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Reply to “The Dynamics of Elite Domination in Early Modern Korea” by Javier CHA 对哈维尔·查“近代早期韩国精英统治的动态”的回复
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-11-01 DOI: 10.21866/ESJEAS.2017.17.2.007
Martina Deuchler
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引用次数: 1
Janus-Faced Colonial Policy: Making Sense of the Contradictions in Japanese Administrative Rhetoric and Practice in Korea Janus面临的殖民政策:解读日本在韩国的行政辞令与实践中的矛盾
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-11-01 DOI: 10.21866/ESJEAS.2017.17.2.001
Mark E. Caprio
ABSTRACT:Studies on Japan's assimilation policies in Korea (1910–1945) frequently criticize the contradiction between the rhetoric of inclusiveness Japan used to describe its administration and the policy of discrimination it advanced in the colony. This paper argues this contradiction is characteristic of other administrations that the colonizers employed in territories contiguous with the colonial homeland, including the French in Algeria and the Germans in Alsace and Lorraine. It contrasts this peripheral expansion with the intensive assimilation efforts found in internal nation-building expansion, and the less intrusive external expansion where colonizers built social walls to separate colonizer from colonized. In Korea, evidence of this contradiction between rhetoric and practice appeared in various social, economic, and political areas. This paper emphasizes the contradiction found in the education system established by the government general, which offered Koreans elementary schooling of a lesser quality than that provided Japanese both in Japan and in Korea. Over the decades of colonial rule in Korea the Japanese proposed a number of reforms that promised to close the gap between colonizer and colonized education, and scheduled others that due to Japan's defeat in the Asian Pacific wars never materialized. Thus it remains an open question as to whether Japan's assimilation policies would have succeeded in closing the rhetoric-practice gap had the colonizers had more time. Japanese relations with other minority peoples, including Okinawans and Ainu, suggest that, while one factor, time alone might not have narrowed this gap to sufficiently assimilate Koreans, both those residing on the peninsula and in the colonial homeland.
摘要:日本在朝鲜的同化政策研究(1910-1945)经常批评日本用来描述其政府的包容性言论与在殖民地推行的歧视政策之间的矛盾。本文认为,这种矛盾是殖民者在与殖民地相连的领土上工作的其他政府的特点,包括阿尔及利亚的法国人和阿尔萨斯和洛林的德国人。它将这种外围扩张与内部国家建设扩张中的密集同化努力以及殖民者建造社会墙以将殖民者与被殖民者分隔开来的侵入性较小的外部扩张进行了对比。在韩国,各种社会、经济和政治领域都出现了这种修辞与实践之间矛盾的证据。本文强调了政府建立的教育体系中存在的矛盾,该体系在日本和韩国为韩国人提供的小学教育质量都低于日本人。在朝鲜几十年的殖民统治中,日本人提出了一系列改革,承诺缩小殖民者和被殖民者之间的教育差距,并计划了其他由于日本在亚太战争中失败而从未实现的改革。因此,如果殖民者有更多的时间,日本的同化政策是否会成功地缩小言论和实践的差距,这仍然是一个悬而未决的问题。日本与包括冲绳人和阿伊努人在内的其他少数民族的关系表明,尽管有一个因素,但仅凭时间可能无法缩小这一差距,从而充分同化居住在半岛和殖民地的韩国人。
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引用次数: 1
Failed Solidarity: Confronting Imperial Structures in Kim Sa-ryang's "Into the Light" and Kim Tal-su's "Village with a View of Mt. Fuji" 失败的团结:金思良《走向光明》与金塔秀《富士山村》中的帝国结构对抗
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-11-01 DOI: 10.21866/ESJEAS.2017.17.2.004
J. Glade
ABSTRACT:Published twelve year's apart, Kim Sa-ryang's "Into the Light" (1939) and Kim Tal-su's "Village with a View of Mt. Fuji" (1951) straddle the August 15, 1945 border that separates Imperial Japan (or colonial Korea) from postwar occupied Japan (or "liberated" Korea). Since these two works represent different sides of this chronological binary, it is telling that both represent Japanese society as being stratified based on a social hierarchy of ethnic difference. This article argues that Kim Sa-ryang and Kim Tal-su's efforts to subvert this distinction between the colonizer and the colonized fails because imperial structures, in both Imperial Japan and postwar Japan, prevent solidarity between Koreans and oppressed Japanese groups. The threads of continuity between these two works, therefore, pose a powerful critique of the postwar persistence of these structures and their continued impact on Japan, even while under the occupation of an external power.
