This paper aims to provide a resolution of Frege’s difficulties in the semantic composition of discourse reporting by conducting a case study of Zuozhuan. The sample corpus involves a typical contrast between semantic transparency and discourse reporting. As is revealed by the special wording of ancient Chinese, it should be the fact represented by the mixed quotation that serves as the object of the reporting predicate. This leads to objectification of a fact. Hence it can be inferred that a specific layer of meaning is picked out by a specific reporting predicate. When this inference is applied to the case of direct speech, it follows that some layers of its pragmatic meaning contribute to the semantic meaning of the reporting clause by being singled out as the objects of the reporting predicates. Some of them are abstract entities, like rheme and illocution. This leads to objectification of an abstract entity. In defense of objectification, we find that the difficulties of the compositionality principle (CP) in discourse reporting are caused by the ignorance of the hierarchical structure of discourse and the false belief that objects must be concrete entities in the world. Objectification enables the CP to be recursively applied from a reported clause to a reporting clause.
{"title":"The revelation of ancient Chinese to semantic compositionality in discourse reporting","authors":"Sicheng Nie, Yongshou Huo","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.22002.nie","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.22002.nie","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper aims to provide a resolution of Frege’s difficulties in the semantic composition of discourse reporting\u0000 by conducting a case study of Zuozhuan. The sample corpus involves a typical contrast between semantic\u0000 transparency and discourse reporting. As is revealed by the special wording of ancient Chinese, it should be the fact represented\u0000 by the mixed quotation that serves as the object of the reporting predicate. This leads to objectification of a fact. Hence it can\u0000 be inferred that a specific layer of meaning is picked out by a specific reporting predicate. When this inference is applied to\u0000 the case of direct speech, it follows that some layers of its pragmatic meaning contribute to the semantic meaning of the\u0000 reporting clause by being singled out as the objects of the reporting predicates. Some of them are abstract entities, like rheme\u0000 and illocution. This leads to objectification of an abstract entity. In defense of objectification, we find that the difficulties\u0000 of the compositionality principle (CP) in discourse reporting are caused by the ignorance of the hierarchical structure of\u0000 discourse and the false belief that objects must be concrete entities in the world. Objectification enables the CP to be\u0000 recursively applied from a reported clause to a reporting clause.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43470422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the duō event quantity construction, duō ‘much’ is a quantity adjective. What duō ‘much’ modifies is the root of the verb and the root has to move to the light verb position to be categorically defined. The quantity adjective duō ‘much’ functions to introduce a measure function which measures the event denoted by the verb along the dimension valued by the assignment function A, and the domain to which the measure function applies must be monotonic. So, the ‘modification’ relation between the quantity adjective duō ‘much’ and its modifyee essentially differs from that between a typical gradable adjective like tián ‘sweat’ and its modifyee. This explains how the quantity adjective duō ‘much’ differs from the typical adjective in syntax and semantics.
{"title":"The quantity adjective duō in Chinese and the event quantity construction","authors":"C. Liu","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.21005.liu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.21005.liu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In the duō event quantity construction, duō ‘much’ is a quantity adjective. What\u0000 duō ‘much’ modifies is the root of the verb and the root has to move to the light verb position to be\u0000 categorically defined. The quantity adjective duō ‘much’ functions to introduce a measure function which measures\u0000 the event denoted by the verb along the dimension valued by the assignment function A, and the domain to which\u0000 the measure function applies must be monotonic. So, the ‘modification’ relation between the quantity adjective\u0000 duō ‘much’ and its modifyee essentially differs from that between a typical gradable adjective like\u0000 tián ‘sweat’ and its modifyee. This explains how the quantity adjective duō ‘much’ differs\u0000 from the typical adjective in syntax and semantics.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42696559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I focus on the Mandarin spatial preposition zai (‘at’), which can appear in the VP domain, like other spatial prepositions, but which can also appear in the TP domain, where it’s presence or absence is sensitive to the animacy and definiteness properties of its object. I argue that zai’s distribution and behavior in the TP domain is expected if it functions as a differential argument marker triggered by internal topicalization of its object. Implications of the current analysis for the internal structure of spatial PPs are also considered.
