Va, an obscure language of Southwestern Yunnan, belongs to the Wa-Lawa cluster under the Waic subgroup of Palaungic in the Austroasiatic language family. This article presents an overview of Va synchronic phonology and an account of its evolution from the Proto-Wa-Lawa sound system reconstructed by Gérard Diffloth. Modern Va phonology is characterized by fully monosyllabic word structure, reduced syllable canon, and a robust three-tone system. Its atypical phonological profile from an Austroasiatic perspective and its tonogenesis may be directly attributed to the sociolinguistic ambience of the Va-speaking areas. The phonological innovations discussed herein, including onset-driven tone splitting rules and coda-driven vowel splitting rules, will help determine the language’s distinct status within the Wa-Lawa language cluster.
{"title":"The synchronic and diachronic phonology of Va","authors":"J. T. Sun","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.18010.SUN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.18010.SUN","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Va, an obscure language of Southwestern Yunnan, belongs to the Wa-Lawa cluster under the Waic subgroup of\u0000 Palaungic in the Austroasiatic language family. This article presents an overview of Va synchronic phonology and an account of its\u0000 evolution from the Proto-Wa-Lawa sound system reconstructed by Gérard Diffloth. Modern Va phonology is characterized by fully\u0000 monosyllabic word structure, reduced syllable canon, and a robust three-tone system. Its atypical phonological profile from an\u0000 Austroasiatic perspective and its tonogenesis may be directly attributed to the sociolinguistic ambience of the Va-speaking areas.\u0000 The phonological innovations discussed herein, including onset-driven tone splitting rules and coda-driven vowel splitting rules,\u0000 will help determine the language’s distinct status within the Wa-Lawa language cluster.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42639828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Rgyalrongic studies, it is believed that the most complex stem alternation system is found in Zbu, a Northern Rgyalrong language, whereas other languages, including Situ, have simpler systems. However, as a dialect of Situ Rgyalrong, Brag-bar presents a complex stem alternation system exhibiting several opaque features in comparison with other Situ dialects. This paper documents the stem alternations in the Brag-bar dialect of Situ Rgyalrong. It first describes the distribution and stem formation devices of different verb stems in Brag-bar, then explains the occurrence of the irregular stem I′/II′ in Brag-bar and investigates their synchronic status.
{"title":"Stem alternations in the Brag-bar dialect of Situ Rgyalrong","authors":"Shuya Zhang","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.18009.ZHA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.18009.ZHA","url":null,"abstract":"In Rgyalrongic studies, it is believed that the most complex stem alternation system is found in Zbu, a Northern Rgyalrong language, whereas other languages, including Situ, have simpler systems. However, as a dialect of Situ Rgyalrong, Brag-bar presents a complex stem alternation system exhibiting several opaque features in comparison with other Situ dialects. This paper documents the stem alternations in the Brag-bar dialect of Situ Rgyalrong. It first describes the distribution and stem formation devices of different verb stems in Brag-bar, then explains the occurrence of the irregular stem I′/II′ in Brag-bar and investigates their synchronic status.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44431048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we propose that in Stau (Rgyalrongic, Sino-Tibetan) there is a system of four vowel pairs (/i/-/ə/, /e/-/ɛ/, /æ/-/ɑ/, /u/-/o/) that undergo regressive vowel harmony. This system of vowel harmony produces root morpheme forms such as [æCæ] and [ɑCɑ], whereas forms like [æCɑ] or [ɑCæ] are remarkably absent. Vowel harmony is also observed when combining morphemes to create complex words. Unambiguous cases show that the vowel of the first morpheme assimilates to the vowel of the second (e.g. /æCɑ/ → [ɑCɑ]), if the vowels of the two morphemes belong to the same vowel pair set (e.g. /æ/-/ɑ/). At the same time, there are several situations where vowel harmony is consistently not observed. Notable among these blocking mechanisms are lexemes that contain semantically-heavy first syllables. In this situation, we observe the interplay of semantics and phonology. Analysis of the vowel harmony system in Stau yields a way to measure the distance between morphemes.