摘要:金沙良的《走进光明》(1939)和金塔秀的《看富士山的村庄》(1951)相隔12年出版,跨越了1945年8月15日日本帝国(或殖民朝鲜)和战后占领的日本(或“解放”朝鲜)之间的边界。由于这两部作品代表了这种时间二元对立的不同方面,这说明它们都代表了基于种族差异的社会等级制度的日本社会。本文认为,金思良和金塔秀试图颠覆殖民者和被殖民者之间的这种区别的努力失败了,因为日本帝国主义和战后日本的帝国结构都阻止了朝鲜人和被压迫的日本群体之间的团结。因此,这两部作品之间的连续性线索,对这些结构的战后持久性及其对日本的持续影响提出了强有力的批评,即使在外部势力占领下也是如此。
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引用次数: 0
Thinking about Japan's Territorial Disputes 关于日本领土争端的思考
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-11-01 DOI: 10.21866/ESJEAS.2017.17.2.002
A. Dudden
Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.17 No.2 © 2017 Academy of East Asian Studies. 149-162 DOI: 10.21866/esjeas.2017.17.2.002 email of the author: alexis.dudden@uwnn.edu 149 Introduction In August 1945, Emperor Hirohito announced Japan’s total defeat in the wake of America’s nuclear destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the firebombing decimation of over sixty other major Japanese cities, and the near annihilation of the Ryukyu Islands in the East China Sea (more commonly known as Okinawa). Equally important, Russia abrogated its neutrality pact with Japan, and Soviet troops were overwhelming Japanese soldiers and settlers in the northern reaches of the nation’s empire in Manchuria, northern Korea, southern Sakhalin Island, and the Kuril Islands. Only three years earlier—the moment of the height of the Japanese empire—the territory that was under Tokyo’s control stretched from the Aleutian Islands off of Alaska in the northern Pacific all the way south through the Marshall Islands and the Solomon Islands, arching just above Australia through New Guinea and Indonesia, heading north again through Burma (now Myanmar), and including much of coastal and central China and the northern Manchurian region before heading east again through Korea back to Japan proper. Significantly, Japan controlled the Pacific Ocean space therein, making it, as historian William Tsutsui has explained, very much a “pelagic empire,” too (Tsutsui 2013, 21−38). To accomplish the capture of so much of the planet’s surface area meant that state planners and their agents—Japanese subjects by birth and colonized people as well—had directed an extremely rapid transformation of spaces and beings during Japan has territorial disputes with each of its international neighbors in the form of sovereignty contests over small islands that are shards of its once vast mid-twentieth century empire. In the meantime, recently emerging global ocean laws have taken root that urge some nationalists to take a maximalist approach to defining the space of their respective countries, although these same laws allow for more flexible approaches as well. In the past two decades, Japanese leaders have made clear that they are committed to national policies and planning that re-orient Japan again as a maritime nation. Moving forward, therefore, is the question of whether Japanese leaders will adopt a rigid definition for Japan or a more fluid one that emphasizes borderlines in the sea around
成均东亚研究杂志第17卷第2期©2017东亚研究院。149-162 DOI:10.21866/esjea.2017.17.2.002作者邮箱:alexis.dudden@uwnn.edu149简介1945年8月,在美国对广岛和长崎进行核破坏,用燃烧弹摧毁了日本其他60多个主要城市,并几乎摧毁了东海的琉球群岛(通常称为冲绳)之后,裕仁天皇宣布日本彻底失败。同样重要的是,俄罗斯废除了与日本的中立条约,苏联军队在帝国北部的满洲、朝鲜北部、库页岛南部和千岛群岛压倒了日本士兵和定居者。就在三年前,也就是日本帝国鼎盛时期,东京控制的领土从北太平洋阿拉斯加附近的阿留申群岛一直向南延伸,穿过马绍尔群岛和所罗门群岛,在澳大利亚上空盘旋,穿过新几内亚和印度尼西亚,再次向北穿过缅甸(现在的缅甸),包括中国沿海和中部的大部分地区以及满洲北部地区,然后再次向东穿过朝鲜返回日本本土。值得注意的是,日本控制了其中的太平洋空间,正如历史学家William Tsutsui所解释的那样,它在很大程度上也是一个“远洋帝国”(Tsutsui2013,21-38)。要实现对地球表面如此大面积的占领,就意味着国家规划者及其代理人——出生在日本的臣民和被殖民的人民——在日本与每个国际邻国发生领土争端期间,以对小岛屿的主权争夺的形式,指导了空间和生物的极其迅速的转变20世纪中期曾经是一个幅员辽阔的帝国。与此同时,最近出现的全球海洋法已经生根发芽,敦促一些民族主义者采取最大化的方法来定义各自国家的空间,尽管这些法律也允许采取更灵活的方法。在过去的二十年里,日本领导人明确表示,他们致力于国家政策和计划,将日本重新定位为一个海洋国家。因此,未来的问题是,日本领导人是会对日本采取一个僵化的定义,还是会采用一个更灵活的定义,强调周围海域的边界线
