This paper presents a description and analysis of segmental phonetics and phonology of Hyow, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken by almost 4,000 people in the southeast of Bangladesh. Hyow demonstrates phonological features which are absent in other Chin languages of the Tibeto-Burman branch. Proto Kuki-Chin initial voiceless nasals are not only preserved in Mara and Central Chin languages (Van Bik 2009: 220), but also in Hyow. Unlike other Southern Chin languages, Hyow final liquids are sometimes preserved or developed into central approximants. In fact, final liquids are preserved in Bangladesh Hyow, and in two varieties of Laitu – Keyni and Myebon – and Laisaw in the Rakhine State of Myanmar. The salient and prevalent phonological process of re-syllabification in Hyow demonstrates that the glottal stop cannot be treated as a phonetic property of the coda-cluster sonorants, which is otherwise treated as glottalized in some Chin languages by scholars, e.g. Hakha Lai (Hyman & Van Bik 2002: 114). Hyow does not show a phonemic contrast between long and short vowels which is very often found in Chin languages. Though Mainland Southeast Asian Languages are profoundly known for having sesquisyllables or reduced syllables, in Hyow, vowels of initial syllables of disyllabic words carrying grammatical morphemes are harmonized with vowels of root-initial syllables, which confirms the absence of such type of reduced syllables in Hyow. The phonological description and analysis in this paper are furthermore supported by phonetic data and illustrations. Discussions of variant phonetic realizations of certain segments have also been included.
{"title":"The segmental phonetics and phonology of Hyow, A Tibeto-Burman language of Bangladesh","authors":"Muhammad Zakaria","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.19006.ZAK","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.19006.ZAK","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper presents a description and analysis of segmental phonetics and phonology of Hyow, a Tibeto-Burman language\u0000 spoken by almost 4,000 people in the southeast of Bangladesh. Hyow demonstrates phonological features which are absent in other Chin\u0000 languages of the Tibeto-Burman branch. Proto Kuki-Chin initial voiceless nasals are not only preserved in Mara and Central Chin languages\u0000 (Van Bik 2009: 220), but also in Hyow. Unlike other Southern Chin languages, Hyow final liquids are sometimes preserved or developed into\u0000 central approximants. In fact, final liquids are preserved in Bangladesh Hyow, and in two varieties of Laitu – Keyni and Myebon – and Laisaw\u0000 in the Rakhine State of Myanmar. The salient and prevalent phonological process of re-syllabification in Hyow demonstrates that the glottal\u0000 stop cannot be treated as a phonetic property of the coda-cluster sonorants, which is otherwise treated as glottalized in some Chin\u0000 languages by scholars, e.g. Hakha Lai (Hyman & Van Bik 2002: 114). Hyow does not show a\u0000 phonemic contrast between long and short vowels which is very often found in Chin languages. Though Mainland Southeast Asian Languages are\u0000 profoundly known for having sesquisyllables or reduced syllables, in Hyow, vowels of initial syllables of disyllabic words carrying\u0000 grammatical morphemes are harmonized with vowels of root-initial syllables, which confirms the absence of such type of reduced syllables in\u0000 Hyow. The phonological description and analysis in this paper are furthermore supported by phonetic data and illustrations. Discussions of\u0000 variant phonetic realizations of certain segments have also been included.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42294850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It tends to be assumed that tonal languages do not make use of intonational tones and accent location for the purpose of conveying information structural aspects of the utterance. This study of read-aloud stories in colloquial Burmese shows that this tonal language does resort to this sort of intonational means for information-structuring reasons. The prosody of Burmese exhibits identifiable intonational patterns, which function on the level of accentual phrases. An accentual phrase constitutes the basic prosodic unit, and it is there that we find the real interaction of information structure, intonation and tone. Accentual phrases are organised around a single accent, the location of which depends on information structural factors. Sentences can consist of a single accentual phrase or a few phrases, while the exact partition into such phrases is also motivated by information- and discourse-structuring considerations.
