This paper investigates the structure of phonological word and grammatical word in Brokpa, a Tibeto-Burman (Trans-Himalayan) language of Bhutan. Defining features of a phonological word include stress, tone, and segmental properties. A grammatical word is defined based on conventionalized coherence and meaning, fixed order of morphemes, and its behaviour in relation to derivational and inflectional marking. Grammatical and phonological words in Brokpa coincide in most instances. Typical mismatches include words involving non-cohering compounds and non-cohering reduplication. A formal distinction between phonological and grammatical word is the key to our understanding of the interactions between different parts of grammar in Brokpa, and help resolve potential ambiguities of the term “word” in this language.
{"title":"What is a word in Brokpa?","authors":"Pema Wangdi","doi":"10.1075/ltba.19019.wan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.19019.wan","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper investigates the structure of phonological word and grammatical word in Brokpa, a Tibeto-Burman (Trans-Himalayan) language of Bhutan. Defining features of a phonological word include stress, tone, and segmental properties. A grammatical word is defined based on conventionalized coherence and meaning, fixed order of morphemes, and its behaviour in relation to derivational and inflectional marking. Grammatical and phonological words in Brokpa coincide in most instances. Typical mismatches include words involving non-cohering compounds and non-cohering reduplication. A formal distinction between phonological and grammatical word is the key to our understanding of the interactions between different parts of grammar in Brokpa, and help resolve potential ambiguities of the term “word” in this language.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42453974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper describes a set of five focus enclitics in Bodo, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Assam, India. The focus enclitics are phonologically bound morphemes which are attached to a phrase-level constituent of a sentence, such as the verb, its arguments, or its adjuncts. They all trigger existential presuppositions and express various kinds of semantic and pragmatic relations between the asserted proposition and presuppositions, such as inclusion, exclusion, contrast, concession, and correction. The description of these relations as well as other more context and construction specific functions encoded by the focus enclitics constitutes the core of this paper. This paper also examines the distribution of the focus enclitics and discusses their associated scope and interpretations. Finally, this paper investigates co-occurrence, co-occurrence restrictions, and interpretations of sequences of the enclitics.
{"title":"Focus enclitics in Bodo","authors":"K. Boro","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.19005.BOR","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.19005.BOR","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper describes a set of five focus enclitics in Bodo, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Assam, India. The focus enclitics are phonologically bound morphemes which are attached to a phrase-level constituent of a sentence, such as the verb, its arguments, or its adjuncts. They all trigger existential presuppositions and express various kinds of semantic and pragmatic relations between the asserted proposition and presuppositions, such as inclusion, exclusion, contrast, concession, and correction. The description of these relations as well as other more context and construction specific functions encoded by the focus enclitics constitutes the core of this paper. This paper also examines the distribution of the focus enclitics and discusses their associated scope and interpretations. Finally, this paper investigates co-occurrence, co-occurrence restrictions, and interpretations of sequences of the enclitics.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49150214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The first components of sesquisyllabic and disyllabic words in languages of the Hmong-Mien family include forms which are believed by native speakers to be derived from phonologically fuller forms (characteristic of languages of the Mienic branch of the family) and forms which have lexical or grammatical significance (characteristic of languages of the Hmongic branch). Grammatical and phonological factors, not fully understood, determine when the first component of a sesquisyllabic word can be omitted, but the biggest challenge is to describe the meanings of lexical presyllables in Hmongic languages, which may require a consideration of both lexical semantics and ethno-semantics.
{"title":"The morphology and semantics of presyllables in Hmong-Mien languages","authors":"D. Strecker","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.20007.STR","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.20007.STR","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The first components of sesquisyllabic and disyllabic words in languages of the Hmong-Mien family include forms which are believed by native speakers to be derived from phonologically fuller forms (characteristic of languages of the Mienic branch of the family) and forms which have lexical or grammatical significance (characteristic of languages of the Hmongic branch). Grammatical and phonological factors, not fully understood, determine when the first component of a sesquisyllabic word can be omitted, but the biggest challenge is to describe the meanings of lexical presyllables in Hmongic languages, which may require a consideration of both lexical semantics and ethno-semantics.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44217626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Dongba and Daba chants represent two of the few oral traditions still surviving in the world. In both traditions, the main category of formulaic expressions consists of traditional noun-epithets describing spirits. Dongba and Daba spirits can be classified into five categories, of which the noun-epithets used to describe them share similar features. Another significant percentage of noun-epithets portray figures of animals. Dongba and Daba chants are both chanted in odd-numbered metric patterns in which noun-epithets are adapted to the metric context. Besides the core expression (often a tetra-syllabic compound), several monosyllabic words not affecting the core meaning may be inserted as optional morphemes to modify the number of syllables in the noun-epithet. This study provides a systematic philological analysis of the vast repertoire of Daba and Dongba noun-epithets. Comparative mythology and comparative linguistics combine to present a comprehensive description of the stylistic features of Daba and Dongba noun-epithets.
