46509420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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