{"title":"Information structure and intonational accent in Burmese","authors":"Pavel Ozerov","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.20009.OZE","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.20009.OZE","url":null,"abstract":"It tends to be assumed that tonal languages do not make use of intonational tones and accent location for the purpose of conveying information structural aspects of the utterance. This study of read-aloud stories in colloquial Burmese shows that this tonal language does resort to this sort of intonational means for information-structuring reasons. The prosody of Burmese exhibits identifiable intonational patterns, which function on the level of accentual phrases. An accentual phrase constitutes the basic prosodic unit, and it is there that we find the real interaction of information structure, intonation and tone. Accentual phrases are organised around a single accent, the location of which depends on information structural factors. Sentences can consist of a single accentual phrase or a few phrases, while the exact partition into such phrases is also motivated by information- and discourse-structuring considerations.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48701410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Fortier & Witzer (2019): A Comparative Dictionary of Raute and Rawat: Tibeto-Burman languages of the Central Himalayas","authors":"D. Bradley","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.00008.BRA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.00008.BRA","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46522235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Bjokapakha belongs to the Tshangla cluster of the Trans-Himalayan (Tibeto-Burman) language family and is spoken in Central Bhutan. Like many languages of the Himalayan region, Bjokapakha exhibits a rich system of epistemic functions, centering around the notion of personal or subjective knowledge (a.k.a. egophoricity, conjunct-disjunct or mirativity). Morphosyntactically, the epistemic categories of Bjokapakha are expressed by constructions involving combinations of nominalisers and copulas which exhibit varying degrees of grammaticalisation. This paper presents the epistemic categories of Bjokapakha and examines the genesis of the Bjokapakha epistemic verbal system from a comparative perspective drawing on insights from other varieties of the Tshangla cluster. Furthermore, a first reconstruction of the nominalisers and copulas of Proto-Tshangla is proposed. It will become evident that nominalisers and copulas have played a crucial role in the emergence of epistemic verbal morphology of Bjokapakha and still constitute productive means for the grammaticalisation of new epistemic categories.
{"title":"Diachronic aspects of Bjokapakha epistemic verbal morphology","authors":"Selin Grollmann","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.18017.GRO","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.18017.GRO","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Bjokapakha belongs to the Tshangla cluster of the Trans-Himalayan (Tibeto-Burman) language family and is spoken in Central Bhutan. Like many languages of the Himalayan region, Bjokapakha exhibits a rich system of epistemic functions, centering around the notion of personal or subjective knowledge (a.k.a. egophoricity, conjunct-disjunct or mirativity). Morphosyntactically, the epistemic categories of Bjokapakha are expressed by constructions involving combinations of nominalisers and copulas which exhibit varying degrees of grammaticalisation. This paper presents the epistemic categories of Bjokapakha and examines the genesis of the Bjokapakha epistemic verbal system from a comparative perspective drawing on insights from other varieties of the Tshangla cluster. Furthermore, a first reconstruction of the nominalisers and copulas of Proto-Tshangla is proposed. It will become evident that nominalisers and copulas have played a crucial role in the emergence of epistemic verbal morphology of Bjokapakha and still constitute productive means for the grammaticalisation of new epistemic categories.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"43 1","pages":"87-123"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44786614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Ritual speech in many languages around the world shows grammar distinct from grammar used in daily speech. In Northern Prinmi ritual speech we found a significant use of two exhaustive constructions, one of which is not attested in daily speech; the other is only minimally attested. We argue that exhaustive constructions are strong expressions of the utmost degree which makes them particularly useful to the serious occasions in which ritual speech is used, such as when pronouncing blessings or invoking the gods. We also discuss two possible grammaticalization pathways, but find no conclusive evidence for either.
{"title":"‘Pour out libation to all the gods!’","authors":"Henriëtte Daudey, Gerong Pincuo","doi":"10.1075/ltba.19011.dau","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.19011.dau","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Ritual speech in many languages around the world shows grammar distinct from grammar used in daily speech. In Northern Prinmi ritual speech we found a significant use of two exhaustive constructions, one of which is not attested in daily speech; the other is only minimally attested. We argue that exhaustive constructions are strong expressions of the utmost degree which makes them particularly useful to the serious occasions in which ritual speech is used, such as when pronouncing blessings or invoking the gods. We also discuss two possible grammaticalization pathways, but find no conclusive evidence for either.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"43 1","pages":"2-18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48290221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper argues that certain phonological similarities between the three Trans-Himalayan languages Gongduk, Bjokapakha (Tshangla) and Black Mountain Monpa are areal features and discusses the historical and ethnolinguistic implications of this assumption. The similarities between Gongduk and Bjokapakha indicate a situation of areal convergence of recent data. This contact scenario explains certain aberrancies of Bjokapakha with regard to other Tshangla varieties. The attestation of some of the phonological features in Black Mountain Monpa is analysed as the result of early contact between Gongduk and Black Mountain Monpa, i.e. dating back to the time before the arrival of the East Bodish peoples in Central Bhutan.