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引用次数: 1
The Matrix of Gender, Knowledge, and Writing in the Kyuhap Ch'ongsŏ Kyuhap Ch’ongs的性别、知识和写作矩阵
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-11-01 DOI: 10.21866/ESJEAS.2017.17.2.005
J. Lee
email of the author: jyslee@kmu.ac.kr 211 Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.17 No.2 © 2017 Academy of East Asian Studies. 211-232 DOI: 10.21866/esjeas.2017.17.2.005 The concept of gendered knowledge is often examined based on the hypothesis that women’s writings deal with intimate and personal concerns in the domestic sphere, while their male counterparts are concerned with professional achievements. The spatial division between men and women in traditional Korea likely impacted the process of knowledge formation, as knowledge requires interaction with the world. Against this backdrop, the Kyuhap ch’ongsŏ (The encyclopedia of women’s daily life), written by Yi Pinghŏgak (1759–1824), reveals conflicts and tensions in the binary structures of male and female, public and domestic, and classical and vernacular. This article therefore investigates the construction of gendered knowledge envisioned in The Encyclopedia of Women’s Daily Life and explores the positioning of the female author in collecting, classifying, and translating knowledge. It reveals how diverse constituents in this encyclopedic work have not only contributed to but also challenged the claims of gendered norms and defines how the author navigates the cultural and literary heterogeneity of knowledge that transcends the demarcation of gender.
作者邮箱:jyslee@kmu.ac.kr 211 Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.17 No.2©2017东亚研究学院。211-232 DOI: 10.21866/ esjase .2017.17.2.005性别知识的概念通常基于这样的假设进行研究,即女性的作品涉及家庭领域的亲密和个人问题,而男性同行则关注专业成就。在传统韩国,男女之间的空间划分可能影响了知识形成的过程,因为知识需要与世界互动。在这种背景下,李氏Pinghŏgak(1759 ~ 1824)所著的《女性生活百科全书》揭示了男性和女性、公共和家庭、古典和白话二元结构中的矛盾和紧张。因此,本文考察了《女性日常生活百科全书》所设想的性别知识建构,并探讨了女性作者在知识收集、分类和翻译中的定位。它揭示了这部百科全书式作品中的不同成分不仅对性别规范的主张做出了贡献,而且也挑战了性别规范的主张,并定义了作者如何驾驭超越性别界限的文化和文学知识的异质性。
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引用次数: 0
Popular Movements and Violence in East Asia in the Nineteenth Century: Comparing the Ideological Foundations of their Legitimation 19世纪东亚的民众运动与暴力:比较其正当性的思想基础
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-11-01 DOI: 10.21866/ESJEAS.2017.17.2.006
H. Bae
ABSTRACT:In the nineteenth century, people in China, Korea, and Japan actively participated in popular protests. The rebellions in those countries had much in common, but one of the most striking differences is the degree of violence inflicted by these popular movements on their opponents. Chinese popular rebels were much more likely to kill or injure others than their counterparts in Korea and Japan. Such differences seem to be closely associated with the question of whether the rebel forces fought due to conflicting interests within the polity, or were seeking to build a new kingdom by pursuing a newly-risen religion while rejecting the existing ruling system and ideology that legitimized it. This paper will examine how the rebel forces based the legitimacy of their actions in relation to each country's "political culture." While popular movements in the West or the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom were based on the idea that God was more powerful than the secular ruler, popular movements in Korea or Japan did not have a transcendent source of authority that was superior to the monarch. This paper argues that this made a crucial difference to how people thought and behaved, influencing the degree of violence they employed.