{"title":"The idiosyncratic preposition zai in Mandarin Chinese and differential argument marking","authors":"Pei-Jung Kuo","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.21003.kuo","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.21003.kuo","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper, I focus on the Mandarin spatial preposition zai (‘at’), which can appear in the VP\u0000 domain, like other spatial prepositions, but which can also appear in the TP domain, where it’s presence or absence is sensitive\u0000 to the animacy and definiteness properties of its object. I argue that zai’s distribution and behavior in the TP\u0000 domain is expected if it functions as a differential argument marker triggered by internal topicalization of its object.\u0000 Implications of the current analysis for the internal structure of spatial PPs are also considered.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48818921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the discourse-pragmatic functions of the epistemic markers haoxiang “seem” and keneng “probably” in natural conversations of Mandarin Chinese. By examining 107 cases of haoxiang and 152 cases of keneng in sequential contexts, it demonstrates that both haoxiang and keneng are hedge expressions showing the speaker’s attitude of lack of commitment to the truthfulness of their own utterance, which is often driven by an intersubjective motivation. As epistemic markers, haoxiang tends to mitigate informational certainty that is based on the speaker’s personal but vague experience, while keneng is often used to mitigate the assertiveness of the speaker’s personal speculation deduced from background knowledge, general knowledge or commonly accepted logic. Further, this study claims that both haoxiang and keneng often serve as politeness devices to mitigate various Face Threatening Acts (FTAs) such as disconfirmation, disagreement or negative assessment. In either case, haoxiang and keneng are not merely epistemic markers revealing the speaker’s subjective uncertainty, but also serve as politeness markers for the purpose of intersubjectivity, and their multiple discourse-pragmatic usages are rooted in their semantic meanings, respectively.
{"title":"A discourse-pragmatic functional study of Chinese epistemic markers haoxiang “seem” and\u0000 keneng “probably”","authors":"Yan Wang","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.20014.wan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.20014.wan","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study investigates the discourse-pragmatic functions of the epistemic markers haoxiang\u0000 “seem” and keneng “probably” in natural conversations of Mandarin Chinese. By examining 107 cases of\u0000 haoxiang and 152 cases of keneng in sequential contexts, it demonstrates that both\u0000 haoxiang and keneng are hedge expressions showing the speaker’s attitude of lack of\u0000 commitment to the truthfulness of their own utterance, which is often driven by an intersubjective motivation.\u0000 As epistemic markers, haoxiang tends to mitigate informational certainty that is based on the\u0000 speaker’s personal but vague experience, while keneng is often used to mitigate the assertiveness of the\u0000 speaker’s personal speculation deduced from background knowledge, general knowledge or commonly accepted logic.\u0000 Further, this study claims that both haoxiang and keneng often serve as\u0000 politeness devices to mitigate various Face Threatening Acts (FTAs) such as disconfirmation, disagreement or negative assessment.\u0000 In either case, haoxiang and keneng are not merely epistemic markers revealing the speaker’s\u0000 subjective uncertainty, but also serve as politeness markers for the purpose of intersubjectivity, and their multiple\u0000 discourse-pragmatic usages are rooted in their semantic meanings, respectively.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42393708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Refutatory na-sentences possess several syntactic properties that are absent in their interrogative counterparts. First, they carry the assertive rather than interrogative force; second, they are mainly used to refute a claim made by another interlocutor. Given the fact that such a distinction is correlated with the position that na ‘where’ occupies in sentence, I propose that when na serves as an interrogative wh-phrase, it is nominal and consists of na and an indefinite morpheme concerning location; in contrast, when na is a refutatory marker, it is an adjunct, containing an additional negative operator that binds a location-associated variable encoded in the indefinite morpheme. The refutatory na further has to move to the Spec of ForceP at LF to acquire the illocutionary force. This analysis not only accounts for the syntactic and pragmatic properties of the refutatory na, but also supports the claim that Mandarin wh-arguments and wh-adjuncts are formed differently.