{"title":"Vowel harmony in Stau","authors":"Jesse P. Gates, W. Kim","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.17016.GAT","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.17016.GAT","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper, we propose that in Stau (Rgyalrongic, Sino-Tibetan) there is a system of four vowel pairs (/i/-/ə/,\u0000 /e/-/ɛ/, /æ/-/ɑ/, /u/-/o/) that undergo regressive vowel harmony. This system of vowel harmony produces root morpheme forms such as [æCæ]\u0000 and [ɑCɑ], whereas forms like [æCɑ] or [ɑCæ] are remarkably absent. Vowel harmony is also observed when combining morphemes to create\u0000 complex words. Unambiguous cases show that the vowel of the first morpheme assimilates to the vowel of the second (e.g. /æCɑ/ → [ɑCɑ]), if\u0000 the vowels of the two morphemes belong to the same vowel pair set (e.g. /æ/-/ɑ/). At the same time, there are several situations where vowel\u0000 harmony is consistently not observed. Notable among these blocking mechanisms are lexemes that contain semantically-heavy first syllables.\u0000 In this situation, we observe the interplay of semantics and phonology. Analysis of the vowel harmony system in Stau yields a way to measure\u0000 the distance between morphemes.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48174719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents an overview of bipartite verbs in Japhug and describes related constructions in that language, including compound and serial verbs. Several hypotheses are proposed to account for the genesis of these constructions and the historical relationship between them. Typological comparisons with other languages of the family, including Kiranti and Rawang, are offered to illustrate the specificities of the Japhug constructions.
{"title":"Bipartite verbs in Japhug and other Trans-Himalayan languages","authors":"G. Jacques","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.17012.JAC","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.17012.JAC","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents an overview of bipartite verbs in Japhug and describes related constructions in that language, including compound and serial verbs. Several hypotheses are proposed to account for the genesis of these constructions and the historical relationship between them. Typological comparisons with other languages of the family, including Kiranti and Rawang, are offered to illustrate the specificities of the Japhug constructions.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44178934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
“Induced Creaky Tone (ICT)” is a grammatical tone in Burmese. It is the result of a process by which Low or High tone is changed into Creaky tone. This alternation is multifunctional, and one of its functions is possessor marking. This paper demonstrates several well-distinguished conditions of different nature and different domain for this tonal alternation. ICT is primarily induced by syntax, varies due to pragmatic factors, occurs only on the shared right boundary of phrases and stem forms, and its phonological condition has a domain stretching to the left boundary of the prosodic word. A comprehensive account of such conditions provides the basis for a grammatical analysis which tests the theoretical options for representing a tonal morpheme in the morpho-syntactic structure of a sentence. It also sheds light on other issues such as the interfaces between phonology and grammar, and between tonal morphology and tonal syntax.
{"title":"Anatomy of a grammatical tone","authors":"Mimi Tian","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.18007.TIA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.18007.TIA","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 “Induced Creaky Tone (ICT)” is a grammatical tone in Burmese. It is the result of a process by which Low or High\u0000 tone is changed into Creaky tone. This alternation is multifunctional, and one of its functions is possessor marking. This paper\u0000 demonstrates several well-distinguished conditions of different nature and different domain for this tonal alternation. ICT is\u0000 primarily induced by syntax, varies due to pragmatic factors, occurs only on the shared right boundary of phrases and stem forms,\u0000 and its phonological condition has a domain stretching to the left boundary of the prosodic word. A comprehensive account of such\u0000 conditions provides the basis for a grammatical analysis which tests the theoretical options for representing a tonal morpheme in\u0000 the morpho-syntactic structure of a sentence. It also sheds light on other issues such as the interfaces between phonology and\u0000 grammar, and between tonal morphology and tonal syntax.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43293890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper focuses on the morphosyntax as well as the semantics of relativisation in Wobzi Khroskyabs, a Rgyalrongic language spoken in Sichuan, China. Different strategies of relativisation are presented, especially the nominalisation strategy. Wobzi Khroskyabs exhibits an innovative relativisation strategy with the genitive marker =ji, which is rarely found in other Rgyalrongic languages. Several hypotheses are put forward to account for the evolutionary pathway from genitivisation to relativisation, showing that genitive =ji probably followed an ergative pattern to enter the relativisation of core arguments.
