Pub Date : 2017-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.103
H. Lee
{"title":"News Consumption and Economic Voting","authors":"H. Lee","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.103","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"103"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48548973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.71
Sangbeom Yoo, Sangjin Kim
In this article, the authors suggest a statistical analysis regarding the pattern of North Korea’s local military provocations by using quantitative data. The outcomes of the logit model indicate that there are negative relationships between provocations and regime-building periods, the Cold War era, and GDP per capita (limited to internal factors), while demonstrating a positive relationship with post-purge periods. Contrary to the widespread perception that NK leaders tended to be cautious when committing local military provocations during the combined forces exercises of the Republic of Korea and the United States militaries, results show that there was no systematic relationship, while North Korea was less likely to initiate local provocations during the reduction of U.S. forces in Korea. These outcomes tell us that the provocations are mostly driven by internal causes rather than external stimuli, and that North Korean leaders are more likely to utilize provocations in order to demonstrate power when they are politically strong and may have an incentive to divert internal economic discontent when the country is economically weak.
{"title":"The Pattern of North Korea’s Local Military Provocations","authors":"Sangbeom Yoo, Sangjin Kim","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.71","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.71","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the authors suggest a statistical analysis regarding the pattern of North Korea’s local military provocations by using quantitative data. The outcomes of the logit model indicate that there are negative relationships between provocations and regime-building periods, the Cold War era, and GDP per capita (limited to internal factors), while demonstrating a positive relationship with post-purge periods. Contrary to the widespread perception that NK leaders tended to be cautious when committing local military provocations during the combined forces exercises of the Republic of Korea and the United States militaries, results show that there was no systematic relationship, while North Korea was less likely to initiate local provocations during the reduction of U.S. forces in Korea. These outcomes tell us that the provocations are mostly driven by internal causes rather than external stimuli, and that North Korean leaders are more likely to utilize provocations in order to demonstrate power when they are politically strong and may have an incentive to divert internal economic discontent when the country is economically weak.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41316694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.41
A. Patalakh
The paper problematizes the national soft power strategies of authoritarian states arguing that many of their features stem from those countries’ political regime. In particular, the author focuses on such features as actors involved in soft power policies, the public media’s international and domestic rhetoric, the presence or absence of ideological commitments, strategies’ proactiveness/reactiveness as well as their long- and short-termness. The author presents his argumentation in a fashion similar to what is called theory-building process tracing: first, he shows causal links between an autocratic political regime and each of those features, and then illustrates them with relevant examples taken from case studies and media publications on the soft power strategies of contemporary Russia and China.
{"title":"What Makes Autocracies’ Soft Power Strategies Special? Evidence from Russia and China","authors":"A. Patalakh","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.41","url":null,"abstract":"The paper problematizes the national soft power strategies of authoritarian states arguing that many of their features stem from those countries’ political regime. In particular, the author focuses on such features as actors involved in soft power policies, the public media’s international and domestic rhetoric, the presence or absence of ideological commitments, strategies’ proactiveness/reactiveness as well as their long- and short-termness. The author presents his argumentation in a fashion similar to what is called theory-building process tracing: first, he shows causal links between an autocratic political regime and each of those features, and then illustrates them with relevant examples taken from case studies and media publications on the soft power strategies of contemporary Russia and China.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"41-69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48823310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.131
G. Hong
The unprecedented surge of populist radical right (PRR) parties across Europe is one of the most striking outcomes of the 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections. To understand this phenomenon, this study attempts to identify the motivations underlying the PRR party support by simultaneously considering the three core ideologies of PRR parties (ethno-nationalism, authoritarianism and populism) and the two types of voting behaviour in EP elections (sincere voting and protest voting). At the same time, assuming that PRR party voters in EP elections could not be homogeneous when taking into consideration their vote choice in the previous national parliament election, it also examines the extent to which the motivation for PRR party support were different between the two types of PRR voters (PRR consistent voters and PRR switching voters). By analysing voting behaviour in Western European countries in which PRR parties were particularly successful in 2014, this study demonstrates that PRR voters in the 2014 EP elections were indeed motivated by European concerns and that they behaved differently according to their vote choice in the previous national parliament election. The results imply that the existing literature based on the ‘second-order election (SOE)’ model has some limitations with regard to fully explaining voting behaviour in EP elections and that PRR voters in EP elections are not a homogeneous group.
