This contribution introduces Suansu, an endangered Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Manipur, northeastern India. Suansu is virtually undescribed in the linguistic literature, and no previous attestations are known to date. This field report provides a first sketch of Suansu sociolinguistic profile, phonology and phonotactics, as well as basic information on Suansu nominal and verbal morphology. A preliminary comparative look at the languages spoken in the area suggests that Suansu does not align neatly with the set of traits commonly attested in the region, confirming the high linguistic diversity of the area and setting up the stage for further research.
{"title":"Suansu language from northeastern India","authors":"Jessica K. Ivani","doi":"10.1075/ltba.22005.iva","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.22005.iva","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This contribution introduces Suansu, an endangered Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Manipur, northeastern India.\u0000 Suansu is virtually undescribed in the linguistic literature, and no previous attestations are known to date. This field report\u0000 provides a first sketch of Suansu sociolinguistic profile, phonology and phonotactics, as well as basic information on Suansu\u0000 nominal and verbal morphology. A preliminary comparative look at the languages spoken in the area suggests that Suansu does not\u0000 align neatly with the set of traits commonly attested in the region, confirming the high linguistic diversity of the area and\u0000 setting up the stage for further research.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45111281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Bodo-Garo group of languages consisting of Kāchārī or Bodo, Lālung (autonym Tiwa), Dīmā-sā, Gārō, Koch, Rābhā, Tipurā (autonym Kokborok), Chutiyā (autonym Deori) and Morān (Grierson 1903) are mainly spoken by about four million people in north-east India.1 BG exhibit systematic processes of formation of causative verbs through prefixation, suffixation and very rarely, infixation. Lexical causative verbs are also employed in these languages whereas periphrastic causatives are found in the form of verb stacking. This study aims at finding out the causative prefixes which co-occur with the root verbs to form their causative counterparts; categorizing the prefixes in terms of their occurrences with certain roots; and, analyzing the environments and linguistic conditioning of the occurrences of the prefixes. This study also discusses several syntactic and semantic features associated with causation.
{"title":"Causative constructions in Bodo-Garo","authors":"Aleendra Brahma","doi":"10.1075/ltba.21023.bra","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21023.bra","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The Bodo-Garo group of languages consisting of Kāchārī or Bodo, Lālung (autonym Tiwa), Dīmā-sā, Gārō, Koch, Rābhā, Tipurā (autonym Kokborok), Chutiyā (autonym Deori) and Morān (Grierson 1903) are mainly spoken by about four million people in north-east India.1\u0000 \u0000BG exhibit systematic processes of formation of causative verbs through prefixation, suffixation and very rarely, infixation. Lexical causative verbs are also employed in these languages whereas periphrastic causatives are found in the form of verb stacking. This study aims at finding out the causative prefixes which co-occur with the root verbs to form their causative counterparts; categorizing the prefixes in terms of their occurrences with certain roots; and, analyzing the environments and linguistic conditioning of the occurrences of the prefixes. This study also discusses several syntactic and semantic features associated with causation.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48086244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There are four distinct forms conveying the meaning of ‘human, person, man’ across Gyalrongic languages. The default type (Japhug tɯ-rme), the rounded type (Khroskyabs vɟú), the Stau type (Geshiza vdzi) and the uvular type (Geletuo taˈʁap). Except for the default type, which has cognates in many other Sino-Tibetan languages, the origins of the other types are to date obscure and understudied. This paper first studies the phenomena of preinitial denasalisation and palatal fortition in the history of Khroskyabs, and then puts forward etymological solutions to the rounded and Stau types based on these sound changes. Both types are historical compounds with the first element related to the default type. The second element of the rounded type is cognate with Tangut lụʶ¹ ‘man’, and the second element of the Stau type is cognate with Proto-Loloish *tsaŋ¹ ‘man’ (Bradley 1979).