{"title":"Relativisation in Wobzi Khroskyabs and the integration of genitivisation","authors":"Yunfan Lai","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.17015.LAI","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.17015.LAI","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper focuses on the morphosyntax as well as the semantics of relativisation in Wobzi Khroskyabs, a\u0000 Rgyalrongic language spoken in Sichuan, China. Different strategies of relativisation are presented, especially the nominalisation\u0000 strategy. Wobzi Khroskyabs exhibits an innovative relativisation strategy with the genitive marker =ji, which is\u0000 rarely found in other Rgyalrongic languages. Several hypotheses are put forward to account for the evolutionary pathway from\u0000 genitivisation to relativisation, showing that genitive =ji probably followed an ergative pattern to enter the\u0000 relativisation of core arguments.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47879449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents a sketch of the vowels and tones in the Poula language as spoken in the Naamai (Koide) village of Manipur. Acoustic studies on the vowels and tones are conducted in this work, and it is concluded that Poula has a six vowel inventory like many of the languages in the vicinity; however the distribution of vowels in Poula is quite peculiar, with the absence of high back vowels and presence of two high front vowels. In case of tones, this study reports four tones in Poula, namely, High-falling, Rising-falling, Mid and Low. The paper concludes with a short discussion on tones in Poula underived words.
{"title":"Vowels and tones in Poula","authors":"Sahiinii Lemaina Veikho, Priyankoo Sarmah","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.16022.LEM","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.16022.LEM","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper presents a sketch of the vowels and tones in the Poula language as spoken in the Naamai (Koide) village of Manipur. Acoustic studies on the vowels and tones are conducted in this work, and it is concluded that Poula has a six vowel inventory like many of the languages in the vicinity; however the distribution of vowels in Poula is quite peculiar, with the absence of high back vowels and presence of two high front vowels. In case of tones, this study reports four tones in Poula, namely, High-falling, Rising-falling, Mid and Low. The paper concludes with a short discussion on tones in Poula underived words.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1075/LTBA.16022.LEM","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48332738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present paper describes a transitivity distinction that is attested in some Tibeto-Burman (TB) languages of the West Himalayish (WH) subgroup. The relevant distinction is encoded by a set of dedicated markers that occur between verb stems and inflectional endings and group verbs into transitivity classes. The paper first offers a synchronic description of transitivity classes in the WH language Bunan, discussing their formal realization and functional motivation. Subsequently, the relevant transitivity classes are discussed from a historical-comparative perspective. It is argued that the transitivity distinction developed when an object agreement marker was reanalyzed as a marker of transitive verbs. The paper thus offers new perspectives on transitivity in TB from both a synchronic and a diacronic point of view, and adduces evidence for a hitherto underscribed reanalysis from “object agreement marker” > “marker of transitive verbs”.
{"title":"Transitivity markers in West Himalayish","authors":"Manuel Widmer","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.17011.WID","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.17011.WID","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The present paper describes a transitivity distinction that is attested in some Tibeto-Burman (TB) languages of the West Himalayish (WH) subgroup. The relevant distinction is encoded by a set of dedicated markers that occur between verb stems and inflectional endings and group verbs into transitivity classes. The paper first offers a synchronic description of transitivity classes in the WH language Bunan, discussing their formal realization and functional motivation. Subsequently, the relevant transitivity classes are discussed from a historical-comparative perspective. It is argued that the transitivity distinction developed when an object agreement marker was reanalyzed as a marker of transitive verbs. The paper thus offers new perspectives on transitivity in TB from both a synchronic and a diacronic point of view, and adduces evidence for a hitherto underscribed reanalysis from “object agreement marker” > “marker of transitive verbs”.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47392829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Current analyses (Hu 2005; Gerner 2013; Liu et al. 2013) of Nuosu adjectival comparative constructions are not observationally adequate because they are only based on the semantic distinction between dimensional adjectives and other adjectives. A better analysis should make a further morphological consideration by dividing the Nuosu adjectives into root-sharing prefixed adjectives, non-root-sharing prefixed adjectives and simplex adjectives. Moreover, the existing analyses are not consistent. Some unacceptable comparative sentences in Hu (2005) are acceptable in Gerner (2013) and Liu et al. (2013). I have found out that the inconsistency results from different rigorousness to adjectival morphosyntactic restrictions among different varieties or dialects of Nuosu. After a cross-dialectal investigation with three major dialects of Nuosu, i.e. Shynra, Yynuo and Suondi, it is concluded that Nuosu comparative constructions have a restricted form and a general form for superiority, inferiority and equality respectively. Different dialects or varieties have varying rigorousness to Nuosu adjectival morphosyntax, thus resulting in different choices of the forms for comparison. Accordingly, the available Nuosu varieties are classified into three types: varieties with more morphosyntactic rigorousness, transitional varieties and varieties with less morphosyntactic rigorousness. It is found that Shynra Nuosu is morphosyntactically less rigorous than Yynuo and Suondi Nuosu. I will also address the relationship between the two structural forms of comparative constructions. To conclude, a prediction is made on the development of Nuosu adjectival comparatives.