{"title":"Areal features in Gongduk, Bjokapakha and Black Mountain Mönpa phonology","authors":"Pascal Gerber","doi":"10.1075/ltba.18015.ger","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.18015.ger","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper argues that certain phonological similarities between the three Trans-Himalayan languages Gongduk, Bjokapakha (Tshangla) and Black Mountain Monpa are areal features and discusses the historical and ethnolinguistic implications of this assumption. The similarities between Gongduk and Bjokapakha indicate a situation of areal convergence of recent data. This contact scenario explains certain aberrancies of Bjokapakha with regard to other Tshangla varieties. The attestation of some of the phonological features in Black Mountain Monpa is analysed as the result of early contact between Gongduk and Black Mountain Monpa, i.e. dating back to the time before the arrival of the East Bodish peoples in Central Bhutan.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"43 1","pages":"55-86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58994379","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Tangsa-Nocte languages of the India/Myanmar border region employ a system of suffixes to modify descriptive words. These may be reduplicated under certain conditions, determined by the stress patterns of the larger utterance. Previously referred to as intensifiers (Morey n.d.; van Dam 2018), these affixes modify their stems to cover a wide range of different meanings, with each stem having a limited and sometimes unique set of applicable modifiers. Such intensifiers are found throughout the Pangwa varieties of Tangsa-Nocte and occur with the majority of basic adjectives derived from monosyllabic verbal stems.
摘要印度/缅甸边境地区的唐萨诺克特语使用后缀系统来修饰描述性单词。在某些条件下，这些词可能是重叠的，这取决于较大话语的重音模式。以前被称为增强词（Morey n.d.；van Dam 2018），这些词缀修饰词干以涵盖广泛的不同含义，每个词干都有一组有限的、有时是唯一的适用修饰语。这种强化词在唐杂语的Pangwa变体中随处可见，并出现在大多数源自单音节词干的基本形容词中。
{"title":"The syntax of intensifiers in Muishaung","authors":"Kellen Parker van Dam","doi":"10.1075/ltba.19002.dam","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.19002.dam","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Tangsa-Nocte languages of the India/Myanmar border region employ a system of suffixes to modify descriptive words. These may be reduplicated under certain conditions, determined by the stress patterns of the larger utterance. Previously referred to as intensifiers (Morey n.d.; van Dam 2018), these affixes modify their stems to cover a wide range of different meanings, with each stem having a limited and sometimes unique set of applicable modifiers. Such intensifiers are found throughout the Pangwa varieties of Tangsa-Nocte and occur with the majority of basic adjectives derived from monosyllabic verbal stems.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"43 1","pages":"19-36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43431175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents a comprehensive phonetic and phonological description of Northern Sangtam, an essentially undescribed Tibeto-Burman language of central Nagaland belonging to the Aoic subgroup. It is a noteworthy language from a number of phonological perspectives, not least because its phoneme inventory contains two of the world’s rarest phonemes: a pre-stopped bilabial trill, and a doubly-articulated labial-coronal nasal. These unique segments are described in detail, and an attempt is made to determine how they might have developed their phonemic status. The tone system is also of interest, as it demonstrates evidence of debuccalization resulting in the development of a new high tone. Following a systematic description of the syllable and word structure, the tone system, and the segmental phonology, some observed age-related differences in the phoneme inventory are discussed. The paper is linked to an online repository containing the audio-visual data and transcribed word lists of approximately 900 items, based on the recorded utterances of eight speakers.