摘要:在19世纪,中国、韩国和日本人民积极参与民众抗议活动。这些国家的叛乱有很多共同点,但最显著的区别之一是这些民众运动对对手施加的暴力程度。与韩国和日本的叛军相比,中国受欢迎的叛军更有可能杀害或伤害他人。这种差异似乎与反叛力量的战斗是由于政体内部的利益冲突,还是通过追求新崛起的宗教来寻求建立一个新王国,同时拒绝使其合法化的现有统治体系和意识形态的问题密切相关。本文将考察反叛力量是如何将其行动的合法性与每个国家的“政治文化”联系起来的。虽然西方或太平天国的流行运动是基于上帝比世俗统治者更强大的理念,但韩国或日本的流行运动并没有凌驾于君主之上的超然权威来源。本文认为,这对人们的思维和行为产生了至关重要的影响,影响了他们使用暴力的程度。
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引用次数: 1
An Analysis of Korean Intellectual Responses to the Exhibition of Koreans at Japanese Expositions: Nationalism and the Discourse on Northeast Asian Solidarity at the Turn of the Century 韩国知识分子对日本博览会上韩国人展览的反应分析:世纪之交的民族主义与东北亚团结话语
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.21866/ESJEAS.2017.17.1.002
Hyeokhui Kwon
ABSTRACT:This paper examines Japanese exhibitions of Korean people and culture at the Anthropological Pavilion of the Fifth National Industrial Exposition held in Osaka in 1903 and the Crystal Pavilion of the Tokyo Industrial Exposition of 1907. These two exhibitions represent the discourse on social Darwinism in Northeast Asia before Korea's colonization by Japan. In particular, the responses of Korean intellectuals in these displays reveal complicated discourses, including the ideals of "Solidarity among the Northeastern countries" and loyalty among those of a "Common Race and Common Culture" in Northeast Asia and the outpouring of patriotic nationalism for resistance to Japan. In the end their response to the exhibitions can be seen as a portrait of Korean intellectuals who, after hoping for strategic solidarity among members of the yellow race, turned instead to nationalism.
摘要:本文考察了1903年在大阪举行的第五届全国工业博览会人类学馆和1907年东京工业博览会水晶馆的韩国人和文化展览。这两个展览代表了日本殖民统治之前东北亚社会达尔文主义的话语。特别是,韩国知识分子在这些展览中的反应,体现了“东北亚国家团结”的理想和东北亚“共同种族和共同文化”的忠诚、抗日爱国主义的流露等复杂的话语。最后,他们对展览的反应可以看作是韩国知识分子的写照,他们原本希望黄种人成员之间的战略团结,但却转向了民族主义。
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引用次数: 1
Tanaka Kōtarō, Korea, and the Natural Law 田中Kōtarō,韩国,与自然法
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.21866/ESJEAS.2017.17.1.001
K. Doak
Tanaka Kōtarō 田中耕太郎 (1890–1974) was one of the most important jurists of modern Japan. A widely travelled globalist intellectual, he is generally seen as culturally oriented toward the West. Yet his own contribution to international jurisprudence, his theory of World Law, is essentially globalist and critical of the Western imperialism implicit in the dominant strain of modern international law. In spite of the globalist implications of Tanaka's jurisprudence, there has been no attention to his relationship with Korea. This paper pioneers a study of Tanaka and Korea, focusing on two visits he made there in 1932 and in 1943. Outlining Tanaka's key ideas on world law and the Natural Law, the subjects of lectures he gave at Keijō Imperial University, it raises the question about whether Tanaka might have influenced faculty and students of law at Keijō Imperial University and possibly laid the groundwork for Korea's greatest Natural Law theorist Hwang Sandŏk 黃山德 (1917–1989). It also introduces, through Tanaka's ideas on World Law, an alternative to the "colonialist/nationalist" paradigm that influences much of historical writing about the Korean-Japanese historical relationship.