{"title":"Preinitial denasalisation and palatal fortition in Khroskyabs and the Gyalrongic word for ‘man’","authors":"Yunfan Lai","doi":"10.1075/ltba.22006.lai","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.22006.lai","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000There are four distinct forms conveying the meaning of ‘human, person, man’ across Gyalrongic languages. The default type (Japhug tɯ-rme), the rounded type (Khroskyabs vɟú), the Stau type (Geshiza vdzi) and the uvular type (Geletuo taˈʁap). Except for the default type, which has cognates in many other Sino-Tibetan languages, the origins of the other types are to date obscure and understudied. This paper first studies the phenomena of preinitial denasalisation and palatal fortition in the history of Khroskyabs, and then puts forward etymological solutions to the rounded and Stau types based on these sound changes. Both types are historical compounds with the first element related to the default type. The second element of the rounded type is cognate with Tangut lụʶ¹ ‘man’, and the second element of the Stau type is cognate with Proto-Loloish *tsaŋ¹ ‘man’ (Bradley 1979).","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49173159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper looks at two closely related Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal, Chepang and Bhujel, in relation to certain supra-segmental features they possess which are involved in the distinction of minimal pairs. Since these features include pitch and glottalisation, the possible phonemic analyses of these in terms of either a supra-segmental solution (tone) or a segmental one (glottal plosive) are discussed. Given the latter, a non-tonal analysis for the present state of these languages, and the possibilities of one or both of these becoming tonal languages in the future, are considered. Also, Chepang is unusual in possessing a whistled form of speech and the relation of this to the spoken language is described. These features are exemplified in the Appendices by waveforms, fundamental frequency (F0) contours and spectrogram illustrations, and also by sound files.
{"title":"Glottalic and pitch features in Chepang and Bhujel","authors":"R. C. Caughley","doi":"10.1075/ltba.22001.cau","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.22001.cau","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper looks at two closely related Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal, Chepang and Bhujel, in relation to certain supra-segmental features they possess which are involved in the distinction of minimal pairs. Since these features include pitch and glottalisation, the possible phonemic analyses of these in terms of either a supra-segmental solution (tone) or a segmental one (glottal plosive) are discussed. Given the latter, a non-tonal analysis for the present state of these languages, and the possibilities of one or both of these becoming tonal languages in the future, are considered. Also, Chepang is unusual in possessing a whistled form of speech and the relation of this to the spoken language is described. These features are exemplified in the Appendices by waveforms, fundamental frequency (F0) contours and spectrogram illustrations, and also by sound files.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44497950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Kho-Bwa, Hrusish, Mishmic, Tani, and Tshangla are language clusters that have been recurrently proposed as subgroups of the Trans-Himalayan (also known as Tibeto-Burman and Sino-Tibetan) language family. Nonetheless, their internal classification, as well as the relation with each other and with other linguistic groups in the family, is hitherto unresolved. We use lexical data on these groups and dated phylogenies to investigate such internal classifications. We base our examination on previous research into the language family in the Tibet-Arunachal area, and follow a computer-assisted approach of language comparison to perform Bayesian phylolinguistic analysis. As earlier phylogenetic studies on this family included little data related to this geographic area, we took a subset of the best available dataset and extended it with vocabularies for the Kho-Bwa and Hrusish clusters, also including one Mishmic, two Tani, two Tshangla, and five East Bodish languages to cover the major languages and linguistic subgroups neighboring these clusters. Our results shed light on the internal and external classification of the Kho-Bwa, Hrusish and Bodish languages, and allow us to share valuable experience on the extent to which similar approaches can be applied to the phylogenetic analysis of the Trans-Himalayan language family.