{"title":"Northern Sangtam phonetics, phonology and word list","authors":"A. Coupe","doi":"10.1075/ltba.19014.cou","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.19014.cou","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper presents a comprehensive phonetic and phonological description of Northern Sangtam, an essentially\u0000 undescribed Tibeto-Burman language of central Nagaland belonging to the Aoic subgroup. It is a noteworthy language from a number\u0000 of phonological perspectives, not least because its phoneme inventory contains two of the world’s rarest phonemes: a pre-stopped\u0000 bilabial trill, and a doubly-articulated labial-coronal nasal. These unique segments are described in detail, and an attempt is\u0000 made to determine how they might have developed their phonemic status. The tone system is also of interest, as it demonstrates\u0000 evidence of debuccalization resulting in the development of a new high tone. Following a systematic description of the syllable\u0000 and word structure, the tone system, and the segmental phonology, some observed age-related differences in the phoneme inventory\u0000 are discussed. The paper is linked to an online repository containing the audio-visual data and transcribed word lists of\u0000 approximately 900 items, based on the recorded utterances of eight speakers.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44639343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper is a description of the copula system of Tawang Monpa [Dakpa], an East-Bodish language, spoken in Arunachal Pradesh in India and by small groups of speakers in Bhutan and Tibet. There are two equative copulas in Tawang Monpa: personal jin and neutral jim, and three existential copulas: testimonial ni, neutral num and personal nou. In addition, there are separate negative copulas; equative: personal men and neutral menum, and existential: testimonial mon, neutral munum and personal monou. There is also one example of a past positive copula ne and a past negative copula monelu.
{"title":"The copula system of Tawang Monpa","authors":"Anette Helgestad Tombleson","doi":"10.1075/ltba.17013.tom","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.17013.tom","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper is a description of the copula system of Tawang Monpa [Dakpa], an East-Bodish language, spoken in Arunachal Pradesh in India and by small groups of speakers in Bhutan and Tibet. There are two equative copulas in Tawang Monpa: personal jin and neutral jim, and three existential copulas: testimonial ni, neutral num and personal nou. In addition, there are separate negative copulas; equative: personal men and neutral menum, and existential: testimonial mon, neutral munum and personal monou. There is also one example of a past positive copula ne and a past negative copula monelu.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"43 1","pages":"37-54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42276809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper presents an overview of negative expression in Liangmai, an under-described Tibeto-Burman language, primarily spoken in the Northeast Indian states of Manipur and Nagaland. There are two ways of negative formation in the language: (i) by suffixing negative markers to the main verb, and (ii) by the use of negative particles. The main negative suffixes in Liangmai are -mak, mainly used with realis constructions; -lak, used mainly with irrealis constructions; and -tu/-du with imperative, giving a prohibitive meaning. Negative particles used in the language include ha, which is a negative existential and rao, used to express ‘undesirability’. Additionally, a negative interjection hai is used frequently in the language as a negative answer to a question or to contradict a statement perceived to be incorrect. Negative polarity items are form by suffixing -di to nominal stems and numerals. The present paper offers a descriptive account of negation in Liangmai, providing an overview of various constructions, namely, declarative, interrogative, imperative, relative and hortative, with negative polarity in the language.
{"title":"Expressing negative meaning in Liangmai","authors":"Kailadbou Daimai, Kh. Dhiren Singha","doi":"10.1075/ltba.19008.dai","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.19008.dai","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper presents an overview of negative expression in Liangmai, an under-described Tibeto-Burman language, primarily spoken in the Northeast Indian states of Manipur and Nagaland. There are two ways of negative formation in the language: (i) by suffixing negative markers to the main verb, and (ii) by the use of negative particles. The main negative suffixes in Liangmai are -mak, mainly used with realis constructions; -lak, used mainly with irrealis constructions; and -tu/-du with imperative, giving a prohibitive meaning. Negative particles used in the language include ha, which is a negative existential and rao, used to express ‘undesirability’. Additionally, a negative interjection hai is used frequently in the language as a negative answer to a question or to contradict a statement perceived to be incorrect. Negative polarity items are form by suffixing -di to nominal stems and numerals. The present paper offers a descriptive account of negation in Liangmai, providing an overview of various constructions, namely, declarative, interrogative, imperative, relative and hortative, with negative polarity in the language.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"43 1","pages":"124-146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46665723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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