{"title":"Does Europe Matter in the European Electoral Arena? Populist Radical Right Party Support in the 2014 European Elections","authors":"G. Hong","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2017.04.15.1.131","url":null,"abstract":"The unprecedented surge of populist radical right (PRR) parties across Europe is one of the most striking outcomes of the 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections. To understand this phenomenon, this study attempts to identify the motivations underlying the PRR party support by simultaneously considering the three core ideologies of PRR parties (ethno-nationalism, authoritarianism and populism) and the two types of voting behaviour in EP elections (sincere voting and protest voting). At the same time, assuming that PRR party voters in EP elections could not be homogeneous when taking into consideration their vote choice in the previous national parliament election, it also examines the extent to which the motivation for PRR party support were different between the two types of PRR voters (PRR consistent voters and PRR switching voters). By analysing voting behaviour in Western European countries in which PRR parties were particularly successful in 2014, this study demonstrates that PRR voters in the 2014 EP elections were indeed motivated by European concerns and that they behaved differently according to their vote choice in the previous national parliament election. The results imply that the existing literature based on the ‘second-order election (SOE)’ model has some limitations with regard to fully explaining voting behaviour in EP elections and that PRR voters in EP elections are not a homogeneous group.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"131-164"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46391055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.507
Seongji Woo
have appeared in KJIR (Korean Journal of International Relations) and KJIS (Korean Journal of International Studies) since 2001. KJIR and KJIS contributors for the last sixteen years have been at the forefront of vigorously spreading knowledge on inter-Korean relations. Increasingly, we are witnessing the advance of articles that are empirically sound, methodologically sophisticated, and theoretically profound. Thanks to authors hard work, we now know more about our subfield than ever before. The authors have covered issues of engagement, conflict behavior and nuclear adventures, stable peace, human rights and humanitarian assistance, and nationalism and unification. I review KJIR and KJIS articles in turn along their themes and conclude by identifying future tasks for Korean Studies scholars. Through developing and trying to solve common puzzles, we may expect to come up with not only continued accumulation of knowledge but also creation of new vocabularies and theories in inter-Korean relations. With the current state of our subfield being what it is, it will not be long before we witness the rise of creative and innovative works solving the great puzzles in our research probes. Special Section Commemorating the 60th Anniversary of the Korean Association of International Studies (KAIS)
{"title":"The State of Research on Inter-Korean Relations Based on KJIR and KJIS Articles","authors":"Seongji Woo","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.507","url":null,"abstract":"have appeared in KJIR (Korean Journal of International Relations) and KJIS (Korean Journal of International Studies) since 2001. KJIR and KJIS contributors for the last sixteen years have been at the forefront of vigorously spreading knowledge on inter-Korean relations. Increasingly, we are witnessing the advance of articles that are empirically sound, methodologically sophisticated, and theoretically profound. Thanks to authors hard work, we now know more about our subfield than ever before. The authors have covered issues of engagement, conflict behavior and nuclear adventures, stable peace, human rights and humanitarian assistance, and nationalism and unification. I review KJIR and KJIS articles in turn along their themes and conclude by identifying future tasks for Korean Studies scholars. Through developing and trying to solve common puzzles, we may expect to come up with not only continued accumulation of knowledge but also creation of new vocabularies and theories in inter-Korean relations. With the current state of our subfield being what it is, it will not be long before we witness the rise of creative and innovative works solving the great puzzles in our research probes. Special Section Commemorating the 60th Anniversary of the Korean Association of International Studies (KAIS)","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"507-524"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67142145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.447
Patrick Hein
Even though 2015 marked the 70 th anniversary of the end of World War II, legacies about the sufferings of so-called comfort women (sexual slaves) continue to remain contested and unresolved in Japan. It is the purpose of the article to examine what kinds of reference points may shape prospects of reconciliation. Though scholarship keeps focusing on apologies and compensation issues, the prerequisites for reconciliation have seldom been dealt with. The article contends that a precondition for reconciliation is the existence of a common set of basic values and principles. How can one reconcile if evil is not recognized as evil? How can one be affected by reconciliation unless one actually meets survivors? By analyzing Japanese government sources, interviews and statements, the article shows how the change of narratives from universal and principled to pragmatic has undermined both state to state and bottom-up prospects for true and enduring reconciliation between Japan and countries affected by military sexual slavery. The comfort women issue has become an issue where history has become deeply intertwined with gender, whereby gender is used to obstruct and obscure history.