{"title":"Bayesian phylogenetics illuminate shallower relationships among Trans-Himalayan languages in the Tibet-Arunachal area","authors":"Mei-Shin Wu, T. Bodt, Tiago Tresoldi","doi":"10.1075/ltba.21019.wu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21019.wu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Kho-Bwa, Hrusish, Mishmic, Tani, and Tshangla are language clusters that have been recurrently proposed as\u0000 subgroups of the Trans-Himalayan (also known as Tibeto-Burman and Sino-Tibetan) language family. Nonetheless, their internal\u0000 classification, as well as the relation with each other and with other linguistic groups in the family, is hitherto unresolved. We\u0000 use lexical data on these groups and dated phylogenies to investigate such internal classifications. We base our examination on\u0000 previous research into the language family in the Tibet-Arunachal area, and follow a computer-assisted approach of language\u0000 comparison to perform Bayesian phylolinguistic analysis. As earlier phylogenetic studies on this family included little data\u0000 related to this geographic area, we took a subset of the best available dataset and extended it with vocabularies for the Kho-Bwa\u0000 and Hrusish clusters, also including one Mishmic, two Tani, two Tshangla, and five East Bodish languages to cover the major\u0000 languages and linguistic subgroups neighboring these clusters. Our results shed light on the internal and external classification\u0000 of the Kho-Bwa, Hrusish and Bodish languages, and allow us to share valuable experience on the extent to which similar approaches\u0000 can be applied to the phylogenetic analysis of the Trans-Himalayan language family.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42000318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The use of ནས་ -nas to mark cross-clausal co-reference in Version I of the Old Tibetan Rāmāyaṇa reveals accusative alignment in Tibetan syntax, which in turn vindicates the notion of ‘subject’ applied to Tibetan.
{"title":"Accusative alignment in the Old Tibetan switch reference system","authors":"N. Hill","doi":"10.1075/ltba.22007.hil","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.22007.hil","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The use of ནས་ -nas to mark cross-clausal co-reference in Version I of the Old Tibetan Rāmāyaṇa reveals accusative alignment in Tibetan syntax, which in turn vindicates the notion of ‘subject’ applied to Tibetan.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48720249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper discusses the cultural knowledge of Thadou-Kuki which constitutes one of the least explored genres of language use, with the hope that it will remain a source of information for future generation speakers and scholars. The paper provides examples of the vast pool of knowledge that lies underneath the traditional culture. It discusses two types of cultural knowledge in Thadou-Kuki, namely, material and oral culture transmitted from one generation of speakers to the other; these have not received the kind of attention that they deserve. The study shows how both material and oral culture are fast disappearing due to onslaughts from different quarters: the shift from traditional to a more sedentary lifestyle, the shift from traditional religion to Christianity, and finally the shift from traditional modes of entertainment to modern forms of entertainment. Many of the phenomena discussed in the paper apply to many of the other languages spoken in the hills of Northeast India, which are faced with similar threats.
{"title":"“Fish die of number, animals of footprints, but humans by mouths [words]!”","authors":"Pauthang Haokip","doi":"10.1075/ltba.21026.hao","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21026.hao","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper discusses the cultural knowledge of Thadou-Kuki which constitutes one of the least explored genres of\u0000 language use, with the hope that it will remain a source of information for future generation speakers and scholars. The paper\u0000 provides examples of the vast pool of knowledge that lies underneath the traditional culture. It discusses two types of cultural\u0000 knowledge in Thadou-Kuki, namely, material and oral culture transmitted from one generation of speakers to the other; these have\u0000 not received the kind of attention that they deserve. The study shows how both material and oral culture are fast disappearing due\u0000 to onslaughts from different quarters: the shift from traditional to a more sedentary lifestyle, the shift from traditional\u0000 religion to Christianity, and finally the shift from traditional modes of entertainment to modern forms of entertainment. Many of\u0000 the phenomena discussed in the paper apply to many of the other languages spoken in the hills of Northeast India, which are faced\u0000 with similar threats.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47168991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper describes the interrogative system of Liangshan Yi, a Loloish language spoken in Southwest China, by investigating its two major dialects: Nuosu and Niesu. Ten interrogative categories are addressed, including ‘who’, ‘which’, ‘what’, ‘how many/much’, ‘what kind’, ‘how’, ‘where’, ‘when’, ‘for what’ and ‘why’. The following syntactic categories are revealed for the basic functions of the interrogatives: person ‘who’, thing ‘what’, place ‘where’ and time ‘when’ are all nouns, selection ‘which’ is an adjective, quantity ‘how many/much’ is a numeral, manner ‘how’ is a verb, kind ‘what kind’ is a verb phrase, purpose ‘for what’ is a verb phrase, and cause ‘why’ is a verb. Both purpose and cause interrogatives are based on the meaning ‘to do what’. All interrogatives have the same syntactic categories in Niesu and Nuosu. Both Niesu and Nuosu distinguish purpose from cause by using word/phrase distinction and positional differences in sentences. The grammaticalization of the verb phrase ‘to do what’ into the cause interrogative is facilitated by three structural conditions of Liangshan Yi. Moreover, the (proto-)which-word and the what-word are the basis for most of the interrogatives in Liangshan Yi. However, the derivation between which and how is no longer visible in Nuosu, while this connection is still clear in Niesu. Three crossover functions are described: asking for ‘why’ with ‘how’, asking for ‘why’ with ‘what’, and asking for ‘how’ with ‘where’; the word classes of the interrogatives may also change due to the functional changes. Finally, the non-interrogative functions of the interrogatives are discussed, including indefinites, intensification of a state, and exclamation.