{"title":"Noun-epithets of Dongba and Daba oral traditions","authors":"Duoduo Xu","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.20011.XU","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.20011.XU","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Dongba and Daba chants represent two of the few oral traditions still surviving in the world. In both traditions, the main category of formulaic expressions consists of traditional noun-epithets describing spirits. Dongba and Daba spirits can be classified into five categories, of which the noun-epithets used to describe them share similar features. Another significant percentage of noun-epithets portray figures of animals. Dongba and Daba chants are both chanted in odd-numbered metric patterns in which noun-epithets are adapted to the metric context. Besides the core expression (often a tetra-syllabic compound), several monosyllabic words not affecting the core meaning may be inserted as optional morphemes to modify the number of syllables in the noun-epithet. This study provides a systematic philological analysis of the vast repertoire of Daba and Dongba noun-epithets. Comparative mythology and comparative linguistics combine to present a comprehensive description of the stylistic features of Daba and Dongba noun-epithets.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44950394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the realis converbs and irrealis converbs in Hwari (Dpa’ ris) Tibetan, an Amdo Tibetan dialect spoken in Tianzhu Tibetan Autonomous County, Wuwei City, Gansu Province, China. One peculiarity of Hwari Tibetan morphosyntax is the existence of a large set of converbal suffixes. A survey of previous descriptions reveals a lack of consensus in the analysis of these converbs. They have been included in the framework of Written Tibetan too often, which has led to confusion regarding their typological status. A primary objective of our paper is to rectify this approach by describing the language on its own terms by comparing the morphosyntactic behavior of eight selected suffixes with regard to relevant criteria, such as realis and irrealis. This empirical research feeds back into the theoretical discussion, as it shows that the Hwari Tibetan converbs can be described using conventional typological concepts if construed appropriately. Our second objective is to explain the semantic and pragmatic properties of these converbs, particularly -na and -ta. The conclusion is that the two converb types are located along a continuum from realis/irrealis to positive/negative, thus constituting an instantiation of syntax-semantics isomorphism. The clause chaining in Hwari Tibetan is representative. By describing the converbs in Hwari Tibetan from the perspective of realis and irrealis, and by focusing on the syntactic properties and pragmatic features of -Ce in realis converbs and -Ca in irrealis converbs, it is revealed that the irrealis converbs -na and -ta function in a unique way in Hwari Tibetan.
{"title":"Realis converbs and irrealis converbs in Hwari Tibetan","authors":"Song Zhanfeng","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.20006.SON","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.20006.SON","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article analyzes the realis converbs and irrealis converbs in Hwari (Dpa’ ris) Tibetan, an\u0000 Amdo Tibetan dialect spoken in Tianzhu Tibetan Autonomous County, Wuwei City, Gansu Province, China. One peculiarity of Hwari\u0000 Tibetan morphosyntax is the existence of a large set of converbal suffixes. A survey of previous descriptions reveals a lack of\u0000 consensus in the analysis of these converbs. They have been included in the framework of Written Tibetan too often, which has led\u0000 to confusion regarding their typological status. A primary objective of our paper is to rectify this approach by describing the\u0000 language on its own terms by comparing the morphosyntactic behavior of eight selected suffixes with regard to relevant criteria,\u0000 such as realis and irrealis. This empirical research feeds back into the theoretical discussion, as it shows that the Hwari\u0000 Tibetan converbs can be described using conventional typological concepts if construed appropriately. Our second objective is to\u0000 explain the semantic and pragmatic properties of these converbs, particularly -na and -ta. The\u0000 conclusion is that the two converb types are located along a continuum from realis/irrealis to positive/negative, thus\u0000 constituting an instantiation of syntax-semantics isomorphism. The clause chaining in Hwari Tibetan is representative. By\u0000 describing the converbs in Hwari Tibetan from the perspective of realis and irrealis, and by focusing on the syntactic properties\u0000 and pragmatic features of -Ce in realis converbs and -Ca in irrealis converbs, it is revealed that the irrealis converbs\u0000 -na and -ta function in a unique way in Hwari Tibetan.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"44 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41496264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present study is a phonological analysis of the segments and tones of the Tawrã language (ISO 69-3: mhu; Glottolog: Diga1241), a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in Arunachal Pradesh, India, and in Tibet, China. This paper, the first collaboration between a Tawrã-speaking non-linguist and a non-Tawrã-speaking linguist, attempts to clear up some confusion in the existing literature. For example, previous studies did not note that stop codas /-p, -k/ are in free variation with glides [-w, -j, ɰ], and that the morpheme, rather than the syllable, is the tone-bearing unit. Acoustic analyses provide justification for the phonemic representation of the vowels and the tones. Finally, the paper is designed to introduce Tawrã speakers to the recently standardized (2020) orthography, and to show how the letters and letter combinations function together as a system.