{"title":"Unresolved Comfort Women Issue","authors":"Patrick Hein","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.447","url":null,"abstract":"Even though 2015 marked the 70 th anniversary of the end of World War II, legacies about the sufferings of so-called comfort women (sexual slaves) continue to remain contested and unresolved in Japan. It is the purpose of the article to examine what kinds of reference points may shape prospects of reconciliation. Though scholarship keeps focusing on apologies and compensation issues, the prerequisites for reconciliation have seldom been dealt with. The article contends that a precondition for reconciliation is the existence of a common set of basic values and principles. How can one reconcile if evil is not recognized as evil? How can one be affected by reconciliation unless one actually meets survivors? By analyzing Japanese government sources, interviews and statements, the article shows how the change of narratives from universal and principled to pragmatic has undermined both state to state and bottom-up prospects for true and enduring reconciliation between Japan and countries affected by military sexual slavery. The comfort women issue has become an issue where history has become deeply intertwined with gender, whereby gender is used to obstruct and obscure history.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"447-460"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67141929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.369
Jiyun Kih, Jaechun Kim
Contrary to the expectations that the US Cold War alliance system in the Asia-Pacific region would disintegrate with the disappearance of a communist threat as its raison d’etre, the basic structure of the US-led hub-and-spoke system in the region remains largely in place. Nonetheless, the circumstances informing the US Asia-Pacific alliances are no longer the same as during the Cold War years. Some US Asia-Pacific alliances have undergone significant transformations and morphed into more robust and comprehensive strategic partnerships, whereas others have failed to follow suit. Such divergence in alliance transformation in the Asia-Pacific has largely resulted from the ‘capabilities gap’ among US allies in responding to US requests for the expansion of alliance functions and development of cooperative ties among its allies and other partners. A comparative analysis of the ROKUS and US-Philippines alliances suggests that the capabilities gap between South Korea and the Philippines has been the main reason for the divergent paths of transformation that the two alliances have taken.