{"title":"Refutatory na-sentences in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"C. Liu","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.21001.liu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.21001.liu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Refutatory na-sentences possess several syntactic properties that are absent in their\u0000 interrogative counterparts. First, they carry the assertive rather than interrogative force; second, they are mainly used to\u0000 refute a claim made by another interlocutor. Given the fact that such a distinction is correlated with the position that\u0000 na ‘where’ occupies in sentence, I propose that when na serves as an interrogative\u0000 wh-phrase, it is nominal and consists of na and an indefinite morpheme concerning location;\u0000 in contrast, when na is a refutatory marker, it is an adjunct, containing an additional negative operator that\u0000 binds a location-associated variable encoded in the indefinite morpheme. The refutatory na further has to move to\u0000 the Spec of ForceP at LF to acquire the illocutionary force. This analysis not only accounts for the syntactic and pragmatic\u0000 properties of the refutatory na, but also supports the claim that Mandarin wh-arguments and\u0000 wh-adjuncts are formed differently.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48099928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Why does an argument clause contain a meaningless complementizer in languages such as English and German, but not in Mandarin; and why does an adverbial clause occur with a meaningless correlative adverb in the matrix clause in Mandarin, but not in languages such as English and German? Extending the c-selection from one type of sisterhood to another type of sisterhood, this paper recognizes the modification relation as a kind of selection relation, in addition to the familiar kind of argument-taking selection relation. This research argues that dependency marking is seen in different types of sister relations. It shows how Mandarin uses modification markers systematically, but does not use argument markers, also systematically. The paper explains the existence of modification markers in various constructions in Mandarin and in various languages. It lets us gain a better understanding of language variations.
{"title":"Two kinds of selection marking","authors":"N. Zhang","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.21002.zha","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.21002.zha","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Why does an argument clause contain a meaningless complementizer in languages such as English and German, but not\u0000 in Mandarin; and why does an adverbial clause occur with a meaningless correlative adverb in the matrix clause in Mandarin, but\u0000 not in languages such as English and German? Extending the c-selection from one type of sisterhood to another type of sisterhood,\u0000 this paper recognizes the modification relation as a kind of selection relation, in addition to the familiar kind of\u0000 argument-taking selection relation. This research argues that dependency marking is seen in different types of sister relations.\u0000 It shows how Mandarin uses modification markers systematically, but does not use argument markers, also systematically. The paper\u0000 explains the existence of modification markers in various constructions in Mandarin and in various languages. It lets us gain a\u0000 better understanding of language variations.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45048188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Yang (2021): The Acquisition of Chinese as a Second Language Pronunciation: Segments and Prosody","authors":"Qing-yi Chen, Yanrong Du, S. You","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.22007.che","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.22007.che","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44717219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates the extension of a third person human bound pronoun to cover a nonhuman function and its implications for the grammar of pronouns in the Formosan language Tsou. It is found that (i) the newly derived bound pronoun can encode not only a place or an animal but also a time; (ii) it can refer to either a singular or a plural; (iii) the semantic extension is restricted to the invisible singular set of bound pronouns; (v) it surfaces as a suffix rather than an enclitic; (vi) it triggers either ergative or possessive agreement. These findings have far-reaching implications. On the one hand, they enrich the already sophisticated system of pronouns of Tsou. On the other hand, they differentiate Tsou from other Formosan languages with bound pronouns and identify Tsou as a language like Archaic Chinese/French instead of English/Swedish.
{"title":"On the emergence of a nonhuman bound pronoun in Tsou and its implications","authors":"H. Chang","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.20012.cha","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.20012.cha","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper investigates the extension of a third person human bound pronoun to cover a nonhuman function and its\u0000 implications for the grammar of pronouns in the Formosan language Tsou. It is found that (i) the newly derived bound pronoun can\u0000 encode not only a place or an animal but also a time; (ii) it can refer to either a singular or a plural; (iii) the semantic\u0000 extension is restricted to the invisible singular set of bound pronouns; (v) it surfaces as a suffix rather than an enclitic; (vi)\u0000 it triggers either ergative or possessive agreement. These findings have far-reaching implications. On the one hand, they enrich\u0000 the already sophisticated system of pronouns of Tsou. On the other hand, they differentiate Tsou from other Formosan languages\u0000 with bound pronouns and identify Tsou as a language like Archaic Chinese/French instead of English/Swedish.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47127828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With detailed examinations of the four characters that are known to be the most commonly used verb suffixes (huà, dé/de, yú and yĭ) and their correlative implementations in Mandarin disyllabic verbs, this article discusses the traits of the derivative structure that are formed with a content morpheme and a suffix. The observations show that not all of the disyllabic words where these characters are the second morpheme are derivative verbs. On the other hand, being the derivational components of the disyllabic verbs, these suffixes all have their individual qualities that lead to their non-uniformed morphological representations.