{"title":"The sounds of Tawrã (Digaru-Mishmi), a Tibeto-Burman language","authors":"J. Evans, Johakso Manyu","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.20013.EVA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.20013.EVA","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The present study is a phonological analysis of the segments and tones of the Tawrã language (ISO 69-3: mhu;\u0000 Glottolog: Diga1241), a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in Arunachal Pradesh, India, and in Tibet, China. This paper, the first\u0000 collaboration between a Tawrã-speaking non-linguist and a non-Tawrã-speaking linguist, attempts to clear up some confusion in\u0000 the existing literature. For example, previous studies did not note that stop codas /-p, -k/ are in free variation with glides\u0000 [-w, -j, ɰ], and that the morpheme, rather than the syllable, is the tone-bearing unit. Acoustic analyses provide justification\u0000 for the phonemic representation of the vowels and the tones. Finally, the paper is designed to introduce Tawrã speakers to the\u0000 recently standardized (2020) orthography, and to show how the letters and letter combinations function together as a system.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42271527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Based on first-hand data obtained during fieldwork, our article analyses numerals and frequently employed numeral classifiers of Darmdo Minyag. Numeral classifiers are obligated to follow a numeral when counting. There are three different roots for ‘ten’: /ɦa~ʁo/ used in the numbers 10–19; /ʁuɑ/ used in the numbers 20–49; and /ɡa/ used in the numbers 50–99. The presence of multiple roots for ‘ten’ with an initial glottal, uvular or velar stop or fricative has been attested in many languages of the Qiangic area. Although Tibetan forms may be used for all numerals, native forms up to 99 have been attested in Darmdo Minyag. The influence of Tibetan on cardinal and ordinal numerals, approximate, multiple and fractional numbers is noted as well. Darmdo Minyag has a rich inventory of sortal and mensural classifiers. Shape is the most important feature according to which nouns are categorized. Mensural classifiers may be divided into arrangement classifiers and units of measure. Units of measure are of two types: the first acts as a classifier, the second type is a [noun numeral+classifier] construction. Darmdo Minyag has two types of verbal action classifiers: several verbal action classifiers of unknown origin which modify semantically rich verbs, and numeral-verb combinations which modify a semantically empty verb. The main functions of classifiers are classification and individualization.
{"title":"Characteristics of numerals and classifiers in Darmdo Minyag","authors":"Dawa Drolma, Henriëtte Daudey","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.00009.DRO","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.00009.DRO","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Based on first-hand data obtained during fieldwork, our article analyses numerals and frequently employed numeral classifiers of Darmdo Minyag. Numeral classifiers are obligated to follow a numeral when counting. There are three different roots for ‘ten’: /ɦa~ʁo/ used in the numbers 10–19; /ʁuɑ/ used in the numbers 20–49; and /ɡa/ used in the numbers 50–99. The presence of multiple roots for ‘ten’ with an initial glottal, uvular or velar stop or fricative has been attested in many languages of the Qiangic area. Although Tibetan forms may be used for all numerals, native forms up to 99 have been attested in Darmdo Minyag. The influence of Tibetan on cardinal and ordinal numerals, approximate, multiple and fractional numbers is noted as well. Darmdo Minyag has a rich inventory of sortal and mensural classifiers. Shape is the most important feature according to which nouns are categorized. Mensural classifiers may be divided into arrangement classifiers and units of measure. Units of measure are of two types: the first acts as a classifier, the second type is a [noun numeral+classifier] construction. Darmdo Minyag has two types of verbal action classifiers: several verbal action classifiers of unknown origin which modify semantically rich verbs, and numeral-verb combinations which modify a semantically empty verb. The main functions of classifiers are classification and individualization.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44744478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lhasa Tibetan is described in a number of independent research traditions which give different accounts of its phonology. To what extent do these discrepancies reflect real dialectal or idiolectal differences? To what extent do they reflect different analyses of the same system? In this paper, we examine one aspect of Lhasa Tibetan phonology on which different descriptions show substantial discrepancies: vowels. Different descriptions of Lhasa Tibetan transcribe from 8 to more than 16 vowel qualities, ascribing to them different degrees of phonemicity. A detailed comparison of the transcription systems shows that all reflect the same underlying system of 12 vowel sounds, which agrees with the transcription conventions of the Seattle Tibetanists. The discrepancies among the systems mostly concern four vowels, namely ɔ, ə, ɪ and ʊ. These vowels, which started as allophonic variants of other vowels, later appear in a set of words which cannot be explained as allophony, and hence are unambiguous phonemes in contemporary Lhasa Tibetan.