目前对诺苏形容词比较结构的分析（Hu 2005；Gerner 2013；Liu et al.2013）在观察上并不充分，因为它们只是基于维度形容词和其他形容词之间的语义区别。更好的分析应进一步考虑词形因素，将诺苏形容词分为同根前缀形容词、非同根前缀描述词和单纯形容词。此外，现有的分析并不一致。胡（2005）中的一些不可接受的比较句在Gerner（2013）和Liu等人中是可接受的。（2013）。笔者发现，这种不一致性的产生是由于诺苏语不同变体或方言对形容词形态句法限制的严格程度不同。通过对新罗语、伊诺语和索恩德语三大方言的跨方言考察，得出了诺苏语比较结构分别具有优越性、自卑性和平等性的限制形式和一般形式。不同的方言或变体对诺苏形容词形态句法的严格程度各不相同，从而导致了比较形式的不同选择。因此，可利用的糯苏品种可分为三类：形态句法严密性较强的品种、过渡品种和形态句法严密程度较低的品种。研究发现，在形态句法上，Shynra Nuosu不如Yynuo和Suondi Nuosu严谨。我还将讨论比较结构的两种结构形式之间的关系。最后，对诺苏形容词比较词的发展进行了预测。
{"title":"A cross-dialectal analysis of Nuosu adjectival comparative constructions","authors":"Hongdi Ding","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.16023.DIN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.16023.DIN","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Current analyses (Hu 2005; Gerner 2013; Liu et al. 2013) of Nuosu adjectival comparative constructions are not observationally adequate because they are only based on the semantic distinction between dimensional adjectives and other adjectives. A better analysis should make a further morphological consideration by dividing the Nuosu adjectives into root-sharing prefixed adjectives, non-root-sharing prefixed adjectives and simplex adjectives.\u0000 Moreover, the existing analyses are not consistent. Some unacceptable comparative sentences in Hu (2005) are acceptable in Gerner (2013) and Liu et al. (2013). I have found out that the inconsistency results from different rigorousness to adjectival morphosyntactic restrictions among different varieties or dialects of Nuosu.\u0000 After a cross-dialectal investigation with three major dialects of Nuosu, i.e. Shynra, Yynuo and Suondi, it is concluded that Nuosu comparative constructions have a restricted form and a general form for superiority, inferiority and equality respectively. Different dialects or varieties have varying rigorousness to Nuosu adjectival morphosyntax, thus resulting in different choices of the forms for comparison. Accordingly, the available Nuosu varieties are classified into three types: varieties with more morphosyntactic rigorousness, transitional varieties and varieties with less morphosyntactic rigorousness. It is found that Shynra Nuosu is morphosyntactically less rigorous than Yynuo and Suondi Nuosu. I will also address the relationship between the two structural forms of comparative constructions. To conclude, a prediction is made on the development of Nuosu adjectival comparatives.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42257222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Hyslop, Gwendolyn 2017. A grammar of Kurtöp","authors":"Joanna Bialek","doi":"10.1075/LTBA.00003.BIA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LTBA.00003.BIA","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46710700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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