{"title":"The Capabilities-based Analysis of Alliance Transformation in the Asia-Pacific","authors":"Jiyun Kih, Jaechun Kim","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.369","url":null,"abstract":"Contrary to the expectations that the US Cold War alliance system in the Asia-Pacific region would disintegrate with the disappearance of a communist threat as its raison d’etre, the basic structure of the US-led hub-and-spoke system in the region remains largely in place. Nonetheless, the circumstances informing the US Asia-Pacific alliances are no longer the same as during the Cold War years. Some US Asia-Pacific alliances have undergone significant transformations and morphed into more robust and comprehensive strategic partnerships, whereas others have failed to follow suit. Such divergence in alliance transformation in the Asia-Pacific has largely resulted from the ‘capabilities gap’ among US allies in responding to US requests for the expansion of alliance functions and development of cooperative ties among its allies and other partners. A comparative analysis of the ROKUS and US-Philippines alliances suggests that the capabilities gap between South Korea and the Philippines has been the main reason for the divergent paths of transformation that the two alliances have taken.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"369-389"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67142117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2016.12.14.3.415
Youngsoo Yu
This article argues that human rights improvements are hard to achieve even in democracies because elites and citizens may not want to sacrifice other policy goals for human rights reforms even though both elites and citizens are believed to prefer better human rights protections. Improving human rights is a costly job that requires capacity to deter or reconcile with opposition against reforms, rationales and incentives to break bureaucratic rigidity, and the people’s consent to use resources, as well as sound institutions and higher levels of economic development. Without changes in domestic preferences or resources that are exogenous to domestic institutions and somewhat susceptible to international factors—including changes in power structures, norm diffusion, transactions, and assistance—democratic leaders have little to do beyond supporting current practices in order not to be voted out. Using dynamic ordered probit models, this article assesses whether the democratic effect decreases human rights violations or prevents more violations than current levels. The results indicate that low levels of human rights violations are not more likely to emerge under democratic governments compared to other types of regimes, but low levels of violations are more likely to continue in democracies, which suggest that democratic institutions are effective in maintaining good practices rather than creating them. Demonstrating the limited nature of the democratic effect, this article also lends insight into the alternative causal routes involving international contexts for the improvement of human rights.
{"title":"Do Democratic Institutions Reduce Human Rights Violations or Just Prevent More Violations than Current Levels? An Exogenous Explanation of Human Rights Improvements in Democracies","authors":"Youngsoo Yu","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2016.12.14.3.415","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2016.12.14.3.415","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that human rights improvements are hard to achieve even in democracies because elites and citizens may not want to sacrifice other policy goals for human rights reforms even though both elites and citizens are believed to prefer better human rights protections. Improving human rights is a costly job that requires capacity to deter or reconcile with opposition against reforms, rationales and incentives to break bureaucratic rigidity, and the people’s consent to use resources, as well as sound institutions and higher levels of economic development. Without changes in domestic preferences or resources that are exogenous to domestic institutions and somewhat susceptible to international factors—including changes in power structures, norm diffusion, transactions, and assistance—democratic leaders have little to do beyond supporting current practices in order not to be voted out. Using dynamic ordered probit models, this article assesses whether the democratic effect decreases human rights violations or prevents more violations than current levels. The results indicate that low levels of human rights violations are not more likely to emerge under democratic governments compared to other types of regimes, but low levels of violations are more likely to continue in democracies, which suggest that democratic institutions are effective in maintaining good practices rather than creating them. Demonstrating the limited nature of the democratic effect, this article also lends insight into the alternative causal routes involving international contexts for the improvement of human rights.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"415-446"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67142318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.461
B. Min
This paper looks at and assesses the interest in and the passion for indigenous IR theory which has been proposed for more than half a century in South Korea. South Korea has experienced so many precious chances to think about IR both as its ontological as well as epistemological base. Colonialism, sovereign independence, national partition, a civil war, ideological and military confrontations between the North and the South, and enduring influences of strong neighbors have been just a few elements of IR in South Korea. As such, IR in South Korea have been eventually overwhelmed by its ontological destiny with practical motivations for policy and politics. In this context, this paper evaluates South Korean scholars’ voices for indigenous theory in IR in the perspective of postcolonialism. In the second section, the paper investigates the current situation of IR studies, centering on the publications in the Korean Journal of International Studies for the last decade. This short survey shows how much Korean scholars have tried to overcome their academic dependence on the American theories. Also the paper will discuss the implications of these surveys on the voices for indigenous theories. The final section suggests the missions and future agendas for South Korean IR scholars to contemplate in terms of three dimensions -- the scope of theory, decolonization, and the search for a trading zone between different paradigms.