{"title":"Interrogatives of Liangshan Yi","authors":"Hongdi Ding","doi":"10.1075/ltba.21007.din","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21007.din","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper describes the interrogative system of Liangshan Yi, a Loloish language spoken in Southwest China, by investigating its two major dialects: Nuosu and Niesu. Ten interrogative categories are addressed, including ‘who’, ‘which’, ‘what’, ‘how many/much’, ‘what kind’, ‘how’, ‘where’, ‘when’, ‘for what’ and ‘why’. The following syntactic categories are revealed for the basic functions of the interrogatives: person ‘who’, thing ‘what’, place ‘where’ and time ‘when’ are all nouns, selection ‘which’ is an adjective, quantity ‘how many/much’ is a numeral, manner ‘how’ is a verb, kind ‘what kind’ is a verb phrase, purpose ‘for what’ is a verb phrase, and cause ‘why’ is a verb. Both purpose and cause interrogatives are based on the meaning ‘to do what’. All interrogatives have the same syntactic categories in Niesu and Nuosu. Both Niesu and Nuosu distinguish purpose from cause by using word/phrase distinction and positional differences in sentences. The grammaticalization of the verb phrase ‘to do what’ into the cause interrogative is facilitated by three structural conditions of Liangshan Yi. Moreover, the (proto-)which-word and the what-word are the basis for most of the interrogatives in Liangshan Yi. However, the derivation between which and how is no longer visible in Nuosu, while this connection is still clear in Niesu. Three crossover functions are described: asking for ‘why’ with ‘how’, asking for ‘why’ with ‘what’, and asking for ‘how’ with ‘where’; the word classes of the interrogatives may also change due to the functional changes. Finally, the non-interrogative functions of the interrogatives are discussed, including indefinites, intensification of a state, and exclamation.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44341539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Tangut language is of particular importance to the field of SinoTibetan Studies, notably because of its morphological conservatism, which is unexpectedly correlated with a simplification of its syllable structure, a consequence of a process Miyake (2012) called “compression”. Such conservatism is evident in the syllable qualities reconstructed, which sometimes reflect proto Tangut’s ancient derivational processes. Verbs also exhibit various flectional phenomena, mainly due to conversion of agreement rules and referential hierarchy rules (Silverstein 1976), in a manner reminiscent of the indexation system of languages of the rGyalrongic taxon within the Qiangic family. The present paper attempts to explain the absence of indexation in the Tangut verb, a key phenomenon in the history of verb agreement analysis. First, I recall the main rules of the Tangut verb’s agreement system, as shown by Kepping (1975) and Gong (2001). Second, cases of nonagreement are analyzed. Apart from the case of nonlocal contexts, we see that the absence of agreement occurs in nonfinite forms resulting from a dependency pattern, such as clause chaining, topic/comment context, and semantically dependent modality.1
{"title":"Tangut verb agreement","authors":"Mathieu Beaudouin","doi":"10.1075/ltba.21008.bea","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21008.bea","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The Tangut language is of particular importance to the field of SinoTibetan Studies, notably because of its morphological conservatism, which is unexpectedly correlated with a simplification of its syllable structure, a consequence of a process Miyake (2012) called “compression”. Such conservatism is evident in the syllable qualities reconstructed, which sometimes reflect proto Tangut’s ancient