田中Kōtarō(1890-1974)是近代日本最重要的法学家之一。作为一名游历广泛的全球主义知识分子,他通常被认为在文化上倾向于西方。然而,他对国际法理学的贡献,即他的世界法理论,本质上是全球主义的,对现代国际法中隐含的西方帝国主义的批判。尽管田中的法理学具有全球主义的含义,但他与韩国的关系却没有受到关注。本文首先对田中和朝鲜进行了研究,重点介绍了他在1932年和1943年两次访问朝鲜。概述了田中关于世界法律和自然法的主要思想,这是他在京益帝国大学演讲的主题,它提出了一个问题,即田中是否可能影响了京益帝国大学的法律教职员工和学生,并可能为韩国最伟大的自然法理论家黄Sandŏk(1917-1989)奠定了基础。它还通过田中关于世界法的观点,介绍了“殖民主义/民族主义”范式的另一种选择,这种范式影响了许多关于韩日历史关系的历史著作。
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引用次数: 0
A Scholar-Soldier in Mourning Robes: The Politics of Remembering Imjin War Hero No In (1566–1622) 一个穿着丧服的学者士兵:纪念伊姆金战争英雄诺因的政治(1566-1622)
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.21866/ESJEAS.2017.17.1.004
Christina Han
ABSTRACT:This paper examines the postwar commemoration of No In (1566–1622), a scholar and militia leader during the Imjin War, who was captured and taken to Japan, escaped to China, returned home after three years of adventures and hardship, and lived the remainder of his life as a military official and a Neo-Confucian scholar. No's memory was revived in the eighteenth century by his descendants, who appealed to the state to honor him as a hero who had been forgotten due to unfortunate circumstances in his later life. By comparing No's own accounts in his wartime diary with later biographies, this paper reveals that some important details in No's life that contradicted the biographers' visions of the hero were excluded in later commemorative biographies. The evolution and expansion of No In's biographies in post-Imjin War Chosŏn demonstrates the tensions and collaborations between the Hamp'yŏng No lineage, the elites of Honam, and the Chosŏn state, all three of which sought to increase and exercise their power and influence through their claimed connection to No In.
摘要:本文考察了战后纪念伊姆金战争时期的学者和民兵领袖诺因(1566-1622)的活动。诺因被俘并被带到日本,逃到中国,在经历了三年的冒险和苦难后回国,并以军事官员和新儒家学者的身份度过了余生。诺的后代在18世纪重新唤起了他的记忆,他们呼吁国家将他尊为英雄,因为他晚年的不幸处境而被遗忘。本文通过将诺在战时日记中的叙述与后来的传记进行比较,揭示了诺生活中一些与传记作者对英雄的看法相矛盾的重要细节在后来的纪念传记中被排除在外。诺因传记在后伊姆金战争中的演变和扩展表明了汉普郡诺因家族、霍南精英和诺因州之间的紧张关系和合作,这三者都试图通过声称与诺因的联系来增加和行使他们的权力和影响力。
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引用次数: 0
In the Service of His Korean Majesty: William Nelson Lovatt, the Pusan Customs, and Sino-Korea Relations, 1876–1888 by Wayne Patterson (review) 为朝鲜陛下服务:威廉·纳尔逊·洛瓦特、釜山海关和中朝关系,1876-1888,韦恩·帕特森著(书评)
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.21866/esjeas.2017.17.1.007
Cheolbae Son
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies
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