{"title":"Not So Universal? The Search for Indigenous International Relations Theories in South Korea","authors":"B. Min","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2016.12.14.3.461","url":null,"abstract":"This paper looks at and assesses the interest in and the passion for indigenous IR theory which has been proposed for more than half a century in South Korea. South Korea has experienced so many precious chances to think about IR both as its ontological as well as epistemological base. Colonialism, sovereign independence, national partition, a civil war, ideological and military confrontations between the North and the South, and enduring influences of strong neighbors have been just a few elements of IR in South Korea. As such, IR in South Korea have been eventually overwhelmed by its ontological destiny with practical motivations for policy and politics. In this context, this paper evaluates South Korean scholars’ voices for indigenous theory in IR in the perspective of postcolonialism. In the second section, the paper investigates the current situation of IR studies, centering on the publications in the Korean Journal of International Studies for the last decade. This short survey shows how much Korean scholars have tried to overcome their academic dependence on the American theories. Also the paper will discuss the implications of these surveys on the voices for indigenous theories. The final section suggests the missions and future agendas for South Korean IR scholars to contemplate in terms of three dimensions -- the scope of theory, decolonization, and the search for a trading zone between different paradigms.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"461-487"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67142008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2016.12.14.3.489
Seok-hyun Kim
During the past 30 years, IPE studies in Korea have achieved outstanding developments in terms of the amount of research, academic issues, applied methodologies, and targeted regions. Even though we have been through introductory and expansion periods of Korean IPE studies, we have been trying to move into an indigenous period. This study compares the first 50 years’ IPE studies with recent 10 years’ IPE studies in Korea. There have been many changes in IPE studies in Korea. First, the number of articles related to International Trade has dropped dramatically during the last 10 years, while the number of articles in the categories of Money-Finance and Development Assistance has increased rapidly. Second, there have been decreasing academic interests in Korea and the United States, while there have been growing interests in other countries in Asia, especially China. Third, there have been methodological changes in IPE studies in Korea. We have seen more studies that have utilized comparative and statistical methods, while the number of review articles dropped rapidly. Finally, the number of articles featuring theory introduction and comparison has decreased, while the number of articles featuring theory verification has increased in the last decade. In the academic field of IPE in Korea, scholars need to prepare for new developments in the global economy such as exponentially growing cross-border economic transactions, growing importance of non-state actors, rapid technological developments and the new industrial revolution. In the process of preparation, we need to search for indigenous IPE studies in Korea as well as to develop generalized IPE theories. We always need to consider striking a balance between academic universality and academic distinctiveness.
{"title":"Studies of International Political Economy in Korea","authors":"Seok-hyun Kim","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2016.12.14.3.489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2016.12.14.3.489","url":null,"abstract":"During the past 30 years, IPE studies in Korea have achieved outstanding developments in terms of the amount of research, academic issues, applied methodologies, and targeted regions. Even though we have been through introductory and expansion periods of Korean IPE studies, we have been trying to move into an indigenous period. This study compares the first 50 years’ IPE studies with recent 10 years’ IPE studies in Korea. There have been many changes in IPE studies in Korea. First, the number of articles related to International Trade has dropped dramatically during the last 10 years, while the number of articles in the categories of Money-Finance and Development Assistance has increased rapidly. Second, there have been decreasing academic interests in Korea and the United States, while there have been growing interests in other countries in Asia, especially China. Third, there have been methodological changes in IPE studies in Korea. We have seen more studies that have utilized comparative and statistical methods, while the number of review articles dropped rapidly. Finally, the number of articles featuring theory introduction and comparison has decreased, while the number of articles featuring theory verification has increased in the last decade. In the academic field of IPE in Korea, scholars need to prepare for new developments in the global economy such as exponentially growing cross-border economic transactions, growing importance of non-state actors, rapid technological developments and the new industrial revolution. In the process of preparation, we need to search for indigenous IPE studies in Korea as well as to develop generalized IPE theories. We always need to consider striking a balance between academic universality and academic distinctiveness.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"489-506"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67142082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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