derivational processes. Verbs also exhibit various flectional phenomena, mainly due to conversion of agreement rules and referential hierarchy rules (Silverstein 1976), in a manner reminiscent of the indexation system of languages of the rGyalrongic taxon within the Qiangic family. The present paper attempts to explain the absence of indexation in the Tangut verb, a key phenomenon in the history of verb agreement analysis. First, I recall the main rules of the Tangut verb’s agreement system, as shown by Kepping (1975) and Gong (2001). Second, cases of nonagreement are analyzed. Apart from the case of nonlocal contexts, we see that the absence of agreement occurs in nonfinite forms resulting from a dependency pattern, such as clause chaining, topic/comment context, and semantically dependent modality.1\u0000","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46767765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Languages with sortal classifiers (clf) are distributed across the world, with a large concentration in East and South (east) Asia. Across the world’s classifier languages, few are attested which order classifiers before numerals in counted noun phrases (clf num). The Sino-Tibetan language family includes languages without sortal classifiers, languages with the more typical num clf order, as well as languages with clf num order. The latter group of languages are concentrated in Northeast India and neighboring regions. The Sino-Tibetan languages with clf num order do not fit under one genealogical node. The present hypothesis is that the classifiers arose through repetition of the counted noun, following which the order spread via contact. The clf num order appears to have arisen at least as early as the time of Proto-Bodo-Garo. However, we do not yet find cognate classifiers at a time depth beyond Proto-Bodo-Garo. A remaining mystery is why such a cross-linguistically rare morpheme order spread so easily within the Northeast India linguistic area.
具有排序分类器（clf）的语言分布在世界各地，主要集中在东亚和东南亚。在世界上的分类语言中，很少有人证明在计数名词短语（clf-num）中将分类词排列在数字之前。汉藏语系包括没有排序分类器的语言、具有更典型的num-clf顺序的语言以及具有clf-num顺序的语言。后一组语言集中在印度东北部和邻近地区。具有clf数量顺序的汉藏语言不适合放在一个系谱节点下。目前的假设是，分类器是通过重复计数的名词而产生的，随后顺序通过接触传播。clf-num秩序似乎至少早在Proto Bodo Garo时代就出现了。然而，我们还没有发现在Proto Bodo Garo之外的时间深度上的同源分类器。一个仍然存在的谜团是，为什么这样一个跨语言罕见的词素顺序在印度东北部语言区如此容易传播。
{"title":"Classifiers before numerals","authors":"J. Evans","doi":"10.1075/ltba.21013.eva","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21013.eva","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Languages with sortal classifiers (clf) are distributed across the world, with a large concentration in\u0000 East and South (east) Asia. Across the world’s classifier languages, few are attested which order classifiers before numerals in\u0000 counted noun phrases (clf num). The Sino-Tibetan language family includes languages without sortal classifiers, languages\u0000 with the more typical num clf order, as well as languages with clf num order. The latter group of languages are\u0000 concentrated in Northeast India and neighboring regions. The Sino-Tibetan languages with clf num order do not fit under\u0000 one genealogical node. The present hypothesis is that the classifiers arose through repetition of the counted noun, following\u0000 which the order spread via contact. The clf num order appears to have arisen at least as early as the time of\u0000 Proto-Bodo-Garo. However, we do not yet find cognate classifiers at a time depth beyond Proto-Bodo-Garo. A remaining mystery is\u0000 why such a cross-linguistically rare morpheme order spread so easily within the Northeast India linguistic area.","PeriodicalId":41542,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47895152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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