本文详细考察了汉语双音动词中最常用的四个动词后缀(huou, d /de, yú和y_)及其相关实现，讨论了由内容素和后缀构成的派生结构的特点。观察结果表明，并非所有这些字为第二语素的双音节词都是衍生动词。另一方面，作为双音节动词的衍生成分，这些后缀都有其各自的特性，导致其不统一的形态表征。
{"title":"The derivative structure of Mandarin disyllabic verbs","authors":"Shin Yong Robson","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.20022.rob","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.20022.rob","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 With detailed examinations of the four characters that are known to be the most commonly used verb suffixes\u0000 (huà, dé/de, yú and yĭ) and their correlative implementations in Mandarin disyllabic verbs,\u0000 this article discusses the traits of the derivative structure that are formed with a content morpheme and a suffix. The\u0000 observations show that not all of the disyllabic words where these characters are the second morpheme are derivative verbs. On the\u0000 other hand, being the derivational components of the disyllabic verbs, these suffixes all have their individual qualities that\u0000 lead to their non-uniformed morphological representations.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42686656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This work investigates the division of labor between mood and illocutionary force in syntax by examining three modal construals encoded by the speaker-oriented adverb zuìhǎo ‘best’ (deontic, epistemic and evidential) in Mandarin, and accounts for a cluster of syntactic and pragmatic properties it is associated with. Very much in line with Tsai’s (2015a, 2015b and 2015d) modal system in Mandarin, it is observed that each type of zuìhǎo can co-occur with its matching modal auxiliary in the fashion of Cinque’s (1999) ‘location-in-Spec’ hypothesis and encodes a certain type of illocutionary force. One persistent question is how zuìhǎo substantiates illocutionary force in syntax, while its designated position is not situated in the licensing domain of ForceP. As far as the left periphery is concerned, this work argues for a conspiracy between syntax, semantics and pragmatics to ensure the success in activating the Bidirectional Agree relation between speech act, force and mood. We argue for a speech act layer (Sa*P) externally merging to CP (Speas and Tenny, 2003), whose head values the uninterpretable speech act feature [uSa] on Force0 via the Bidirectional Agree to trigger its interface with the utterance content (CP). Meanwhile, following Kempchinsky’s (2009) idea, it is further argued in this work that Force0 hosts the uninterpretable feature [uW] which has to be checked and valued by the modal construals of zuìhǎo to determine the irrealis-realis mood. An immediate implication is that ForceP serves as a gateway to not only mood but also speech act at the interface. Several issues involved in dealing with zuìhǎo are discussed.
{"title":"A cartographic view on mood prominence and force in Mandarin","authors":"Wei-Cherng Sam Jheng","doi":"10.1075/ijchl.20011.jhe","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.20011.jhe","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This work investigates the division of labor between mood and illocutionary force in syntax by examining three\u0000 modal construals encoded by the speaker-oriented adverb zuìhǎo ‘best’ (deontic, epistemic and evidential) in\u0000 Mandarin, and accounts for a cluster of syntactic and pragmatic properties it is associated with. Very much in line with Tsai’s\u0000 (2015a, 2015b and 2015d) modal system in Mandarin, it is observed that each type of zuìhǎo can co-occur\u0000 with its matching modal auxiliary in the fashion of Cinque’s (1999) ‘location-in-Spec’\u0000 hypothesis and encodes a certain type of illocutionary force. One persistent question is how zuìhǎo substantiates\u0000 illocutionary force in syntax, while its designated position is not situated in the licensing domain of ForceP. As far as the left\u0000 periphery is concerned, this work argues for a conspiracy between syntax, semantics and pragmatics to ensure the success in\u0000 activating the Bidirectional Agree relation between speech act, force and mood. We argue for a speech act layer (Sa*P) externally\u0000 merging to CP (Speas and Tenny, 2003), whose head values the uninterpretable speech act feature [uSa] on Force0\u0000 via the Bidirectional Agree to trigger its interface with the utterance content (CP). Meanwhile, following Kempchinsky’s (2009) idea, it is further argued in this work that Force0 hosts the\u0000 uninterpretable feature [uW] which has to be checked and valued by the modal construals of\u0000 zuìhǎo to determine the irrealis-realis mood. An immediate implication is that ForceP serves as a gateway to\u0000 not only mood but also speech act at the interface. Several issues involved in dealing with zuìhǎo are\u0000 discussed.","PeriodicalId":41020,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48108205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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