{"title":"How many vowels are there in Lhasa Tibetan?","authors":"Xun Gong","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.19004.GON","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.19004.GON","url":null,"abstract":"Lhasa Tibetan is described in a number of independent research traditions which give different accounts of its phonology. To what extent do these discrepancies reflect real dialectal or idiolectal differences? To what extent do they reflect different analyses of the same system? In this paper, we examine one aspect of Lhasa Tibetan phonology on which different descriptions show substantial discrepancies: vowels. Different descriptions of Lhasa Tibetan transcribe from 8 to more than 16 vowel qualities, ascribing to them different degrees of phonemicity. A detailed comparison of the transcription systems shows that all reflect the same underlying system of 12 vowel sounds, which agrees with the transcription conventions of the Seattle Tibetanists. The discrepancies among the systems mostly concern four vowels, namely ɔ, ə, ɪ and ʊ. These vowels, which started as allophonic variants of other vowels, later appear in a set of words which cannot be explained as allophony, and hence are unambiguous phonemes in contemporary Lhasa Tibetan.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41531736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Based on argument indexation properties, this paper offers a model of four verb classes for Geshiza and Stau, two closely related and endangered Horpa lects spoken in Sichuan. Despite increased awareness and interest in Horpa, no exhaustive classification of verbs from the viewpoint of argument indexation has been offered. Even though argument indexation itself has been discussed in previous scholarship, the striking diversity of argument indexation patterns has not been addressed. It is shown that both Geshiza and Stau, the two lects chosen as the sample for this study, share the same verb classes, even though the class assignment of individual cognate verbs occasionally varies. The paper also describes how semantic and animacy features inherent in verbs, most prominently compatibility with human S and P arguments resulting in compatibility with speech act participants, play a crucial role in verb class assignment. Establishing a framework for Horpa verb classes helps in the ongoing descriptive work of these languages. In addition, it offers new material for typological studies of argument indexation.
{"title":"Verb classes in Horpa","authors":"S. Honkasalo","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.19013.HON","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.19013.HON","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Based on argument indexation properties, this paper offers a model of four verb classes for Geshiza and Stau, two closely related and endangered Horpa lects spoken in Sichuan. Despite increased awareness and interest in Horpa, no exhaustive classification of verbs from the viewpoint of argument indexation has been offered. Even though argument indexation itself has been discussed in previous scholarship, the striking diversity of argument indexation patterns has not been addressed. It is shown that both Geshiza and Stau, the two lects chosen as the sample for this study, share the same verb classes, even though the class assignment of individual cognate verbs occasionally varies. The paper also describes how semantic and animacy features inherent in verbs, most prominently compatibility with human S and P arguments resulting in compatibility with speech act participants, play a crucial role in verb class assignment. Establishing a framework for Horpa verb classes helps in the ongoing descriptive work of these languages. In addition, it offers new material for typological studies of argument indexation.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45147881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates the origin of the causative (CAUS) and simulative (SML) suffix-terin two varieties of Lai language, Hakha Lai and Falam Chin. It also shows that Proto Central Chin (PCC) full verbs*tiir‘to send someone to do an errand’ and*der‘to pretend to’ grammaticalized and merged into the Lai CAUS and SML suffix-terdue to frequency pressure, the first time this type of argument for semantic change is used in Kuki-Chin (KC).
{"title":"The origin of the causative and simulative suffix-terin Hakha Lai and Falam Chin","authors":"Kenneth Van Bik","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.19016.BIK","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.19016.BIK","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the origin of the causative (CAUS) and simulative (SML) suffix-terin two varieties of Lai language, Hakha Lai and Falam Chin. It also shows that Proto Central Chin (PCC) full verbs*tiir‘to send someone to do an errand’ and*der‘to pretend to’ grammaticalized and merged into the Lai CAUS and SML suffix-terdue to frequency pressure, the first time this type of argument for semantic change is used in Kuki-Chin (KC).","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41499200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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